Phonology33(2016)353–389. fCambridgeUniversityPress2016 doi:10.1017/S0952675716000154 No stress, no pitch accent, no prosodic focus: the case of Ambonese Malay* Raechel Maskikit-Essed Carlos Gussenhoven Radboud University Nijmegen VarietiesofMalay,includingIndonesian,havebeenvariouslydescribedashaving word stress on the penultimate syllable, as having variable word stress and as havingaphrase-finalpitchaccentwithoutwordstress.InAmboneseMalay,the alignment of sentence-final pitch peaks fails to support the existence of either word stress or phrase-final pitch accents. Also, the shape of its pitch peaks fails tovarysystematically withtheinformationstatus ofthephrase-finalword.The twointonationmelodiesofthelanguageincludephrase-finalboundary-tonecom- plexeswhichdonotassociatewithanysyllables.Thedeclarativerise-fall would appeartobetimedsoastooccurwithinthelastwordofthesentence. Minimal stresspairspresentedinearlierdescriptionsshowacontrastbetween/a/andaseg- mentallydistinctweak/C/,acontrastthatalsoappearsinpositionsthathavenot been claimed to have stress. A preliminary phonological analysis concludes the account. * E-mail:[email protected],[email protected]. Manypeoplehaveassisteduswiththeirexpertiseatvariousstagesofthework. Aone van Engelenhoven, Joop Kerkhoff, Rosina Lekawael, Thommy Leninduan, Alexander Maskikit, Donald Maskikit and Jonathan Maskikit helped us in variouswaystogettheprojectgoing.WeareparticularlyindebtedtoVincentvan Heuven, Roeland van Hout, Francesca Moro, Jos Pacilly, Toni Rietveld, Hein Steinhauer and Marco van de Ven for indispensable information and advice. We thank our speakers, Corine Bary, Ata Maskikit, Ois Maskikit, Oly Maskikit, Simon Maskikit, Kees de Schepper, Peter de Swart and Sammy Tarenskeen, for their help and patience. Results of this investigation were presented on thirteen occasions between 2013 and 2015, and we are grateful for the helpful input we receivedfromtheaudiencesaswellasforthecriticalcommentsofthreeanonymous reviewersandtheeditors.ThefirstauthorwishestothanktheStichtingNijmeegs Universiteitsfonds(SNUF)foratravelgranttogotoAmbonaspartoftheworkfor herM.A.thesis. A report on Principal Component Analyses of the segmental landmarks in the Dutch and Ambonese Malay data is available as online supplementary materials at http://www.journals.cambridge.org/issue_Phonology/Vol33No02. Links to sound files for Figs. 7, 10, 11 and 13 can be found in the online version of the journal. 353 Downloaded from http:/www.cambridge.org/core. Universiteitsbibliotheek Nijmegen, on 21 Oct 2016 at 09:04:30, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at http:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0952675716000154 354 Raechel Maskikit-Essed and Carlos Gussenhoven 1 Introduction ThewordprosodyofvarietiesofMalay,includingIndonesian,hasposeda persistent conundrum, with analyses ranging from the assumption of regular stress to proposals involving the absence of any word-prosodic structure. Broadly, three views can be identified. Traditionally, word stress has been assumed to be on the penultimate syllable (e.g. Halim 1974, for four speakers in Sumatra; Cohn 1989, for four speakers from unspecified but different parts of Indonesia; Laksman 1994, for one speaker from Jakarta; Stack 2005, for one speaker of Manado Malay). Theterm‘Indonesian’isgenerallyappliedtovarietiesofthestandardlan- guage,whichisspokeninmanypartsalongsidelocalvarietiesofMalay,as well as indigenous languages. Because substrates may be variably present inwhatisdescribedasIndonesian,wespecifythelocationsofthespeakers in the above references. Non-default stress is generally attributed to the occurrence of schwa in the penultimate syllable, in which case most accounts describe stress on the final syllable in disyllables (e.g. Halim 1974: 76, Soderberg 2014). The assumption that Indonesian has word stress is fairly generally accepted in the phonological literature (e.g. Cohn 1989, Halle & Idsardi 1995). The second view abandons the link between word stress and a specific syllable, with a variety of interpretations of whatever structure remains. For instance, word stress has been presented as a feature that may appear in different syllables of the Indonesian word spoken on different occasions (van Zanten & van Heuven 1998). Recognising the mobility of (putative) word stress in as a function of sentence position, Halim (1974: 63) observes that words at the end of final phrases have penultimate stress, whilethoseoccurringattheendofpre-finalphraseshavefinalstress.Going one step further, Odé (1994: 63) claims that prominence in Indonesian ‘cannotbedescribedintermsofstressedoraccentedsyllables…thesyllable doesnotseemtobethelevelonwhichprominencemustbestudied’.Mohd Don et