WWaasshhiinnggttoonn UUnniivveerrssiittyy LLaaww RReevviieeww Volume 85 Issue 3 2007 OOrraall AAddvvooccaaccyy BBeeffoorree tthhee UUnniitteedd SSttaatteess SSuupprreemmee CCoouurrtt:: DDooeess IItt AAffffeecctt tthhee JJuussttiicceess'' DDeecciissiioonnss?? Timothy R. Johnson University of Minnesota Law School James F. Spriggs II Washington University School of Law Paul J. Wahlbeck George Washington University Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview Part of the Judges Commons RReeccoommmmeennddeedd CCiittaattiioonn Timothy R. Johnson, James F. Spriggs II, and Paul J. Wahlbeck, Oral Advocacy Before the United States Supreme Court: Does It Affect the Justices' Decisions?, 85 WASH. U. L. REV. 457 (2007). Available at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview/vol85/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Law Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Washington University Law Review VOLUME 85 NUMBER 3 2007 ORAL ADVOCACY BEFORE THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT: DOES IT AFFECT THE JUSTICES’ DECISIONS?† TIMOTHY R. JOHNSON∗ JAMES F. SPRIGGS II∗∗ PAUL J. WAHLBECK∗∗∗ I. INTRODUCTION A rarely challenged assertion among appellate court judges, lawyers who engage in appellate work, and scholars who teach and study appellate practice is the following: oral argument is an important, if not key, element in the process of successfully appealing a case.1 Textbooks on † © Timothy R. Johnson, James F. Spriggs, and Paul J. Wahlbeck. We thank Ryan Black, Darryn Beckstrom, and Justin Wedeking for their research assistance. Johnson thanks the National Science Foundation (IIS-0324992) for partially funding this project and the University of Minnesota’s Department of Political Science for funding data collection through its MacMillan Travel Grant fund. Spriggs thanks The Center for Empirical Research in the Law, Washington University in Saint Louis School of Law. We appreciate the helpful comments of David Stras, Pauline Kim, Margo Schlanger, and participants at colloquia at Vanderbilt University Law School, University of Texas School of Law, and Fordham University. All data used in this Article are available upon request from the authors. ∗ Associate Professor of Political Science and Adjunct Professor of Law, University of Minnesota, http://www.polisci.umn.edu/~tjohnson/. ∗∗ Professor of Political Science, Professor of Law (by courtesy), and Fellow, Center for Empirical Research in Law, Washington University in St. Louis, http://polisci.wustl.edu/sub_page. php?s=3&m=0&d=83. ∗∗∗ Professor of Political Science, George Washington University, http://home.gwu.edu/ ~wahlbeck/. 1. Advocates, legal scholars, and judges often agree that appellate-level oral arguments are important. See RUGGERO J. ALDISERT, WINNING ON APPEAL: BETTER BRIEFS AND ORAL ARGUMENTS (2d ed. 2003); AM. BAR ASS’N, APPELLATE PRACTICE MANUAL (Pricilla Anne Schwab, ed., 1992); ROBERT L. STERN, APPELLATE PRACTICE IN THE UNITED STATES (2d ed. 1989); Myron H. Bright, The Power of the Spoken Word: In Defense of Oral Argument, 72 IOWA L. REV. 35 (1986); Joseph W. 457 Washington University Open Scholarship p457 Johnson Spriggs Wahlbeck book pages.doc1/22/08 458 WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW [VOL. 85:457 appellate practice routinely declare that lawyers must adequately prepare for oral argument and outline assorted tactics for enhancing the likelihood of success on appeal. According to Robert Stern, “It has become axiomatic for writers on appellate advocacy, many of whom are appellate judges, to emphasize the importance of oral argument.”2 Judges also often echo this idea. For instance, Myron Bright declares that “[i]n my opinion, oral argument is an essential component of the decisionmaking process, and plays an important role in assisting the appellate judge in reaching a decision.”3 These types of assertions make an assumption that has not yet been subjected to rigorous empirical analysis—that oral arguments provide information of value to judges and that they can, at times, influence case outcomes. U.S. Supreme Court Justices generally agree with this conventional view of oral advocacy. They commonly express the belief that when they sit for oral arguments to discuss cases with counsel and among themselves, these proceedings can play a critical role in how they decide. Former Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes wrote that, in most cases, the impressions a Justice develops during oral arguments “accord[] with the conviction which controls his final vote.”4 Two decades later Justice Robert Jackson echoed the sentiments of the former Chief: “I think the Justices would answer unanimously that now, as traditionally, they rely heavily on