MARBURG JOURNAL OF RELIGION, Vol. 18, No. 1 (2016) 1 “Coming Out” or “Staying in the Closet”– Deconversion Narratives of Muslim Apostates in Jordan Katarzyna Sidło Abstract This article describes a pilot study conducted between 22.03.2013 and 22.05.2013 among deconverts from Islam in Jordan. Due to the religious and cultural taboo surrounding apostasy, those who left Islam are notoriously difficult to access in a systematic way and constitute what is known in social research as a ‘hidden’ or ‘hard-to-reach’ population. Consequently, the non-probability sampling methods, namely an online survey, were used to recruit participants to the study. The objective of this research was threefold: (a) exploring the community of apostates from Islam in Jordan, (b) understanding the rationale behind decision to disaffiliate from Islam, and (c) analysing their narratives of deconversion. In addition, this paper examines the changes that occurred in respondents’ lives as a result of their apostasy and the degree of secrecy about their decision. Background The problem of apostasy from Islam is a complex and controversial one. The Quran itself does not explicitly name death as a prescribed penalty for abandoning Islam. The commonly agreed interpretation of the few verses (Arabic – ayats) that mention apostasy is to the effect that Allah will inflict punishment on apostates in the afterlife (Quran, 2:17, 3:87, 9:74, 18:291; usually invoked in this context is ayat from surah Al-Baqara (2:256) “There is no compulsion in religion”2). In the Sunna, on the other hand, we can find a number of hadiths (e.g. Al Bukhari3, in which the Prophet or his companions ordered to kill individuals that left Islam - although, many others, according to which even the Prophet forgave apostates, can be found, e.g. Sunan an-Nasa'i, Book 37:104 or Sunan Abi Dawud, Book 40:8). Based on them, all major schools of Islamic law prescribe capital punishment as a penalty for apostasy, while at the same time disagreeing on some basic issues such as whether women should also be killed 1 The Koran Interpreted: a Translation, ed. A. J. Arberry (Touchstone, 1996). 2 Ibid. 3 Al-Bukhari, Sahih (Dar tuq an-naga'a, 2001). MARBURG JOURNAL OF RELIGION, Vol. 18, No. 1 (2016) 2 or rather imprisoned and beaten until they come back to Islam4. At the same time, though, as noted by Cook5, “it is not certain when this [death penalty for apostasy] became normative (probably during the early Abbasid times),” since “it appears that there were very few executions of apostates during the Umayyad period and during the reign of early Abbasids” and the actual practice during the life of the Prophet and the first caliphs is rather difficult to establish. Nevertheless, the vast majority of Muslim thinkers in the pre-modern period was of opinion that capital punishment is a mandatory one for apostates6. These days, however, a relatively small, yet growing number of scholars, such as Mohammad Hashim Kamali7 or Mohsen Kadivar8, question or outright oppose such a view. As for the country legislature, nowadays most of the Muslim countries do not treat apostasy as a criminal offence, and so converts from Islam do not officially face death penalty. Constitutions of the majority of predominantly Muslim countries in which Islam is the state religion, with the exception of Comoros, Mauritania, Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and the Maldives, provide constitutional guarantees of freedom of religion or belief9. At the same time, though, apostasy is considered a criminal offence in Afghanistan, Brunei10, Kuwait, Comoros, Mauritania (based on the 1983 Criminal Code, an apostate is given 3 days 4 Most Shi’a and Hanafi scholars believe women should be imprisoned and beaten until they come back to Islam. The majority view of Maliki, Shafi’i and Hanbali scholars is that an apostate, regardless of their gender, should be killed. 5 David Cook, "Apostasy from Islam: A Historical Perspective," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 31 (2006): 248-288. 6 Abdullah Saeed and Hassan Saeed, Freedom of Religion, Apostasy and Islam (Ashgate Pub Ltd, 2004). 7 Ibid. 8 Mohsen Kadivar, "Freedom of Religion and Belief in Islam," in Islam and Religious Diversity. Critical Concepts in Islamic Studies, ed. Lloyd Ridgeon (London and New York: Routledge, 2014), 198-220. 9 United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, The Religion-State Relationship and the Right to Freedom of Religion or Belief : A Comparative Textual Analysis of the Constitutions of Majority Muslim Countries and Other Oic Members (Washington, DC: United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, 2012). 