The Project Gutenberg EBook of Omaha sociology (1884 N 03 / 1881-1882 (pages 205-370)), by James Owen Dorsey This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org Title: Omaha sociology (1884 N 03 / 1881-1882 (pages 205-370)) Author: James Owen Dorsey Release Date: August 3, 2014 [EBook #46487] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OMAHA SOCIOLOGY 1881-1882 *** Produced by PM for Bureau of American Ethnology, The Internet Archive (American Libraries), Wayne Hammond and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr) Transcriber's Note: The letters a-i, upper case and lower case, enclosed in square brackets are script font. All other letters enclosed in square brackets are rotated 180 degress. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION——BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. BY REV. J. OWEN DORSEY. 205 Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1881-82, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1884, pages 205-370. SIOUAN ALPHABET. [This is given to explain the pronunciation of the Indian words in the following paper] a, as in father. `a, an initially exploded a. ă, as in what. `ă, an initially exploded ă. ä, as in hat. c, as sh in she. See ś. ᴐ, a medial sh, a sonant-surd. ć (Dakota letter), as ch in church. ç, as th in thin. [ç], a medial ç, sonant-surd. ¢, as th in the. e, as in they. `e, an initially exploded e. ě, as in get. `ě, an initially exploded ě. g, as in go. ġ (in Dakota), gh. See x. ḣ (in Dakota), kh, etc. See q. i, as in machine. `i, an initially exploded i. ĭ, as in pin. j, as z in azure, or as j in French Jacques. ʞ, a medial k, a sonant-surd. k', an exploded k. ñ, as ng in sing. hn, its initial sound is expelled from the nostrils, and is scarcely heard. o, as in no. `o, an initially exploded o. [p], a medial b (or p), a sonant-surd. p', an exploded p. q, as German ch in ach. See ḣ. [s], a medial s (or z), a sonant-surd. ś (in Dakota), as sh in she. See c. ʇ, a medial t, a sonant-surd. t', an exploded t. u, as oo in tool. `u, an initially exploded u. ŭ, as oo in foot. ṵ, a sound between o and u. ü, as in German kühl. x, gh, or nearly the Arabic ghain. See ġ. dj, as j in judge. tc, as ch in church. See ć. tc', an exploded tc. ʇᴐ, a medial tᴐ, a sonant-surd. ʇ[s], a medial ts, a sonant-surd. ts', an exploded ts. ź (in Dakota), as z in azure, etc. See j. ai, as in aisle. au, as ow in cow. yu, as u in tune. The following have the ordinary English sounds: b, d, h, k, l, m, n, p, r, s, t, w, y, and z. A superior n (n) after a vowel nasalizes it. A plus sign (+) after any letter prolongs it. 206 With the exception of the five letters taken from Riggs' Dakota Dictionary, and used only in the Dakota words in this paper, the above letters belong to the alphabet adopted by the Bureau of Ethnology. CONTENTS. Page. Chapter I. 211 Early migrations of the ₵egiha tribes 211 Subsequent migrations of the Omahas 213 Present state of the Omahas 214 Chapter II.—The State 215 Differentiation of organs in the State 216 State classes 216 Servants 217 Corporations 218 Chapter III.—The Gentile System 219 Tribal circles 219 The Omaha tribal circle 219 Rules for pitching the tents 220 The sacred tents 221 The sacred pipes 221 Gahige's account of the tradition of the pipes 222 An-ba-hebe's account of the same 222 Law of membership 225 The Wejin cte or Elk gens 225 The Iñke-sabe or Black shoulder gens 228 The Hañga gens 233 The ₵atada gens 236 The Wasabe-hit`ajĭ subgens 236 The Wajiñga-¢atajĭ subgens 238 The [T]e[p]a-it`ajĭ subgens 239 The [K]eïn subgens 240 The Kanze gens 241 The Man¢iñka-gaxe gens 242 The [T]e-sinde gens 244 The [T]a-[p]a or Deer-head gens 245 The Iñg¢e-jide gens 247 The Ictasanda gens 248 Chapter IV.—The Kinship System and Marriage Laws 252 Classes of kinship 252 Consanguineous kinship 253 Affinities 255 Marriage laws 255 Whom a man or woman cannot marry 256 Whom a man or woman can marry 257 Importance of the subgentes 258 Remarriage 258 Chapter V.—Domestic Life 259 Courtship and marriage customs 259 Domestic etiquette—bashfulness 262 Pregnancy 263 Children 265 Standing of women in society 266 207 208 Catamenia 267 Widows and widowers 267 Rights of parents and others 268 Personal habits, politeness, etc. 269 Meals, etc. 271 Chapter VI.—Visiting Customs 276 The_calumet_dance 276 Chapter VII.—Industrial Occupations 283 Hunting customs 283 Fishing customs 301 Cultivation of the ground 302 Chapter VIII.—Industrial Occupations (continued) 303 Food and its preparation 303 Clothing and its preparation 310 Chapter IX.—Protective Industries 312 War customs 312 Defensive warfare 312 Offensive warfare 315 Chapter X.—Amusements and Corporations 334 Games 334 Corporations 342 Feasting societies 342 Dancing societies 342 Chapter XI.—Regulative Industries 356 The government 356 Religion 363 Chapter XII.—The Law 364 Personal law 364 Property law 366 Corporation law 367 Government law 367 International law 368 Military law 368 Religious law 368 ILLUSTRATIONS. Page. Plate XXX.—Map showing the migrations of the Omahas and cognate tribes 212 XXXI.—Tent of Agaha-wacuce 237 XXXII.—Omaha system of consanguinities 253 XXXIII.—Omaha system of affinities 255 Fig. 12.—The Omaha tribal circle 220 13.—Places of the chiefs, &c., in the tribal assembly 224 14.—Iñke-sabe tent 230 15.—Iñke-sabe style of wearing the hair 230 16.—Iñke-sabe Gentile assembly 231 17.—The sacred pole 234 18.—Wasabe-hit`ajĭ style of wearing the hair 237 19.—[T]e-sinde style of wearing the hair 244 209 20.—The weawan or calumet pipe 277 21.—Rattles used in the pipe dance 278 22.—The Dakota style of tobacco pouch used by the Omahas in the pipe dance 278 23.—The position of the pipes, the ear of corn, &c. 279 24.—Decoration of child's face 280 25.—Showing positions of the long tent, the pole, and rows of "ʇa" within the tribal circle 295 26.—Figures of pumpkins 306 27.—The Webajab 310 28.—The Weubajan 311 29.—Front view of the iron 311 30.—Old Ponka fort 314 31.—Diagram showing places of the guests, messengers, etc. 315 32.—The banañge 336 33.—The sticks 336 34.—Nanan au hă 336 35.—₵ab¢in au hă 337 36.—Diagram of the play-ground 337 37.—The stick used in playing [P]a¢in-jahe 338 38.