oral presentations. . . . [I]t always is of the highest, and often of controlling, importance.”5 Current Justices find the arguments are a critical part of their decision making process. As Justice Antonin Scalia quipped, he initially believed oral arguments were “a dog and pony show” before joining the bench, but after sitting for almost two decades he believes that “[t]hings . . . can be put in perspective during oral argument in a way that they can’t in a written brief.”6 This sort of thinking led Justice Harlan to advise lawyers that “your oral argument on an appeal is perhaps the most effective Hatchett & Robert J. Telfer, III, The Importance of Appellate Oral Argument, 33 STETSON L. REV. 139 (2003); Stanley Mosk, In Defense of Oral Argument, 1 J. APP. PRAC. & PROCESS 25 (1999). But see Robert J. Martineau, The Value of Appellate Oral Argument: A Challenge to the Conventional Wisdom, 72 IOWA L. REV. 1 (1986) (questioning the value of oral arguments at appellate courts). 2. STERN, supra note 1, at 363. 3. Bright, supra note 1, at 36. 4. CHARLES EVANS HUGHES, THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES 61 (1928). 5. Robert H. Jackson, Advocacy Before the Supreme Court: Suggestions for Effective Case Presentation, 37 A.B.A. J. 801, 801 (1951). 6. DAVID O’BRIEN, STORM CENTER 282 (4th ed. 1996). https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview/vol85/iss3/1 p457 Johnson Spriggs Wahlbeck book pages.doc1/22/08 2007] THE INFLUENCE OF ORAL ARGUMENT 459 weapon you have got if you will give it the time and attention it deserves.”7 These insights suggest that these proceedings may provide critical information for Supreme Court Justices which, in turn, may affect their decisions on the merits of a case.8 This received wisdom among lawyers and judges, however, is generally not shared by political scientists who study appellate courts. They have produced a considerable amount of research explaining the decisions of appellate courts, showing that a host of variables influence the outcomes of cases. Among these explanatory factors are judges’ ideological orientations, strategic considerations resulting in intracourt bargaining over opinion drafts, legal norms, contextual factors such as workload, and case characteristics.9 While there has been little systematic research done on oral arguments, political scientists often assume that, after one controls for the factors generally shown to influence court outcomes, there is little variation left for oral arguments to explain. In addition, they suggest that the institutional setting of the Supreme Court 7. John M. Harlan, What Part Does the Oral Argument Play in the Conduct of an Appeal?, 41 CORNELL L.Q. 6, 11 (1956). 8. Many other Justices agree with their colleagues. For instance, Justice Brennan suggests that, while not controlling his votes, this process helps form his substantive assumptions about a case: “Often my whole notion of what a case is about crystallizes at oral argument. This happens even though I read the briefs before oral argument. . . . Often my idea of how a case shapes up is changed by oral argument . . . .” ROBERT L. STERN, EUGENE GRESSMAN, STEPHEN M. SHAPIRO & KENNETH S. GELLER, SUPREME COURT PRACTICE 671 (8th ed. 2002) [hereinafter STERN ET AL.]. Chief Justice Rehnquist agrees with this assertion and states that oral advocacy has affected his thoughts about specific cases: “In a significant minority of the cases in which I have heard oral argument, I have left the bench feeling differently about a case than I did when I came on the bench. The change is seldom a full one-hundred-and-eighty-degree swing . . . .” WILLIAM H. REHNQUIST, THE SUPREME COURT 243– 44 (2d ed. 2001). More specifically, Chief Justice Rehnquist suggests that a good oral argument “will have something to do with how the case comes out.” Id. at 244. In general, the point is that even though oral arguments may not control the outcome of a case in terms of changing votes, they may provide key information to the Justices, so the importance of these proceedings cannot be overlooked. Note that there has been criticism of the process. For instance, Justice Powell was disappointed at the level of advocacy when he joined the bench. “I certainly had expected that there would be relatively few mediocre performances before the Court. I regret to say that performance has not measured up to my expectations.” STERN ET AL., supra, at 671. 