10 Until recently, Muslims could abandon Islam after receiving a formal permission from the state. A sharia- based 2014 Criminal Code, not fully in force yet, deems apostasy a capital crime, though. The separate provisions are supposed to be imposed gradually in three phases until 2017. Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review Nineteenth session, "National Report Submitted in Accordance with MARBURG JOURNAL OF RELIGION, Vol. 18, No. 1 (2016) 3 to repent), Sudan (Penal Code of 1991), Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates (Penal Code of 1987), Qatar (2004 Penal Law)11 and Yemen (Penal Code of 1994)12. The criminal and penal laws of Morocco do not mention apostasy at all, although the Supreme Council of Religious Scholars issued in April 2013 a fatwa naming it a capital offence. Similarly, in Maldives it is not legally persecuted, but at the same time apostasy is considered a breach of the Islamic law. In Bahrain, the constitution “implies that Muslims are forbidden to change their religion”13, and in Malaysia apostasy is considered a capital offence in the Kelantan and Terengganu provinces, yet since the state law does not contain such a provision, the status of those local laws is not fully clear. In general, those laws are not widely enforced by the states; in Saudi Arabia the last reported case of execution for apostasy was in 1992, in Qatar – in 197114 . There have been reported cases of converts from Islam being put before court in Iran; even though the Iranian Penal Code does not specifically name apostasy a crime, it appears to be the only country were the death punishment for abandoning Islam has been actually implemented15. In some countries, like Egypt16 or Iraq17, conversion from Islam is not prohibited by law, but in effect it is formally impossible due to the obstacles placed by officials, who decline to recognize conversions on legal documents. Yet in other countries, like Libya, Turkey, Algeria or Tunisia, there may be no official stumbling blocks, but as everywhere else in the Muslim world (or among religious people in general, regardless of the religion they profess, for that matter), the societal pressure and vision of “civil death” forces many people to “stay in the closet”. Paragraph 5 of the Annex to Human Rights Council Resolution 16/21" (2014); Hanibal Goitom, ed., Laws Criminalizing Apostasy in Selected Jurisdictions (Global Legal Research Center, 2014). 11 Goitom, op.cit. 12 U.S. Department of State, "International Religious Freedom Report for 2013. Jordan" (2013). 13 Ibid. 14 "International Religious Freedom Report for 2013", U.S. Department of State (2014). 15 Goitom, op. cit. 16 Moataz Ahmed El Fegiery, "Islamic Law and Freedom of Religion: The Case of Apostasy and Its Legal Implications in Egypt", Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 10 (2013), 1-26. 17 The core of this article has been completed before the emergence of DAESH, the so-called “Islamic State”, whose territories cover parts of Iraq and in which abandoning Islam is punishable by death. MARBURG JOURNAL OF RELIGION, Vol. 18, No. 1 (2016) 4 It is also worth mentioning that in certain instances, for example in Somalia or Egypt18, in the absence of direct criminalization of apostasy, blasphemy laws might be applied to put the converts from Islam before court19, both by the authorities and relatives or business partners seeking to win the inheritance cases20 or commercial legal disputes. In Jordan, the constitution guarantees “the free exercise of all forms of worship and religious rites in accordance with the customs observed in the Kingdom, unless such is inconsistent with public order or morality”21. At the same time, though, Islam is the official religion of the state and as stated by the law “matters of personal status of Moslems”22 fall under the jurisdiction of Sharia Courts, which “shall in the exercise of their jurisdiction apply the provisions of the Sharia law”23. According to the US Bureau of Democracy24: As the government does not allow conversion from Islam, it also does not recognize converts from Islam as falling under the jurisdiction of their new religious community’s laws in matters of personal status. Under Islamic law, these converts are considered to be Muslims and generally regarded as apostates. Any member of society may file an apostasy complaint against them. In cases that an Islamic law court decides, judges can annul converts’ marriages, transfer child custody to a non-parent Muslim family member or declare them ‘wards of the state’, convey an individual’s property rights to Muslim family members, and deprive individuals of many civil rights (converts from Islam face similar situation in Oman and Syria). Although the law does not officially penalize apostasy with death, the Jordanian Iftaa’ Department, which is responsible for issuing official fatwas, ruled on a number of occasions otherwise, such as in public fatwa No. 901 dated 02.08.201025 or No. 237 from 28.05.200926. 