al. (2008: 67) echo this suspicion, concluding that the syllable has norelevancetotheprosodyofMalaysianMalay,basedonalackofdurational evidenceforaprosodicallyprivilegedstatusofthepenultimatesyllable.Ina similar spirit, van Heuven et al. (2008: 1285) adopt the notion of a ‘pitch accent’,whilearguingthatinBetawiMalaythereisnodedicatedsyllableto whichitisassigned. The third class of responses have in common that they unambiguously seestressasapropertyofphrases,notofwords.Stack(2005:171)observes for Manado Malay that ‘stress typically falls at the end of each phrase within the sentence’ (cf. also Stoel 2005). Similarly, Goedemans & van Zanten (2007) suggest that Indonesian uses pitch accents as boundary markers, a view also expressed for Brunei Malay by Clynes & Deterding (2011). Based on his work on the Austronesian language Waima’a (East Timor), Himmelmann (2010) suggests that penultimate phrasal pitch accents may be characteristic of the western region of the Malay archipelago. Downloaded from http:/www.cambridge.org/core. Universiteitsbibliotheek Nijmegen, on 21 Oct 2016 at 09:04:30, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at http:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0952675716000154 No stress, no pitch accent, no prosodic focus 355 Ambonese Malay (ISO 639-3, also known as Malayu Ambong; van Minde 1997) is spoken by approximately 200,000 speakers in Ambon and other parts of the Central Moluccas in Indonesia (Lewis et al. 2014). As elsewhere in what is now Indonesia and Malaysia, Malay was introduced in precolonial times in the Moluccas, commercially im- portant because of the trade in cloves and nutmeg, in which Ambon has held a central position since around 1600. Moluccan or Ambonese Malay has been variously counted as ‘Indonesian’ and as an indigenous language in censuses (Steinhauer 1994). Work on the language has focused on the lexicon and the syntax (e.g. Collins 1983); there are no studies of its prosody, other than the section on word stress in van Minde (1997). (On Ambonese Malay as a heritage language in the Netherlands, see van Engelenhoven 2002 and Moro 2016.) §2givesfourpossibleinterpretationsofaphrase-finalF0peak,andposes thequestionwhichoftheseappliestoAmboneseMalay,whileoutlininga production experiment designed to address this issue. §3 reports on the alignmentofthepitchpeakthatputativelymarksthewordstress,andpre- sents duration and spectral tilt data, together with a discussion of the extent to which these measurements reveal the existence of word stress. This discussion also addresses the claims made by van Minde (1997). To put the alignment data in perspective, we consider comparable data in Dutch, a language with undisputed word stress, and French, a language with a phrase-final pitch accent. Next, §4 considers the question whether the location or the shape of the F0 peak is sensitive to the information status of the target word, and §5 provides a phonological analysis of the sentence prosody, showing that the F0 peak represents a declarative contour that contrasts with a non-declarative rise. We summarise the findings in §6, where we also offer our conclusions. 2 A production experiment 2.1 The research issue In the autosegmental-metrical model (Pierrehumbert 1980; cf. also Ladd 2008: ch. 3, Gussenhoven 2004: ch. 7), there are four ways in which an F0 peak can be analysed, shown in (1). (1) a. … ma ma ma)W)J)I b. … ma ma ma)W)J)I H*+L H* fl c. … ma ma ma)W)J)I d. … ma ma ma)W)J)I fi Hfl (1a)hasapitchaccentwhichisassociatedwithalexicallystressedsyllable (inbold);itcreatesthesentencemelodyincombinationwithanyboundary Downloaded from http:/www.cambridge.org/core. Universiteitsbibliotheek Nijmegen, on 21 Oct 2016 at 09:04:30, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at http:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0952675716000154 356 Raechel Maskikit-Essed and Carlos Gussenhoven tones (cf. Bruce 1977, Pierrehumbert 1980 and subsequent work on nu- merous languages). (1b) is exemplified by French (Post 2000, Jun & Fougeron 2002, D’Imperio et al. 2007), which has no word-prosodic structure (Peperkamp&Dupoux2002,Dupouxetal.2008),andwherethedistribu- tionofpitchaccentsisafunctionoftheprosodicphrasing.Thedistinction between (a) and (b) has been described as one between ‘stress accents’ (Beckman1986),whicharedistinguishedfromothersyllablesinduration and voice quality in addition to possible F0 differences, and ‘non-stress accents’, which differ from non-accented stressed syllables in terms of F0 (e.g. Levi 2005, Remijsen & van Heuven 2005, Abolhasanizadeh et al. 2012, Hualde 2012). That is, in (b), the H* pitch accent will end uponthephrase-finalsyllable,whichdoesnototherwisehavetheproper- ties of a stressed