—The wa¢igije 338 39.—The stick used in playing Intin-buʇa 341 40.—The waq¢eq¢e `ansa 352 41.—The Ponka style of hañga-ʞi`anze 359 42.—The Omaha style of hañga-ʞi`anze 361 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. By J. Owen Dorsey. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. § 1. The Omaha Indians belong to the ₵egiha group of the Siouan family. The ₵egiha group may be divided into the Omaha-₵egiha and the Kwapa-₵egiha. In the former are four tribes, speaking three dialects, while the latter consists of one tribe, the Kwapas. The dialects are as follows: Pañka, spoken by the Ponkas and Omahas; Waᴐaᴐe, the Osage dialect; [K]anze, that of the Kansas or Kaws, closely related to the Waᴐaᴐe; and Ugaqpa, or Kwapa. § 2. ₵egiha means, "Belonging to the people of this land," and answers to the Oto "[T]ᴐiwere," and the Iowa " [T]ᴐeʞiwere." Mr. Joseph La Flèche, who was formerly a head chief of the Omahas, also said that ₵egiha was about equivalent to "Dakota." When an Omaha was challenged in the dark, when on his own land, he generally replied, "I am a ₵egiha." So did a Ponka reply, under similar circumstances, when on his own land. But when challenged in the dark, when away from home, he was obliged to give the name of his tribe, saying, "I am an Omaha," or, "I am a Ponka," as the case might be. § 3. The real name of the Omahas is "Umanhan." It is explained by a tradition obtained from a few members of the tribe. When the ancestors of the Omahas, Ponkas, Osages, and several other cognate tribes traveled down the Ohio to its mouth, they separated on reaching the Mississippi. Some went up the river, hence the name Umanhan, from ʞímanhan, "to go against the wind or stream." The rest went down the river, hence the name Ugáqpa or Kwápa, from ugáqpa or ugáha, "to float down the stream." 210 211 EARLY MIGRATIONS OF THE ₵EGIHA TRIBES. The tribes that went up the Mississippi were the Omahas, Ponkas, Osages, and Kansas. Some of the Omahas remember a tradition that their ancestors once dwelt at the place where Saint Louis now stands; and the Osages and Kansas say that they were all one people, inhabiting an extensive peninsula, on the Missouri River. On this peninsula was a high mountain, which the Kansas called Man-daqpaye and Tce-dŭñga-ajabe; the corresponding Osage name being Man-ʇaqpa¢ě.1 Subsequently, these tribes ranged through a territory, including Osage, Gasconade, and other adjacent counties of the State of Missouri, perhaps most of the country lying between the Mississippi and the Osage Rivers. The Iowas were near them; but the Omahas say that the Otos and Missouris were not known to them. The Iowa chiefs, however, have a tradition that the Otos were their kindred, and that both tribes, as well as the Omahas and Ponkas, were originally Winnebagos. A recent study of the dialects of the Osages, Kansas, and Kwapas discloses remarkable similarities which strengthen the supposition that the Iowas and Otos, as well as the Missouris, were of one stock. At the mouth of the Osage River the final separation occurred. The Omahas and Ponkas crossed the Missouri and, accompanied by the Iowas, proceeded by degrees through Missouri, Iowa, and Minnesota, till they reached the neighborhood of the Red Pipestone quarry. This must have taken many years, as their course was marked by a succession of villages, consisting of earth lodges. Thence they journeyed towards the Big Sioux River, where they made a fort. They remained in that country a long time, making earth lodges and cultivating fields. Game abounded. At that time the Yanktons dwelt in a densely wooded country near the head of the Mississippi; hence the Omahas called them, in those days, "Jan´aʇa ni´kacinga, The people who dwelt in the woods." After that the Yanktons removed and became known as Yanktons. By and by the Dakotas made war on the three tribes, and many Omahas were killed by them. So at last the three tribes went west and southwest to a lake near the head of Choteau Creek, Dakota Territory, now known as Lake Andes (?). There they cut the sacred pole (see §§ 36 and 153), and assigned to each gens and subgens its peculiar customs, such as the sacred pipe, sacred tents, and the taboos. There were a great many gentes in each tribe at that time, far more than they have at present; and these gentes were in existence long before they cut the sacred pole. After leaving the lake, known as "Waq¢éxe gasai´ ¢an, Where they cut the sacred pole," they traveled up the Missouri River till they arrived at Ni-úgacúde, White Earth River. They crossed the Missouri, above this stream, and occupied the country between the Missouri and the Black Hills, though they did not go to the Black Hills.2 After awhile, they turned down stream, and kept together till they reached the mouth of the Niobrara, where the Ponkas stopped. The Omahas and Iowas continued their journey till they reached Bow Creek, Nebraska, where the Omahas made their village, the Iowas going beyond till they reached Ionia Creek, where they made a village on the east bank of the stream, near its mouth, and not far from the site of the present town of Ponca. MAP SHOWING MIGRATIONS OF THE OMAHAS AND COGNATE TRIBES. Legend. 212 213 1. Winnebago habitat. 2. Iowa habitat. 3. Arkansas habitat. 4. Kwapa habitat, after the separation from the Omahas, etc. 5. Route of the Omahas, Ponkas, Kansas, and Osages. 6. Their habitat at the mouth of the Missouri River. 7. Their course along that river. 8. Their habitat at the month of Osage River. 9. Subsequent course of the Osages. 10. Subsequent course of the Kansas. 11. Course of the Omahas and Ponkas, according to some. 12. Their course, according to others. 13. Where they met the Iowas. 14. Course of the three tribes. 15. Pipestone quarry. 16. Cliffs 100 feet high on each bank. 17. Fort built by the three tribes. 18. Lake Andes. 19. Mouth of White River. 20. Mouth of the Niobrara River. 22. Omaha village on Bow Creek. 23. Iowa village on Ionia Creek. 24. Omaha village [T]iʇañga jiñga and Zande buʇa. 25. Omaha village at Omadi. 26. Omaha village on Bell Creek. 27. Probable course of the Iowas. 28. Omaha habitat on Salt Creek. 