9. See, e.g., HANSFORD & SPRIGGS, THE POLITICS OF PRECEDENT ON THE U.S. SUPREME COURT (2006); VIRGINIA HETTINGER, STEFANIE LINDQUIST & WENDY MARTINEK, JUDGING ON A COLLEGIAL COURT: INFLUENCES ON FEDERAL APPELLATE COURT DECISION MAKING (2006) [hereinafter HETTINGER ET AL.]; DAVID KLEIN, MAKING LAW IN THE UNITED STATES COURTS OF APPEALS (2002); FORREST MALTZMAN, JAMES F. SPRIGGS II & PAUL J. WAHLBECK, CRAFTING LAW ON THE SUPREME COURT: THE COLLEGIAL GAME (2000) [hereinafter MALTZMAN ET AL.]; JEFFREY A. SEGAL & HAROLD J. SPAETH, THE SUPREME COURT AND THE ATTITUDINAL MODEL REVISITED (2002); EPSTEIN & KNIGHT, THE CHOICES JUSTICES MAKE (1998); DONALD R. SONGER, REGINALD S. SHEEHAN & SUSAN B. HAIRE, CONTINUITY AND CHANGE ON THE UNITED STATES COURTS OF APPEALS (2000). Washington University Open Scholarship p457 Johnson Spriggs Wahlbeck book pages.doc1/22/08 460 WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW [VOL. 85:457 renders the oral argument stage somewhat irrelevant to decisional outcomes. Justices, after all, have reasonably strong preferences, and the agenda-setting process results in a plenary docket comprised of cases having thorny factual and legal issues and containing precedents on both sides of the issue. Segal and Spaeth articulate the textbook political science view, noting that there is no systematic empirical evidence that “oral argument regularly, or even infrequently, determines who wins and who loses.”10 This divergence between the conventional wisdom in the legal academy and the almost dismissive viewpoint of the political science literature raises the empirical question at the heart of our study: do oral arguments actually matter at the U.S. Supreme Court? That is, what, if any, information do the Justices actually garner from these proceedings, and what consequences, if any, does such information have for the outcomes of cases? While a small literature has developed on this topic, the vast majority of the work is case studies that focus on how one or a few cases were affected by what transpired during these proceedings.11 Our goal is to move beyond these largely anecdotal accounts to provide systematic quantitative evidence showing that Justices are influenced by the arguments put forward by lawyers. In this Article, we are interested in testing empirically the extent to which Justices utilize information that can be drawn from the oral arguments, as well as the extent to which such information affects the decisions they make. In order to do so, we draw on a unique set of data: notes taken by former Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun as he sat on the bench during oral arguments. In each case, he took notes that include 10. SEGAL & SPAETH, supra note 9, at 280. See THOMAS G. WALKER & LEE EPSTEIN, THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: AN INTRODUCTION 106 (1993) (suggesting that, while orals are relevant, “[p]robably few [of the Justices’] minds are significantly changed”). 11. A small, but rich, cross-disciplinary literature suggests that the Justices garner information about their legal and policy choices, and that this information is ultimately used in majority opinions. See, e.g., TIMOTHY R. JOHNSON, ORAL ARGUMENTS AND DECISION MAKING ON THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT (2004) (providing a systematic analysis); William L. Benoit, Attorney Argumentation and Supreme Court Opinions, 26 ARGUMENTATION & ADVOC. 22 (1989) (providing anecdotal evidence); see also Donald S. Cohen, Judicial Predictability in United States Supreme Court Advocacy: An Analysis of the Oral Argument in Tenn. Valley Auth. v. Hill, 2 U. PUGET SOUND L. REV. 89 (1978); Neil D. McFeeley & Richard J. Ault, Supreme Court Oral Argument: An Exploratory Analysis, 20 JURIMETRICS J. 52 (1979); Arthur S. Miller & Jerome A. Barron, The Supreme Court, the Adversary System, and the Flow of Information to the Justices: A Preliminary Inquiry, 61 VA. L. REV. 1187 (1975); Stephen L. Wasby, Anthony A. D’Amato & Rosemary Metrailer, The Functions of Oral Argument in the U.S. Supreme Court, 62 Q. J. SPEECH 410 (1976) [hereinafter Wasby et al.]. But cf. Warren D. Wolfson, Oral Argument: Does It Matter?, 35 IND. L. REV. 451, 454 (2002). https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview/vol85/iss3/1 p457 Johnson Spriggs Wahlbeck book pages.doc1/22/08 2007] THE INFLUENCE OF ORAL ARGUMENT 461 information perfectly tailored for investigating the role of oral arguments at the Court. Among other things, his oral argument notes record a grade for each attorney’s oral presentation before the Court and contain comments raised by his colleagues. His oral argument notes even go so far as to predict the other Justices’ final votes on the merits in many cases. Our empirical investigation focuses on two areas. First, we are interested in the quality of the oral advocacy presented to the Court, especially in terms of its etiology, as well as its effectiveness. We investigate these questions empirically by utilizing notes taken by Blackmun during oral arguments while he sat on