18 El Fegiery, op.cit. 19 Dissent Denied. Survey of Global Blasphemy and Incitement Laws & Cases, a report by the Center for Inquiry (2013). 20 Maurits Berger, "Apostasy and Public Policy in Contemporary Egypt: An Evaluation of Recent Cases from Egypt's Highest Courts," Human Rights Quarterly 25, no. 3 (2003), 720-740. 21 Constitution of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, January 01, 1952, art. 14, http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b53310.html (accessed on 15 May, 2014). 22 Constitution of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, 1 January, 1952, art. 105. 23 Ibid. 24 Bureau of Democracy U.S. State Department, Human Rights, and Labor, "International Religious Freedom Report 2001. Jordan" (2001). 25 “Dā’irat al-’iftā’ al-‘ām (General Iftaa’ Department”, accessed 20 November 2014, http://aliftaa.jo/Question.aspx?QuestionId=901#.VcXvNvnNLlD 26 Ibid. MARBURG JOURNAL OF RELIGION, Vol. 18, No. 1 (2016) 5 The exact number of apostasy cases in Jordan is unknown (U.S Department of State quotes “a few converts from Islam to Christianity” in 201027 and the data in other sources is equally imprecise). The first publicly known case of official ruling against an apostate from Islam in the modern Jordan took place in 2004, whereupon a convert to Christianity was stripped of all his civil rights on account of his abandoning Islam28, and another such instance was reported in 200829. Those quoted by the media include a poet accused of apostasy in 200030, and another one in 2008, because of their allegedly blasphemous collection of poetry31, a group of journalists from Al Hilal weekly in 200332, who published an article on the Prophet’s sexuality, and more recently, in 2012, another journalist who published a piece reportedly indicating that he was an apostate33. Another case, of a convert to Baha’ism, was brought in court in 2010 by his brother34. According to the US Bureau of Democracy, „sometimes charges of apostasy were levelled by family members seeking to prevent someone from inheriting property, or in order to gain advantage in legal disputes”35, like in the case of Mahmoud A. M. Eleker in 200636. Accusations of blasphemy and apostasy have also been made against individuals making unfavourable to the government comments in the social media outlets (similar cases has been reported in Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen37). Although individual cases of legal accusations of apostasy have been reported almost yearly (in fact at one point the entire Jordanian government was accused of apostasy by the Islamic 27 Bureau of Democracy U.S. State Department, Human Rights, and Labor, "International Religious Freedom Report 2010. Jordan" (2010). 28 International Religious Freedom Report 2007. Jordan, U.S. Department of State (2007). 29 International Religious Freedom Report 2010. Jordan, U.S. Department of State (2010). 30 International Religious Freedom Report 2001. Jordan, U.S. Department of State (2001). 31 Suha Maayeh, "Poet Accused of Being Enemy of Islam," The National (06.10.2008), http://www.thenational.ae/news/world/middle-east/poet-accused-of-being-enemy-of-islam. 32 Sana Abdallah, "Jordan Islamists Issue Apostasy Fatwa," upi.com (22.01.2003), http://www.upi.com/Business_News/Security-Industry/2003/01/22/Jordan-Islamists-issue-apostasy- fatwa/99041043248750/. 33 Anonymous, "ةحلسملا تاوقلا رودل تاءاسلاا" نيدتو ضفرت ةموكحلا .. يملاسلاا لمعلا ةهبج ىلع ًادر," Ammon News (15.12.2015), http://www.ammonnews.net/article.aspx?articleNO=75654. 34 International Religious Freedom Report 2010. Jordan. 35 Ibid. 36 International Religious Freedom Report 2007. Jordan. 37 Goitom, "Laws Criminalizing Apostasy in Selected Jurisdictions." MARBURG JOURNAL OF RELIGION, Vol. 18, No. 1 (2016) 6 Action Front for assisting the U.S. in Afghanistan38), it is difficult, if not outright impossible, to assess the number of Jordanians who abandoned Islam, the most important reason for that being the secrecy of conversions and deconversion from Islam due to fear for one’s life. One might attempt an educated guess based on the statistics on religiosity in the region provided by World Value Surveys and PEW Research Center, however due to cultural sensitivities and the taboo surrounding atheism in Muslim societies, it is highly questionable whether those numbers can be trusted. According to Wave 6 (2010-2014) of World Value Surveys, full 100 percent of Jordanian believed in God. Since the results of Wave 4 (2000-2004) gave slightly different results, i.e. 0.2 percent of the population claimed they did not believe in God