30. Omaha habitat at Ane nat'ai ¢an. 31. Omaha habitat on Shell Creek. 33. Omaha habitat on the Elkhorn River. 35. Omaha habitat on Logan Creek. 37. Omaha habitat near Bellevue. By and by the Omahas removed to a place near Covington, Nebr., nearly opposite the present Sioux City. The remains of this village are now known as "[T]i-ʇañ´ga-jiñ´ga," and the lake near by is called "₵íxucpan-úg¢e," because of the willow trees found along its banks. In the course of time the Iowas passed the Omahas again, and made a new village near the place where Florence now stands. After that they continued their course southward to their present reservation. The Otos did not accompany the Ponkas, Omahas, and Iowas, when they crossed the Missouri, and left the Osages and others. The Otos were first met on the Platte River, in comparatively modern times, according to Mr. La Flèche. SUBSEQUENT MIGRATIONS OF THE OMAHAS. § 4. After leaving [T]i-ʇañga-jiñga, where the lodges were made of wood, they dwelt at Zandé búʇa. 2. Tan´wan-ʇañ´ga, The Large Village, is a place near the town of Omadi, Nebr. The stream was crossed, and the village made, after a freshet. 3. On the west side of Bell Creek, Nebraska. 4. Thence south to Salt Creek, above the site of Lincoln. 5. Then back to Tanwan-ʇañga. While the people were there, Anba-hebe, the tribal historian was born. This was over eighty years ago. 6. Thence they went to Áne-nát'ai ¢an, a hill on the west bank of the Elkhorn River, above West Point, and near Bismarck. 7. After five years they camped on the east bank of Shell Creek. 8. Then back to Tanwan-ʇañga, on Omaha Creek. 9. Then on the Elkhorn, near Wisner, for ten years. While there, Anba-hebe married. 10. About the year 1832-'3, they returned to Tanwan-ʇañga, on Omaha Creek. 11. In 1841 they went to Tan´wan-jiñgá ¢an, The Little Village, at the mouth of Logan Creek, and on the east side. 12. In 1843, they returned to Tanwan-ʇañga. 13. In 1845 they went to a plateau west of Bellevue. On the top of the plateau they built their earth lodges, while the agency was at Bellevue. 14. They removed to their present reserve in 1855. PRESENT STATE OF THE OMAHAS. § 5. Their reservation was about 30 miles in extent from east to west, and 18 or 20 from north to south. It formed Black Bird County. The northern part of it containing some of the best of the timber lands, was ceded to the Winnebagos, when that tribe was settled in Nebraska, and is now in Dakota County. The southern part, the present Omaha reservation, is in Burt County. The Omahas have not decreased in population during the past twenty-five years. In 1876 they numbered 1,076. In 1882 there are about 1,100. Most of the men have been farmers since 1869; but some of them, under Mr. La Flèche, began to work for themselves as far back as 1855. Each man resides on his claim, for which he holds a patent given him by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Many live in frame houses, the most of which were built at the expense of their occupants. CHAPTER II. THE STATE. § 6. "A state," said Maj. J. W. Powell, in his presidential address to the Anthropological Society of Washington, in 1882, "is a body politic, an organized group of men with an established government, and a body of determined law. In the organization of societies units of different orders are discovered." Among the Omahas and other tribes of the Siouan family, the primary unit is the gens or clan, which is composed of a number of consanguinei, claiming descent from a common ancestor, and having a common taboo or taboos. But starting from the tribe or state as a whole, we find among the Omahas two half-tribes of five gentes each, the first called "Hañga-cenu," and the second, "Ictasanda." (See § 10.) These half-tribes do not seem to be phratries, as they do not possess the rights of the latter as stated by Morgan: the Hañga-cenu gentes never meet by themselves apart from the Ictasanda gentes. Next to the half-tribes are the gentes, of which the Omahas have ten. Each gens in turn is divided into "uʞig¢a[s]ne," or subgentes. The number of the latter varies, at present, according to the particular gens; though the writer has found traces of the existence of four subgentes in each gens in former days. The subgentes seem to be composed of a number of groups of a still lower order, which are provisionally termed "sections." The existence of sections among the Omahas had been disputed by some, though other members of the tribe claim that they are real units of the lowest order. We find among the Titon-wan Dakotas, many of these groups, which were originally sections, but which have at length become gentes, as the marriage laws do not affect the higher groups, the original phratries, gentes, and subgentes. The Ponka chiefs who were in Washington in 1880, claimed that in their tribe there used to be eight gentes, one of which has become extinct; and that now there are ten, three subgentes having become gentes in recent times. According to Mr. Joseph La Flèche, a Ponka by birth, who spent his boyhood with the tribe, there are but seven gentes, one having become extinct; while the Wajaje and Nuqe, which are now the sixth and seventh gentes, were originally one. For a fuller discussion of the gentes see the next chapter. The state, as existing among the Omahas and cognate tribes, may be termed a kinship state, that is, one in which "governmental functions are performed by men whose positions in the government are determined by kinship, and rules relating to kinship and the reproduction of the species constitute the larger body of the law. The law regulates marriage and the rights and duties of the several members of a body of kindred to each other. Individuals are held responsible," chiefly "to their kindred; and certain groups of kindred are held responsible," in some cases, "to other groups of kindred. When other conduct, such as the distribution of game taken from the forest or fish from the sea, is regulated, the rules or laws pertaining thereto involve the considerations of kinship," to a certain extent. (See Chapter XII, § 303.) DIFFERENTIATION OF ORGANS IN THE STATE. § 7. The legislative, executive, and judicial functions