the Court. Specifically, we here utilize the grades that Justice Blackmun assigned to each attorney’s oral arguments. This information allows us to answer two related questions: (1) why do some attorneys make better arguments before the Court; and (2) does the quality of oral advocacy influence who wins and loses? Second, we turn our attention to the information the Justices elicit about themselves during oral arguments. We analyze data on how often Justice Blackmun paid attention to the views expressed by his brethren during oral arguments (by examining when and why he recorded the comments of a particular colleague during orals) and the factors that led him to pay attention to some, but not all, of his colleagues. Additionally, we utilize Blackmun’s notes to demonstrate that what transpired during oral arguments provided him with an indication of whether his colleagues would vote to affirm or reverse the lower court decision at issue. We do so through an examination of when Justice Blackmun attempted to predict the votes of his colleagues in his oral argument notes. The Article proceeds as follows. In the next two Parts, we take up our first set of questions, which focuses on whether experienced and resourceful attorneys provide better arguments and whether arguments presented by counsel can affect decisions Justices make. Part IV focuses on whether Justices attempt to learn about their colleagues during oral arguments and whether such information affects the coalition-formation process that follows the arguments. Finally, we analyze whether what transpires during oral arguments can help a Justice make predictions about how a case will ultimately be decided. II. INFORMATION AND ORAL ARGUMENT Our most general claim is that oral arguments provide information that can reduce the Justices’ uncertainty regarding aspects of a case. While the Washington University Open Scholarship p457 Johnson Spriggs Wahlbeck book pages.doc1/22/08 462 WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW [VOL. 85:457 Justices generally come to these proceedings after reading the written briefs and the lower court record, they often still face some degree of uncertainty regarding what are generally complex legal and factual issues. The Justices, for example, need an understanding of the legal status quo, the policy choices available to them, the likely effect that different legal rulings will have on the litigants and other similarly situated parties, and the like. It is in this context that lawyers appear before the Court and attempt to provide the Justices with information that will help their clients’ cause. Counsel appearing before the bench can do so by providing “a clear presentation of the issues, of the relationship of those issues to existing 12 law, and of the implications of a decision for public policy.” As Justice Blackmun suggests, “A good oralist can add a lot to a case and help [us] in our later analysis of what the case is all about. . . . Many times confusion 13 [in the brief] is clarified by what the lawyers have to say.” Johnson, for example, provides evidence that Justices often “seek new information during these proceedings,” especially when they are more uncertain about 14 how to act and when a case is more complex. These proceedings thus have the potential to crystallize Justices’ views or to move them toward a 15 particular outcome. Justices themselves, in their writings and speeches, provide hints as to why oral arguments provide information relevant for deciding cases.16 For them, there are two main pieces of information they can gather from these proceedings: information they draw out of counsel about the Court’s legal and policy options and information about how their colleagues view the case. They further suggest that these sources of information are helpful as they deliberate over the answers to legal questions before them. We consider these two types of information in turn. First, and most basically, Justices posit that during oral arguments, counsel provide information that helps them decide on the merits of cases they hear. Former Chief Justice William Rehnquist pointed out that discussing a case directly with the advocates allows Justices to evaluate 12. Paul J. Wahlbeck, The Development of a Legal Rule: The Federal Common Law of Public Nuisance, 32 LAW & SOC’Y REV. 613, 623 (1998) (citing Kevin T. McGuire, Repeat Players in the Supreme Court: The Role of Experienced Lawyers in Litigation Success, 57 J. POL. 187 (1995)). 13. Philippa Strum, Change and Continuity on the Supreme Court: Conversations with Justice Harry A. Blackmun, 34 U. RICH. L. REV. 285, 298 (2000). 14. JOHNSON, supra note 11, at 5. 15. See, e.g., Wasby et al., supra note 11; JOHNSON, supra note 11. 