and another 0.2 percent was “not sure”, it would seem that the number of Jordanians not believing in God actually decreased39. Naturally, being an atheist does not equal being an ex-Muslim and vice versa. Muslims may convert to other faiths, and atheists might still consider themselves Muslims (even if only cultural ones40), or may have previously been members of other religious groups residing in Jordan. More helpful might be then a survey conducted by the PEW Research Center in 2012, which asked a more precise question – “Do you believe in one God, Allah, and his prophet Muhammad?” (which effectively means: “Are you a Muslim41”). Less than 1 percent of surveyed Jordanians responded negatively to it42. However, it is estimated that between 2 38 Anonymous, “Islamic action front accuses the Jordanian government of apostasy”, 12 December, 2010, http://black-iris.com/2010/12/15/islamic-action-front-accuses-the-jordanian-government-of-apostasy. Accessed 20 April, 2014. 39 World Value Survey, http://www.wvsevsdb.com/wvs/WVSAnalizeQuestion.jsp. (accessed 7 May, 2014). 40 A small, but increasing number of people with a Muslim background chooses to identify themselves as a “cultural Muslim”. For a discussion on what this term actually means, see e.g. Muhammad Anwar, Jochen Blaschke, and Åke Sander, "State Policies Towards Muslim Minorities: Sweden, Great Britain and Germany" (Berlin: Edition Parabolis, 2004). 41 In order to become a Muslim, one has to pronounce thrice a šahādah. In the case of children born into Muslim families, it is their father (or other close family member in the absence thereof) who is responsible for whispering šahādah to their ear. More on the conditions to become a Muslim, see: W. Montgomery Watt, "Conditions of Membership of the Islamic Community," Studia Islamica 21 (1964): 5-12. 42 PEW- Templeton, “Global Religious Futures Project”, http://www.globalreligiousfutures.org/explorer/custom#/?countries=Jordan&question=728&subtopic=31&year= 2012&chartType=bar&answer=all&religious_affiliation=all&gender=all&age_group=all (accessed 17 July 2014). MARBURG JOURNAL OF RELIGION, Vol. 18, No. 1 (2016) 7 percent43 and 6 percent of Jordan’s population is Christian44, not to mention smaller minorities such as Duruz, so this number cannot be treated as fully reliable either. Moreover, the Association of Religion Data Archives estimates that 2.5 percent of Jordanians are agnostics and 0.49 percent are atheists45. The UN Special Rapporteur “could not find any precise data, but it seems that the number of reconversions is higher than the number of conversions from Islam. In general, conversions do not take place on a large scale”46. Based on all the above-mentioned numbers, one might carefully estimate that anything between 2 000 (World Value Surveys Wave 4) and 191 000 (ARDA) Jordanians do not “believe in one God, Allah, and his prophet Muhammad”47. Terminology and Literature Review The individuals who disaffiliated from Islam without re-affiliating to a new religion will be termed here “deconverts”, as opposed to “converts”, whom I understand as individuals who abandoned their religion to affiliate with another one. Deconversion will be then understood here as leaving the religious field altogether, and not – unlike in the case of conversion – migrating within it (in a way that Rambo48 understands the term “apostasy”). Deconversion might of course be a first step in a conversion process, which involves disaffiliation from one religion and the subsequent affiliation with a new one (or re-affiliation with the formerly abandoned one). However, in this paper I shall focus solely on this former phenomenon. 43 CIA, “The World Factbook. Jordan”, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world- factbook/geos/jo.html,%20http://www.icnl.org/research/monitor/jordan.html (accessed 17 July 2014). 44 The International Center for Not-for-Profit-Law, "Ngo Law Monitor: Jordan" (2015). http://www.icnl.org/research/monitor/jordan.html (accessed 17 July 2014). 45 The Association of Religion Data Archives, "Jordan, Religion and Social Profile" (2015).," http://www.thearda.com/internationalData/countries/Country_119_1.asp (accessed 16 July 2014). 46 United Nations Human Rights Council, Report of the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief, Addendum: Mission to Jordan, 27 January 2014, A/HRC/25/58/Add.2, http://www.refworld.org/docid/52fa1e214.html (accessed 16 July 2014). 47 That is, technically not Muslim. Deliberating on what exactly “being a Muslim” means is beyond the scope of this paper, but it suffices to say that a growing number of individuals consider themselves Muslim, although they do not believe in God – in the literature they are known as “cultural Muslims”. For more information about the levels of religiosity in the Kingdom, see for example PEW-Templeton Global Religious Futures Project http://www.globalreligiousfutures.org/ and World Values Survey http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/index_html. [all accessed 1 May , 2013]. 