have not been differentiated. (See Government, Chapter XI.) Whether the second mode of differentiation has taken place among the Omahas, and just in the order described by Major Powell, is an open question. This mode is thus stated: "Second, by the multiplication of the orders of units and 214 215 216 the specialization of the subordinate units so that subordinate organizations perform special functions. Thus cities may be divided into wards, counties into towns." Subgentes, as well as gentes, were necessary among the Omahas for marriage purposes, as is shown in §§ 57, 78, etc. The recent tendency has been to centralization or consolidation, whereas there are strong reasons for believing that each gens had four subgentes at the first; several subgentes having become few in number of persons have been united to the remaining and more powerful subgentes of their respective gentes. The third mode of differentiations of organs in the State is "by multiplication of corporations for specific purposes." The writer has not yet been able to find any traces of this mode among the Omahas and cognate tribes. § 8. Two classes of organization are found in the constitution of the State, "those relating directly to the government, called major organizations, and those relating indirectly to the government, called minor organizations." The former embraces the State classes, the latter, corporations. STATE CLASSES. These have not been clearly differentiated. Three classes of men have been recognized: Níkagáhi, wanáce, and cénujiñ ´ga. In civil affairs, the nikagahi are the chiefs, exercising legislative, executive, and judicial functions. They alone have a voice in the tribal assembly, which is composed of them. The wanace, policemen, or braves, are the servants or messengers of the chiefs, and during the surrounding of a herd of buffalo, they have extraordinary powers conferred on them. (See §§ 140 and 297.) The cenujiñga, or young men, are the "common people," such as have not distinguished themselves, either in war or in any other way. They have no voice in the assembly, and during the buffalo hunt they must obey the chiefs and wanace. In religious affairs, which are closely associated with civil ones, we find the chiefs having a prominent part. Besides the chiefs proper are the seven keepers of the sacred pipes, or pipes of peace (see §§ 14-19, 287, 296), and the keepers of the three sacred tents (see §§ 13, 22-24, 36, 295). The functions of these keepers of the sacred tents, especially those of the two Hañga men, appear to be both religious and civil. Of these two men, [P]a¢in-nanpajĭ said: "The two old men, Wakan´-man¢in and [T]e-han´man¢in, are the real governors of the tribe, and are counted as gods. They are reverenced by all, and men frequently give them presents. They mark the tattooed women." Frank La Flèche denied this, saying that these two old men are the servants of the Hañga chief, being only the keepers of the sacred tents of his gens. J. La Flèche and Two Crows said that while there were some "níkacin´ga qubé," sacred or mysterious men, among the Omahas, they did not know who they were. Some of the chiefs and people respect them, but others despise them. It is probable that by níkacin´ga qube, they meant exorcists or conjurers, rather than priests, as the former pretend to be "qube," mysterious, and to have supernatural communications. There is no military class or gens among the Omahas, though the Ponka ₵ixida gens, and part of the Nika[p]aᴐna gens are said to be warriors. Among the Omahas, both the captains and warriors must be taken from the class of cenujiñga, as the chiefs are afraid to undertake the work of the captains. The chiefs, being the civil and religious leaders of the people, cannot serve as captains or even as subordinate officers of a war party. Nor can they join such a party unless it be a large one. Their influence is exerted on the side of peace (see §§ 191, 292), and they try to save the lives of murderers. (See § 310.) They conduct peace negotiations between contending tribes. (See §§ 220, 292.) All the members of a war party, including the captains, lieutenants, and wanace, as well the warriors, are promoted to the grade or class of (civil) wanace on their return from battle. (See § 216.) SERVANTS. There are no slaves; but there are several kinds of servants called wagáq¢an. In civil and religious affairs, the following are wagáq¢an. The two keepers of the Hañga sacred tents are the servants of the Hañga chief. (See above, § 295, etc.) One of these old men is always the servant of the other though they exchange places. (See § 151.) The keepers of the sacred pipes are the servants of the chiefs. (See §§ 17-19). The ₵atada Quʞa man is the servant of the keepers of the sacred tents. (See § 143.) Some of the Wasabe-hit`ajĭ men are servants of the Wejincte gens, acting as such in the sacred tent. (See §§ 23, 24.) Some of the Iñke-sabě men are the servants of the Hañga when they act as criers (see §§ 130, 136, etc.), and so is a [K]anze man (§ 152). The wanace are the servants of the chiefs. The wag¢a or messengers acting as criers for a feast are the servants of the giver of the feast for the time being. In military affairs, the following are servants: The men who act as wag¢a for the preliminary feast; the men who carry the baggage of the captains and wait on them; the bearer of the kettle; the bearers of the sacred bags when there is a large party; the special followers of each captain, including his lieutenant, the followers or warriors being about equally divided between the captains; and the wanace or policemen. (See War Customs, Chapter IX.) Social classes are undifferentiated. Any man can win a name and rank in the state by becoming "wacuce," or brave, 217 218 either in war or by the bestowal of gifts and the frequent giving of feasts. (See § 224.) CORPORATIONS. Corporations are minor organizations, which are indirectly related to the government, though they do not constitute a part of it. The Omahas are organized into certain societies for religious, industrial, and other ends. There are two kinds, the Ikágekí¢ě or brother-hoods, and the Úkikune¢ě, or feasting