16. This part draws on JOHNSON, supra note 11. https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview/vol85/iss3/1 p457 Johnson Spriggs Wahlbeck book pages.doc1/22/08 2007] THE INFLUENCE OF ORAL ARGUMENT 463 counsel’s “strong points and your weak points, and to ask . . . some questions [about the case].”17 Further, Justice Byron White argued that during these proceedings, the Court treats lawyers as resources to provide new or clarifying information so that the Justices can gain a clearer picture of the case at hand.18 This suggests that there may be points about which the Justices are still unclear after reading the briefs, and a face-to-face exchange can help them clarify their thinking. As Justice Rehnquist added: “One can do his level best to digest from the briefs . . . what he believes necessary to decide the case, and still find himself falling short in one aspect or another of either the law or the facts. Oral argument can cure these shortcomings.”19 This function should not be overlooked. As Justice John Harlan argued, “[T]here is no substitute . . . for the Socratic method of procedure in getting at the real heart of an issue and in finding out where the truth lies.”20 Thus, one specific function of the arguments is to allow counsel to convey information that may help the Court deal with specific issues of a case. That the Justices gather information from counsel during oral argument is intuitive. While the briefs may address almost every legal intricacy, counsel cannot always know what information the Justices want. It is only during oral arguments, then, that Justices can discuss with counsel those points that pique their interests. As Justice Rehnquist suggested, “[O]ral argument offers . . . a direct interchange of ideas between court and counsel. . . . Counsel can play a significant role in responding to the concerns of the judges, concerns that counsel won’t always be able to anticipate in preparing the briefs.”21 This, Rehnquist argued, is important because it allows the Justices to begin to form their thoughts about how they may ultimately rule: “Probably the most important catalyst for generating further thought was the oral argument of that case.”22 Thus, these proceedings provide a time for Justices to raise issues that they believe will help decide a case.23 17. William H. Rehnquist, Oral Advocacy: A Disappearing Art, 35 MERCER L. REV. 1015 (1984). 18. Byron R. White, The Work of the Supreme Court: A Nuts and Bolts Description, 54 N.Y. ST. B. J. 346, 383 (1982). 19. REHNQUIST, supra note 8, at 245. 20. Harlan, supra note 7, at 7. 21. Rehnquist, supra note 17, at 1021. 22. REHNQUIST, supra note 8, at 241. 23. See JOHNSON, supra note 11; Timothy R. Johnson, Information, Oral Arguments, and Washington University Open Scholarship p457 Johnson Spriggs Wahlbeck book pages.doc1/22/08 464 WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW [VOL. 85:457 Second, beyond gathering information from the advocates, Justices posit that oral arguments can clarify their own thinking and “perhaps that of their colleagues.”24 In other words, during these proceedings, they contemplate how the arguments relate to their own, as well as to their colleagues’, vote to reverse or affirm the lower court decision. They do so by speaking with one another as much as they speak with counsel.25 As Justice Scalia stated almost two decades ago, “It isn’t just an interchange between counsel and each of the individual Justices; what is going on is to some extent an exchange of information among Justices themselves.”26 Other Justices and the lawyers involved in the process have echoed similar sentiments.27 In short, questions Justices ask during oral arguments have as much to do with eliciting information from counsel as they do with telling their colleagues how they view a case.28 Supreme Court Decision Making, 29 AM. POL. RES. 331 (2001). 24. See White, supra note 18, at 383. Additionally, it is interesting to note that at least one former Justice attempted to test this argument. Chief Justice Hughes provided anecdotal evidence that a Justice’s impressions of a case after oral argument often conform to his or her final votes. He suggested that one of his colleagues from the New York Court of Appeals kept track of his immediate, post-oral-argument impressions of a case, and that 90% of the time these thoughts accorded with his final vote. HUGHES, supra note 4, at 62. This conclusion is supported by Justice Harlan’s experience with oral arguments several years later. When he kept a similar diary, Harlan found that “more times than not—the views which I had at the end of the day’s session jibed with the final views that I formed after the more careful study of the briefs . . . .” Harlan, supra note 7, at 7. Judges Richard Arnold and Myron Bright kept records at the Eighth Circuit for cases decided between September 1982 and June 1983, comparing their views of the cases pre– and post–oral argument. Judge Bright’s view changed after oral arguments in 31% of cases, and Judge Arnold’s view differed after oral arguments in 17% of cases. Bright, supra note 1, at 40. 