48 Lewis R. Rambo, Understanding Religious Conversion (Yale University Press, 1995). MARBURG JOURNAL OF RELIGION, Vol. 18, No. 1 (2016) 8 For that purpose, I adopt Streib and Keller’s49 conceptualization of deconversion, who – building on studies by Barbour50 and Glock 51 – proposed five characteristics of deconversion “(1) loss of specific religious experiences, (2) intellectual doubt, denial, or disagreement with specific beliefs, (3) moral criticism, (4) emotional suffering, and (5) disaffiliation from the community”. Their approach is arguably the most appropriate one when it comes to studying deconverts from Islam, as – like Streib52 himself claims – it does not limit deconversion to the official disaffiliation from a certain religious organization. In the case of Islam, where no formal religious hierarchy exists, there is no organization to withdraw from in the first place. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, as publicly disaffiliating from Islam may result in civil or physical death, many individuals will not publicly renounce their religion, remaining “in the closet” or revealing their decision just to a small number of trusted people. Treating public and official disaffiliation from religion as the only way to deconvert would therefore effectively exclude the majority of apostates from Islam from the “deconverts” group. From a theological point of view, both conversion and deconversion falls under the concept of “apostasy” (Arabic riddah or irtidād). Who exactly should be treated as an “apostate” is disputable, although apart from the obvious cases when an individual voluntarily admits to abandoning Islam, scholars vary in their opinion whether one could still be deemed an apostate in the absence of such a confession. Apostasy, as pointed out in the Encyclopedia of Islam, “may be committed verbally by denying a principle of belief or by an action, for example treating a copy of the Quran with disrespect”53. Being rather imprecise, the definition leaves room for abuse, and the overuse of this accusation is abundant. This problem seems to have been acknowledged early in the history of Islam, with Al-Ghazālī attempting to “provide a decisive conceptual distinction between apostasy and doctrinal heresy” in his Fayṣal al- tafriqa bayn al-islām wa-l-zandaqa (The Distinction Between Islam and Zandaqa/Unbelief). 49 Heinz Streib and Barbara Keller, "The Variety of Deconversion Experiences - Contours of a Concept in Respect to Empirical Research," Archive for the Psychology of Religion 26, no. 1 (2004): 180-200. 50 John D. Barbour, Versions of Deconversion: Autobiography and the Loss of Faith (Studies in Religion and Culture) (University of Virginia Press, 1994). 51 Charles Y. Glock, "On the Study of Religious Commitment," Religious Education: The Official Journal of the Religious Education Association 57, no. Supplement 4 (1962), 98-110. 52 Heinz Streib et al., Deconversion: Qualitative and Quantitative Results from Cross-Cultural Research in Germany and the United States of America (Research in Contemporary Religion), trans. James T. Richardson (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2009). 53 Encyclopaedia of Islam, ed. Brill, vol. VII (Mif-Naz) (Brill, 1998). MARBURG JOURNAL OF RELIGION, Vol. 18, No. 1 (2016) 9 This paper, however, deals only with the cases of people who themselves admit to being deconverts (or apostates), and so the above-mentioned issue will not be examined here in a greater detail54. As it can be seen, there is a reasonably rich body of literature on conversion. However, the number of works discussing deconversion in the sense mentioned in the previous section is considerably smaller, with publications on the topic of disaffiliation (be it conversion or deconversion) from Islam being even less abundant. Books presenting opinions of former Muslims, like the one by Crimp and Richardson55 or by Ibn Warraq56, are more often than not fairly critical collections of stories of those who abandoned Islam, rather than rigorous academic studies. The first modern work on apostasy from Islam was completed by a Christian missionary, Zwemer57, in 1924. His work, perhaps due to his occupation, suffers however from a significant anti-Islam bias. Similarly, Peters and Vries58, who approached the topic from a legal perspective, seem not fully objective and focus on the negative aspects of Islam. At the other end of the spectrum, we have authors trying to prove that apostasy has never been a serious issue in the Muslim world, such as Kraemer59 or Ahmad60. More recently, Ayoub61, Griffel62 and Friedmann63 approach the topic, discussing the legal and theological side of the problem. Others looked at the issue from a historical perspective. For example, Cook64 gives an overview of cases of apostasy from Islam until the downfall of 54 Ahmad Atif Ahmad, "Al-Ghazālī's Contribution to the Sunnī Juristic Discourses on Apostasy," Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies 7 (2007), 50-73; Rudolph Peters and Gert JJ De Vries, "Apostasy in Islam," Die Welt des Islams XVII, no. Issue 1/4 (1976), 1-25. 