organizations. The former are the dancing societies, to some of which the doctors belong. A fuller description of them will be found in Chapter X. The industrial organization of the state will be discussed in Chapters VII, VIII, IX, X, and XI. CHAPTER III. THE GENTILE SYSTEM. TRIBAL CIRCLES. § 9. In former days, whenever a large camping-ground could not be found, the Ponkas used to encamp in three concentric circles; while the Omahas, who were a smaller tribe, pitched their tents in two similar circles. This custom gave rise to the name "Oyate yamni," The Three Nations, as the Ponkas were styled by the Dakotas, and the Omahas became known as the Two Nations. But the usual order of encampment has been to pitch all the tents in one large circle or horseshoe, called "hú¢uga" by the Indians. In this circle the gentes took their regular places, disregarding their gentile circles, and pitching the tents, one after another, within the area necessary for each gens. This circle was not made by measurement, nor did any one give directions where each tent should be placed; that was left to the women. When the people built a village of earth-lodges, and dwelt in it, they did not observe this order of camping. Each man caused his lodge to be built wherever he wished to have it, generally near those of his kindred. But whenever the whole tribe migrated with the skin tents, as when they went after the buffaloes, they observed this order. (See § 133.) Sometimes the tribe divided into two parties, some going in one direction, some in another. On such occasions the regular order of camping was not observed; each man encamped near his kindred, whether they were maternal or paternal consanguinities. The crier used to tell the people to what place they were to go, and when they reached it the women began to pitch the tents. THE OMAHA TRIBAL CIRCLE. § 10. The road along which they passed divided the tribal circle into two equal parts; five gentes camped on the right of it and five pitched their tents on its left. Those on the right were called the Hañgacenu, and the others were known as the Ictasanda. The Hañgacenu gentes are as follows: Wéjincte, Iñké-sábě, Hañ´ga, ₵átada, and [K]an´ze. The Ictasanda gentes are as follows: Man`¢iñka-gáxe, [T]e-sĭn´de, [T]a-[p]á, Iñg¢é-jide, and Ictásanda. According to Wahan-¢iñge, the chief of the [T]e-sĭnde gens, there used to be one hundred and thirty-three tents pitched by the Hañgacenu, and one hundred and forty-seven by the Ictasanda. This was probably the case when they went on the hunt the last time, in 1871 or 1872. Fig. 12.—The Omaha tribal circle. LEGEND. The Omaha tribal circle. Hañgacenu gentes. A. Wejincte, or Elk. B. Iñke-sabě. C. Hañga. 219 220 D. ₵atada: a. Wasanbe-hit`ajĭ. b. Wajiñga-¢atajĭ. c. [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ. d. [K]e-`in. E. [K]anze. Ictasanda gentes. F. Mañ¢iñka-gaxe. G. [T]e-sĭnde. H. [T]a-[p]a. I. Iñg¢e-jide. K. Ictasanda. The sacred tents of the Wejincte and Hañga gentes are designated by appropriate figures; so also are the seven gentes which keep the sacred pipes. The diameter of the circle represents the road traveled by the tribe, A and K forming the gentes in the van.] RULES FOR PITCHING THE TENTS. § 11. Though they did not measure the distances, each woman knew where to pitch her tent. Thus a [K]anze woman who saw a Wejincte tent set up, knew that her tent must be pitched at a certain distance from that part of the circle, and at or near the opposite end of the road or diameter of the circle. When two tents were pitched too far apart one woman said to the other, "Pitch the tent a little closer." Or, if they were too close, she said, "Pitch the tent further away." So also if the tents of neighboring gentes were too far apart or too close together. In the first case the women of one gens might say, "Move along a little, and give us more room." In the other they might say, "Come back a little, as there is too much space between us." When the end gentes, Wejincte and Ictasanda, were too far apart there was sometimes danger of attacks of enemies. On one occasion the Dakotas made a dash into the very midst of the circle and did much damage, because the space between these two gentes was too great. But at other times, when there is no fear of an attack, and when the women wish to dress hides, etc., the crier said: "Halloo! Make ye them over a large tract of land." This is the only occasion when the command is given how to pitch the tents. When the tribe returned from the hunt the gentes encamped in reverse order, the Wejincte and Ictasanda gentes having their tents at the end of the circle nearest home. There appear indications that there were special areas, not only for the gentes, but even for the subgentes, all members of any subgens having their lodges set up in the same area. Thus, in the Iñke-sabě gens, there are some that camped next the Wejincte, and others next the Hañga; some of the Hañga camped next the Iñke-sabě, and others next the ₵atada, and so on. (See § 73.) § 12. Within the circle were placed the horses, as a precaution against attacks from enemies. When a man had many horses and wished to have them near him, he generally camped within the circle, apart from his gens, but this custom was of modern origin, and was the exception to the rule. THE SACRED TENTS. § 13. The three sacred tents were pitched within the circle and near their respective gentes: that of the Wejincte is the war tent, and it was placed not more than 50 yards from its gens; those of the Hañga gens are connected with the regulation of the buffalo hunt, etc.; or, we may say that the former had to do with the protection of life and the latter with the sustenance of life, as they used to depend mainly on the hunt for food, clothing, and means of shelter. THE SACRED PIPES. § 14. All the sacred pipes belong to the Hañga gens, though Hañga, in ancient times, appointed the Iñke-sabě gens as the custodian of them. (J. La Flèche and Two Crows.) The Iñke-sabě gens, however, claims through its chief, Gahige, to have been the first owner of the pipes; but this is doubtful. There are at present but two sacred pipes in existence among the Omahas, though