25. For instance, E. Barrett Prettyman’s analysis of hypothetical questions indicates that Justices are communicating with one another through these types of questions. See E. Barrett Prettyman, Jr., The Supreme Court’s Use of Hypothetical Questions at Oral Argument, 33 CATH. U. L. REV. 555, 556 (1984). 26. Interview by Paul Duke with Antonin Scalia, Associate Justice, U.S. Supreme Court, THIS HONORABLE COURT (PBS Video 1988). 27. Justice Stevens (as quoted by Justice Kennedy) said: “[During oral arguments] the Court is having a conversation with itself through the intermediary of the attorney.” Interview by A.E. Dick Howard with Anthony M. Kennedy, Associate Justice, U.S. Supreme Court, SUPREME COURT VISITORS FILM (1997). Lawyers who appear before the Court confirm this point. As former Solicitor General Ted Olson put it, “It's like a highly stylized Japanese theater. . . . The Justices use questions to make points to their colleagues.” Joan Biskupic, Justices Make Points by Questioning Lawyers: High Court May Hint at Views in Oral Arguments, USA TODAY, Oct. 6, 2006, at 7A, available at 2006 WLNR 17320019. See also Hatchett & Telfer, supra note 1, at 144. 28. Johnson provides initial anecdotal evidence of this phenomenon. JOHNSON, supra note 11. Specifically, his analysis of 75 civil liberties cases decided between 1972 and 1986 demonstrates that Justices listen to their colleagues, sometimes quite closely, during these proceedings. Id. https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview/vol85/iss3/1 p457 Johnson Spriggs Wahlbeck book pages.doc1/22/08 2007] THE INFLUENCE OF ORAL ARGUMENT 465 III. DOES THE QUALITY OF ORAL ADVOCACY AFFECT SUPREME COURT DECISIONS? To plumb the extent to which arguments put forth by counsel during oral arguments can affect the Justices’ decisions, we analyze an interesting source of data: Justice Harry Blackmun’s contemporaneous evaluations of the arguments presented by attorneys who participated in these proceedings. Appointed by President Richard M. Nixon in 1970, Justice Blackmun served on the Court until his retirement in 1994. During this time, Justice Blackmun took extensive notes while he sat on the bench for oral arguments. In fact, notes exist in his files at the Library of Congress for almost every case in which he sat. He also kept similar notes for a shorter time period while he sat on the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals from 1959 to 1970. His Eighth Circuit notes, taken from 1961 to 1970, are also available at the Library of Congress. Specifically, Justice Blackmun’s Supreme Court oral argument notes include substantive comments about each attorney’s positions and a grade for oral argument, as well as notes and comments regarding what other Justices said at orals. For example, in Florida Department of State v. Treasure Salvors,29 Blackmun wrote ten substantive comments about the argument made by the respondent’s attorney, Paul Horan, and then noted that “[h]e makes t[he] most o[f] a thin, tough case.”30 The attorney then earned a 6 on Blackmun’s 8-point grading scale. In First National Maintenance Corporation v. N.L.R.B.,31 Blackmun wrote of the petitioner’s attorney, “The argument has persuaded me to reverse,” when assigning him a score of 5 on his 8-point scale.32 Blackmun also offered harsher evaluations at times. He commented on the Nebraska Assistant Attorney General’s argument in Murphy v. Hunt33 by noting, “very confusing talk about Nebraska’s bail statutes;” the attorney received a grade of 4.34 Similarly, in Kugler v. Helfant,35 the respondent’s attorney 29. 458 U.S. 670 (1982). 30. Oral Argument Notes from Harry Blackmun, Justice, U.S. Supreme Court (Jan. 20, 1982) (on file with Washington University Law Review). Justice Blackmun used a set of cryptic abbreviations in his notes. Specifically, here, he wrote, “He makes t most o a thin, tough case.” Of the other attorney in the case, Susan Smathers, Blackmun noted “She hangs in there.” Id. 31. 452 U.S. 666 (1981). 32. Oral Argument Notes from Harry Blackmun, Justice, U.S. Supreme Court (Apr. 21, 1981) (on file in the Personal Papers of Justice Blackmun, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.). 33. 455 U.S. 478 (1982). 34. Oral Argument Notes from Harry Blackmun, Justice, U.S. Supreme Court (Jan. 18, 1982) (on file with the Library of Congress). Washington University Open Scholarship