55 Susan Crimp and Joel Richardson, eds., Why We Left Islam (WND Books, 2008). 56 Ibn Warraq, Why I Am Not a Muslim (Prometheus Books, 2003). 57 Samuel Zwemer, The Law of Apostasy in Islam (Marshall Brothers, 1924). 58 Peters and De Vries, "Apostasy in Islam." 59 Joel L Kraemer, "Apostates, Rebels and Brigands," Israel Oriental Studies 10 (1980): 34-73. 60 Sayed Barakat Ahmad, "Conversion from Islam," in The Islamic World: From Classical to Modern Times (Essays in Honor of Bernard Lewis), ed. Clifford Edmund Bosworth, et al. (Darwin Press, 1989), 3-25. 61 Mahmoud Ayoub, "Religious Freedom and the Law of Apostasy in Islam," Islamochristiana 20 (1994): 73- 91. 62 Frank Griffel, "Toleration and Exclusion: Al-Shāfiʾī and Al-Ghazālī on the Treatment of Apostates," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 64, no. 3 (2001), 339-354. 63 Yohanan Friedmann, Tolerance and Coercion in Islam: Interfaith Relations in the Muslim Tradition (Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization) (Cambridge University Press, 2003). 64 Cook, "Apostasy from Islam: A Historical Perspective." MARBURG JOURNAL OF RELIGION, Vol. 18, No. 1 (2016) 10 Byzantium, and Simonsohn65 focuses on those who first embraced Islam, and subsequently reconverted to their original faith in the early years of Islam. El Fegiery66 and Berger67, on the other hand, review the known apostasy cases in Egypt and scrutinize the contemporary Egyptian case law with regard to the conversion from Islam, and mainly to Christianity, and Saeed and Saeed68, apart from providing a well-documented theoretical evidence against the punishment for apostasy in Islam, analyse the current laws regarding religious freedom in Malaysia. A more practical approach was adopted by Johansen69, Schielke70 and Hamad71, who studied cases of the breach of religious freedom of apostates in Egypt based on the court records, or an-Na’im72, who examined the apostasy case against Mahmoud Muhammad Taha in Sudan. Others, like Khalil and Bilici73, examined testimonies of former Muslims. However, their focus was on English-speaking individuals who lived in Western Europe and North America. Moreover, they did not conduct interviews or surveys on their own, but rather focused on testimonies published online or in the available literature. In a more quantitative study, Kevin M. Brice74 attempted to calculate the number of apostates from Islam in Scotland, based on the national census. Additionally, a small number of unpublished MA and PhD theses on 65 Uriel Simonsohn, "“Halting between Two Opinions”: Conversion and Apostasy in Early Islam," Medieval Encounters 19 (2013): 342-370. 66 El Fegiery, "Islamic Law and Freedom of Religion: The Case of Apostasy and Its Legal Implications in Egypt." 67 Berger, "Apostasy and Public Policy in Contemporary Egypt: An Evaluation of Recent Cases from Egypt's Highest Courts." 68 Saeed and Saeed, Freedom of Religion, Apostasy and Islam. 69 Baber Johansen, "Apostasy as Objective and Depersonalized Fact: Two Recent Egyptian Court Judgments," Social Research 70, no. 3 (2003), 687-710. 70 Samuli Schielke, "Being a Non-Believer in a Time of Islamic Revival: Trajectories of Doubt and Certainty in Contemporary Egypt.," International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 44, no. 2 (2012), 301-320. 71 Ahmed Seif al Islam Hamad, “Legal Plurality and Legitimation of Human Rights Abuses: a Case Study of State Council Rulings Concerning the Rights of Apostate”, in Legal Pluralism in the Arab World, eds. B. Dupret, M. Berger, and L. al-Zwaini, 219-228 (The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 1999). 72 Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im, "The Islamic Law of Apostasy and Its Modern Applicability," Religion 16, no. 3 (1986), 197-224. 73 Mohammad Hassan Khalil and Mucahit Bilici, "Conversion out of Islam: A Study of Conversion Narratives of Former Muslims," The Muslim World 97, no. 1 (2007), 111-124. 74 Kevin M. Brice, "Counting the Converts: Using Data from Scotland’s Census 2001," in Muslims in the UK and in Europe, I, ed. Yasir Suleiman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 57-67.