there are seven gentes which are said to possess sacred pipes. These seven are as follows: Three of the Hañgacenu, the Iñke-sabě, ₵atada, and [K]anze, and four of the Ictasanda, the Man¢iñka-gaxe, [T]e- sĭnde, [T]a-[p]a, and Ictasanda. The two sacred pipes still in existence are kept by the Iñke-sabě gens. These pipes are called "Niniba waqube," Sacred Pipes, or "Niniba jide," Red Pipes. They are made of the red pipestone which is found 221 222 in the famous red pipestone quarry. The stems are nearly flat and are worked near the mouth-piece with porcupine quills. GAHIGE'S ACCOUNT OF THE TRADITION OF THE PIPES. § 15. Gahige, of the Iñke-sabě gens, said that his gens had the seven pipes at the first, and caused them to be distributed among the other gentes. He named as the seven gentes who had the pipes, the following: 1. Iñke-sabě; 2. [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ sub-gens of the ₵atada; 3. Man¢iñka-gaxe; 4. [T]a-[p]a; 5. [T]e-sĭnde; 6. Ictasanda; 7. Hañga (sic). In order to reach the Hañga again the seven old men had to go partly around the circle a second time. These are the gentes that had pipes and chiefs at the first. The chiefs of the three remaining gentes, the Wejincte, [K]anze, and Iñg¢e- jide, were not made for years afterward. He also said that the buffalo skull given to the [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ was regarded as equivalent to a sacred pipe. The writer is inclined to think that there is some truth in what Gahige has said, though he cannot accept all of his statement. Gahige gives one pipe to the Hañga gens; Two Crows intimated that his gens was the virtual keeper of a pipe. But Anba-hebe's story shows that it was not a real pipe, but the firebrand for lighting the pipes. In like manner, [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ has not a real pipe, but the buffalo skull, which is considered as a pipe. Hence, it may be that the men who are called "keepers of the pipes" in the [K]anze, Man¢iñka-gaxe, [T]a-[p]a, [T]e-sĭnde, and Ictasanda gentes never had real pipes but certain objects which are held sacred, and have some connection with the two pipes kept by the Iñke-sabě. AnBA-HEBE'S ACCOUNT OF THE TRADITION OF THE PIPES. § 16. The following is the tradition of the sacred pipes, according to Anba-hebe, the aged historian of the Omahas: The old men made seven pipes and carried them around the tribal circle. They first reached Wejincte, who sat there as a male elk, and was frightful to behold, so the old men did not give him a pipe. Passing on to the Iñke-sabě, they gave the first pipe to the head of that gens. Next they came to Hañga, to whom they handed a firebrand, saying, "Do thou keep the firebrand," i. e., "You are to thrust it into the pipe-bowls." Therefore it is the duty of Hañga to light the pipes for the chiefs (sic). When they reached the Bear people they feared them because they sat there with the sacred bag of black bear-skin, so they did not give them a pipe. The Blackbird people received no pipe because they sat with the sacred bag of bird-skins and feathers. And the old men feared the Turtle people, who had made a big turtle on the ground, so they passed them by. But when they saw the Eagle people they gave them a pipe because they did not fear them, and the buffalo was good. (Others say that the Eagle people had started off in anger when they found themselves slighted, but the old men pursued them, and on overtaking them they handed them a bladder filled with tobacco, and also a buffalo skull, saying, "Keep this skull as a sacred thing." This appeased them, and they rejoined the tribe.) Next the old men saw the [K]anze, part of whom were good, and part were bad. To the good ones they gave a pipe. The Man¢iñka-gaxe people were the next gens. They, too, were divided, half being bad. These bad ones had some stones at the front of their lodge, and they colored these stones, as well as their hair, orange-red. They wore plumes (hinqpe) in their hair (and a branch of cedar wrapped around their heads.—La Flèche), and were awful to behold. So the old men passed on to the good ones, to whom they gave the fourth pipe. Then they reached the [T]e-sĭnde, half of whom made sacred a buffalo, and are known as those who eat not the lowest rib. Half of these were good, and they received the fifth pipe. All of the [T]a-[p]a (Anba-hebe's own gens!) were good, and they obtained the sixth pipe. The Iñg¢e-jide took one whole side of a buffalo, and stuck it up, leaving the red body but partially buried in the ground, after making a tent of the skin. They who carried the pipes around were afraid of them, so they did not give them one. Last of all they came to the Ictasanda. These people were disobedient, destitute of food, and averse to staying long in one place. As the men who had the pipes wished to stop this, they gave the seventh pipe to the fourth subgens of the Ictasanda, and since then the members of this gens have behaved themselves. J. La Flèche and Two Crows say that "Wejincte loved his waqube, the miʞasi, or coyote, and so he did not wish a pipe" which pertained to peace. "Hañga does not light the pipes for the chiefs", that is, he does not always light the pipes. § 17. The true division of labor appears to be as follows: Hañga was the source of the sacred pipes, and has a right to all, as that gens had the first authority. Hañga is therefore called "I¢ig¢an´qti aké," as he does what he pleases with the pipes. Hañga told Íñke-sabě to carry the pipes around the tribal circle; so that is why the seven old men did so. And as Hañga directed it to be done, Iñke-sabě is called "A¢in´ aké," The Keeper. Ictasanda fills the pipes. When the Ictasanda man who attends to this duty does not come to the council the pipes cannot be smoked, as no one else can fill them. This man, who knows the ritual, sends all the others out of the lodge, as they must not hear the ancient words. He utters some words when he cleans out the pipe-bowl, others when he fills the pipe, etc. He does not always require the same amount of time to perform this duty. Then all return to the lodge. Hañga, or rather a member of that gens, 223 Fig. 13.—Places of the chiefs, etc., in the tribal assembly. A.—The first head chief, on the left. B.—The second head chief, on the right. C.—The two Hañga wag¢a, one being the old man whom Iñke-sabě causes to smoke the pipe. D.—The place where the two pipes are laid. The chiefs sit around in a circle. E.—The giver of the feast. lights the pipes, except at the time of the greasing of the sacred pole, when he, not Ictasanda, fills the pipes, and some one else lights them for him. (See § 152.) These three gentes, Hañga, Iñke-sabě, and Ictasanda, are the only rulers among the keepers of the sacred pipes. The other keepers are inferior; though said to be keepers of sacred pipes, the pipes are not manifest. These seven niniba waqube are peace pipes, but the niniba waqube of the Wejincte is the war pipe. § 18. The two sacred pipes kept by Iñke-sabě are used on various ceremonial occasions. When the chiefs assemble and wish to make a decision for the regulation of tribal affairs, Ictasanda fills both pipes and lays them down before the two head chiefs. Then the Iñke-sabě keeper takes one and the [T]e-[p]a it`ajĭ keeper the other. Iñke-sabě precedes, starting from the head chief sitting on the right and passing around half of the circle till he reaches an old man seated opposite the head chief. This old man (one of the Hañga wag¢a) and the head chief are the only ones who smoke the pipe; those sitting between them do not smoke it when Iñke-sabě goes around. When the old man has finished smoking Iñke-sabě takes the pipe again and continues around the circle to the starting-point, but he gives it to each man to smoke. When he reaches the head chief on the left he gives it to him, and after receiving it from him he returns it to the place on the ground before the head chiefs. When Iñke-sabě reaches the old man referred to [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ starts from the head chiefs with the other pipe, which he hands to each one, including those sitting between the second head chief and the old man. [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ always keeps behind Iñke-sabě just half the circumference of the circle, and when he receives the pipe from the head chief on the left he returns it to its place beside the other. Then, after the smoking is over, Ictasanda takes the pipes, overturns them to empty out the ashes, and cleans the bowls by thrusting in a stick. (See §§ 111, 130, 296, etc.) In smoking they blew the smoke upwards, saying, "Here, Wakanda, is the smoke." This was done because they say that Wakanda gave them the pipes, and He rules over them. § 19. Frank La Flèche told the following: The sacred pipes are not shown to the common people. When my father was about to be installed a head chief, Mahin-zi, whose duty it was to fill the pipes, let one of them fall to the ground, violating a law, and so preventing the continuation of the ceremony. So my father was not fully initiated. When the later fall was partly gone Mahin-zi died. Wacuce, my father-in-law, was the Iñke-sabě keeper of the pipes. When the Otos visited the Omahas (in the summer of 1878), the chiefs wished the pipes to be taken out of the coverings, so they ordered Wacuce to undo the bag. This was unlawful, as the ritual prescribed certain words to be said by the chiefs to the keeper of the pipes previous to the opening of the bag. But none of the seven chiefs know the formula. Wacuce was unwilling to break the law; but the chiefs insisted, and he yielded. Then Two Crows told all the Omahas present not to smoke the small pipe. This he had a right to do, as he was a Hañga. Wacuce soon died, and in a short time he was followed by his daughter and his eldest son. It takes four days to make any one understand all about the laws of the sacred pipes; and it costs many horses. A bad man, i. e., one who is saucy, quarrelsome stingy, etc., cannot be told such things. This was the reason why the seven chiefs did not know their part of the ritual. LAW OF MEMBERSHIP. § 20. A child belongs to its father's gens, as "father-right" has succeeded "mother-right." But children of white or black men are assigned to the gentes of their mothers, and they cannot marry any women of those gentes. A stranger cannot belong to any gens of the tribe, there being no ceremony of adoption into a gens. THE WEJINCTE OR ELK GENS. § 21. This gens occupies the first place in the tribal circles, pitching its tents at one of the horns or extremities, not far from the Ictasanda gens, which camps at the other end. When the ancient chieftainship was abolished in 1880, Mahin-¢iñge was the chief of this gens, having succeeded Joseph La Flèche in 1865. The word "Wejincte" cannot be translated, as the meaning of this archaic word has been forgotten. It may have some connection with "wajin´cte," to be in a bad humor, but we have no means of ascertaining this. La Flèche and Two Crows said that there were no subgentes in this gens. But it seems probable that in former days there were subgentes in each gens, while in the course of time changes occurred, owing to decrease in numbers and the 224 225 advent of the white men. Taboo.—The members of this gens are afraid to touch any part of the male elk, or to eat its flesh; and they cannot eat the flesh of the male deer. Should they accidentally violate this custom they say that they are sure to break out in boils and white spots on different parts of the body. But when a member of this gens dies he is buried in moccasins made of deer skin. Style of wearing the hair.—The writer noticed that Binze-tig¢e, a boy of this gens, had his hair next the forehead standing erect, and that back of it was brushed forward till it projected beyond the former. A tuft of hair at the back extended about 3 inches below the head. This style of wearing the hair prevails only among the smaller children as a rule; men and women do not observe it. Some say that `An-wegan¢a is the head of those who join in the worship of the thunder, but his younger brother, Qaga- man¢in, being a more active man, is allowed to have the custody of the Iñg¢an¢ě and the Iñg¢anhañgac`a. J. La Flèche and Two Crows said that this might be so; but they did not know about it. Nor could they or my other informants tell the meaning of Iñg¢an¢ě and Iñg¢anhañgac`a. Perhaps they refer either to the wild-cat (iñg¢añga), or to the thunder (iñg¢an). Compare the Ictasanda "keepers of the claws of a wild-cat." § 22. The sacred tent.—The sacred tent of the Elk gens is consecrated to war, and scalps are given to it, but are not fastened to it, as some have asserted. B¢anti used to be the keeper of it, but he has resigned the charge of it to the ex- chief, Mahin-¢iñge. The place of this sacred tent is within the tribal circle, and near the camping place of the gens. This tent contains one of the wa¢íxabe, a sacred bag, made of the feathers and skin of a bird, and consecrated to war. (See § 196.) There is also another sacred bag in this tent, that which holds the sacred ʇíhaba or clam shell, the bladder of a male elk filled with tobacco, and the sacred pipe of the gens, the tribal war-pipe, which is made of red pipe-stone. The ʇihaba is about nine inches in diameter, and about four inches thick. It is kept in a bag of buffalo hide which is never placed on the ground. In ancient days it was carried on the back of a youth, but in modern times, when a man could not be induced to carry it, it was put with its buffalo-skin bag into the skin of a coyote, and a woman took it on her back. When the tribe is not in motion the bag is hung on a cedar stick about five feet high, which had been planted in the ground. The bag is fastened with some of the sinew of a male elk, and cannot be opened except by a member of the Wasabe-hit`ajĭ sub-gens of the ₵atada. (See § 45, etc.) § 23. Service of the scouts.—When a man walks in dread of some unseen danger, or when there was an alarm in the camp, a crier went around the tribal circle, saying, "Majan´ i¢égasañga té wí á¢inhe+!" I who move am he who will know what is the matter with the land! (i. e., I will ascertain the cause of the alarm.) Then the chiefs assembled in the war tent, and about fifty or sixty young men went thither. The chiefs directed the Elk people to make the young men smoke the sacred pipe of the Elk gens four times, as those who smoked it were compelled to tell the truth. Then one of the servants of the Elk gens took out the pipe and the elk bladder, after untying the elk sinew, removed some of the tobacco from the pouch (elk bladder), which the Elk men dare not touch, and handed the pipe with the tobacco to the Elk man, who filled it and lighted it. They did not smoke with this pipe to the four winds, nor to the sky and ground. The Elk man gave the pipe to one of the bravest of the young men, whom he wished to be the leader of the scouts. After all had smoked the scouts departed. They ran around the tribal circle, and then left the camp. When they had gone about 20 miles they sat down, and the leader selected a number to act as policemen, saying, "I make you policemen. Keep the men in order. Do not desire them to go aside." If there were many scouts, about eight were made policemen. Sometimes there were two, three, or four leaders of the scouts, and occasionally they sent some scouts in advance to distant bluffs. The leaders followed with the main body. When they reached home the young men scattered, but the leaders went to the Elk tent and reported what they had ascertained. They made a detour, in order to avoid encountering the foe, and sometimes they were obliged to flee to reach home. This service of the young men was considered as equivalent to going on the war path. § 24. Worship of the thunder in the spring.—When the first thunder is heard in the spring of the year the Elk people call to their servants, the Bear people, who proceed to the sacred tent of the Elk gens. When the Bear people arrive one of them opens the sacred bag, and, after removing the sacred pipe, hands it to one of the Elk men, with some of the tobacco from the elk bladder. Before the pipe is smoked it is held toward the sky, and the thunder god is addressed. Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows do not know the formula, but they said that the following one, given me by a member of the Ponka Hisada (Wasabe-hit`ajĭ) gens, may be correct. The thunder god is thus addressed by the Ponkas: "Well, venerable man, by your striking (with your club) you are frightening us, your grandchildren, who are here. Depart on high. According to [P]á¢innanpájĭ, one of the Wasabe-hit`ajĭ, who has acted as a servant for the Elk people, "At the conclusion of this ceremony the rain always ceases, and the Bear people return to their homes." But this is denied by Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows, who say, "How is it possible for them to stop the rain?" While the Elk gens is associated with the war path, and the worship of the thunder god, who is invoked by war chiefs, those war chiefs are not always members of this gens, but when the warriors return, the keeper of the sacred bag of this gens compels them to speak the truth about their deeds. (See § 214.) § 25. Birth names of boys.—The following are the birth names of boys in the Elk gens. These are sacred or nikie 226 227 names, and sons used to be so named in former days according to the order of their births. For example, the first-born son was called the Soft Horn (of the young elk at its first appearance). The second, Yellow Horn (of the young elk when a little older). The next, the Branching Horns (of an elk three years old). The fourth, the Four Horns (of an elk four years old). The fifth, the Large Pronged Horns (of an elk six or seven years old). The sixth, the Dark Horns (of a grown elk in summer). The seventh, the Standing White Horns, in the distance (i. e., those of a grown elk in winter). For instance, when, in any household, a child is named Wasabe-jiñga, that name cannot be given to any new-born child of that gens. But when the first bearer of the name changes his name or dies, another boy can receive the name Wasabe-jiñga. As that is one of the seven birth names of the Wasabe-hit`ajĭ it suggests a reason for having extra nikie names in the gens. This second kind of nikie names may have been birth names, resorted to because the original birth names were already used. Thi...