syllable. In(1c),theHLmelodyconsistsofboundarytones,atleastoneofwhich associates to a syllable (cf. Grice et al. 2000; we have marked both tones with ‘%’, so as to be explicit about their status as boundary tones). Jun (1993, 2005) (see also Ko 2013) describes this case for the Seoul Korean accentual phrase, which has LH (or HH, depending on the nature of the onset consonant in the first syllable) associating with the first and second syllables, while there is a larger number of final melodies with a similar association behaviour at the phrase end. The difference between (b) and (c) may seem vacuous, since in both cases an H tone ends up on an IP- final syllable which has no stress. However, (1b), where the final syllable is accented, is required, because accents, interpreted as abstract markers for the insertion of tone (Goldsmith 1976, Hyman 1978, 2006, 2012, Gussenhoven 2004: 47), may be subject to overriding morphosyntactic generalisations, and can therefore in principle escape the final position. A case in point for French is Que sais-je? ‘What do I know?’, which has the pitch accent on sais, due to the unaccentable status of the 1st person singular pronoun je (cf. Prends-le! ‘Take it!’, which has the pitch accent on le). (1d)presentsboundarytonesthatremainfloating.Itdiffersempirically from(1c)inlackinganear-constanttimingofthepeakrelativetosomesyl- lable.In(d),thereisnoneedtoassumeeitherwordstressorpitchaccents, whether associated lexically or postlexically. Whereas in English the F0 peak in a case like (1a) marks word stress, indicates the end of the focus constituentandsignalssomediscoursemeaning,in(d)itmightonlyindi- cate that the sentence has some intonationally signalled function, like ‘declarative’. And if hyperarticulation were to be systematically used for signalling narrow focus, it would not be concentrated on the last syllable, but be more diffusely distributed over some prosodic phrase. The ques- tionsaddressedbyourexperimentarewhichrepresentationisappropriate for Ambonese Malay, and whether there is any systematic marking of in- formation status in the prosody in the language. Downloaded from http:/www.cambridge.org/core. Universiteitsbibliotheek Nijmegen, on 21 Oct 2016 at 09:04:30, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at http:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0952675716000154 No stress, no pitch accent, no prosodic focus 357 2.2 Data collection Wedesignedareadingtaskaimedatelicitingscriptedspeechconsistingof 80mini-dialogues,inwhicheitherthequestionortheanswerservedasthe carrier sentence of a polysyllabic monomorphemic target noun. Monosyllabic content words are rare in Malay, and, while trisyllabic wordsdooccur,theyareusuallymorphologicallycomplex,ofteninvolving affixation(Adelaar1992,vanMinde1997,Clynes&Deterding2011).We selectedninetargetwordswhosephonologicalstructurereflectsthatofthe vocabulary in general, including the six disyllabic nouns in (2a), whose segmental composition varies within the limits of the permitted syllable structure,(C)V(C),whereword-internalCCsequencesconsistofahomor- ganic nasal and plosive. The disyllabic word in (2b) has exceptional final stressaccordingtovanMinde(1997),while(2c)istrisyllabic.Byselecting targetwordswhosestructureisrepresentativeofthelanguage,weensured thattherewasenoughsegmentalvariationtofacilitateourresearchonthe correlation between F0 turning points and segmental measures. Syllable boundaries, which are uncontroversial, are indicated by a dot. (The tran- scriptionsofthefirstsyllablesof(2b,c)willberevisedin§3.4.) (2) a. anjing [a¿.ÖiN] ‘dog’ mangga [maN.ga] ‘mango’ loteng [lo.teN] ‘attic’ mobil [mo.bil] ‘car’ rumah [ru.ma] ‘house’ ular [u.lar] ‘snake’ b. tamang [ta.maN] ‘friend’ c. balalang [ba.la.laN] ‘grasshopper’ Thetargetwordswereembeddedincarriersentencesoccurringinmini- dialogues in which both discourse mode (utterance-final declarative, utterance-final polar interrogative and non-utterance-final, henceforth ‘continuative’) and position in the IP (final and medial) were varied. This yielded 48 sentences (3 discourse conditionsú(8 IP-final+8 IP- medial)). The variation in the position of the target word (underlined) in thesentenceisillustratedin(3)and(4).IP-medialtargetwords,likebala- lang in (3b), were between one and four words from the end of the IP. (3) a. A: Biking apa? ‘What is he doing?’ B: Dorang pung kaka mau makang balalang. ‘Their brother wants to eat a grasshopper.’ b. A: Tina mau apa? ‘What does Tina want?’ B: Tina suka making balalang deng garam. ‘Tina wants to eat a grasshopper with salt.’ Downloaded from http:/www.cambridge.org/core. Universiteitsbibliotheek Nijmegen, on 21 Oct 2016 at 09:04:30, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at http:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0952675716000154 358 Raechel Maskikit-Essed and Carlos Gussenhoven Thethreediscourseconditionsareillustrated in(4a)for thedeclarative condition, which employs a B-sentence as an answer to a wh-question, in (4b) for the polar interrogative, where the A-sentence is the carrier sen- tence, and in (4c) for the continuative, where the B-sentence is the carrier sentence. Declarative sentences like the B-sentence in (4a) differed only from polar interrogative sentences like the A-sentence in (4b) in the presence of a question mark in the script. (4) a. A: Dirk buwat apa? ‘What’s up with Dirk?’ B: Sekarang, Dirk mau pulang ka rumah. ‘Dirk wants to go home now.’ b. A: Sekarang, Dirk mau pulang ka rumah? ‘Does Dirk want to go home now?’ B: Iyo. ‘Yes.’ c. A: Biking apa itu Gina? ‘What is Gina doing?’ B: Gina mau masa dolo dirumah, abis itu undeng Tina. ‘Gina first wants to cook at home, and then she will invite Tina.’ In addition,theinformationstatus ofthe eighttarget wordswasvaried by including each of them in final on-focus and final post-focus positions in two declarative sentences. This yielded a further 32 sentences (2 focus conditionsú2sentencesú8).Thefocusandnon-focusconditionsareillu- stratedin(5a)and(5b)respectively.Fiveofthesentenceswithanjingasthe target word also contained a second focused constituent, as in Tidak, ini Timo pung anjing ‘(Is this Lucas’s cat?) No, this is Timo’s dog’. (5) a. A: Dia mau piara monyet? ‘Does she want to keep a monkey?’ B: Tidak, dia mau piara anjing. ‘No, she wants to keep a dog.’ b. A: Dia mau piara anjing? ‘Does she want to keep a dog?’ B: Tidak, dorang mau piara anjing. ‘No, they want to keep a dog.’ Two male (M1, M2) and two female (F1, F2) native speakers were recruited in Ambon, aged 26, 55, 26 and 19 respectively. M1, F1 and F2 were monolingual, and had been born and raised in Ambon, while M2, who was also fluent in a local village language, had lived in Ambon for 28 years and used Ambonese Malay in his daily communication. They were provided with a written version of the corpus on the day of the recording, together with oral instructions, and were asked to read through the corpus at their leisure. Subsequently, they were asked to read out both the questions and the answers of all dialogues twice.1 1 Theelicitationofthisscriptedspeechwasfirstattemptedwithpairsofspeakers,one producingtheAsentenceandtheothertheBsentence.Wefoundthisprocedureless Downloaded from http:/www.cambridge.org/core. Universiteitsbibliotheek Nijmegen, on 21 Oct 2016 at 09:04:30, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at http:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0952675716000154 No stress, no pitch accent, no prosodic focus 359 Nineteen non-experimental dialogues were included in the corpus as fillers, ten of which occurred at the beginning and nine at the end. Recordings were made in the homes of the speakers with the help of a Sony minidisk recorder MZ-NH700 and a Sony microphone ECM- MS907, at a sampling rate of 44 kHz. Ambient noise from animals and gusts of wind was avoided during speech production by asking subjects to repeat utterances whenever this occurred.2 One version of each of the eighty dialogues as produced by each speaker was selected, and analysed using the digital speech analysis software in Praat (Boersma & Weenink 2011). In the absence of a theory of the prosodic structure, we annotated these dialogues quite liberally, drawing on categories that are familiar from European and other languages – these labels served a heuristic purposeonly.Specifically,wesegmentedthewords,theIPs,theputatively stressed syllables of the target words and the rhymes of these syllables, adding preliminary annotations in terms of pitch accents and boundary tones. 3 Searching for phonetic evidence for word stress and pitch accents Inordertoestablishifthereisphoneticevidenceforthepresenceofword stressortheexistenceofpitchaccents,wecollectedduration,F0andspec- tralmeasurements.§3.1evaluatestheevidenceprovidedbydurationmea- surementsoffinalandpenultimatesyllablesofwordswithputativestress. §3.2reportsatimestampanalysisaimedatestablishingthebestsegmental anchorinthewordbycorrelatingtheH-timestampwiththetimestampsof a number of potential anchoring landmarks, on the assumption that, if there is word stress, the location of the F0 peak should to a large extent be determined by an edge of the stressed syllable or its rhyme. Second, since the location of the target of H may be a segmentally defined point (‘segmental anchoring’ in the terminology of Welby & Lœvenbruck 2006) or a zone covering a syllabic constituent (‘segmental anchorage’), wealsocarriedoutalatencyanalysistoevaluatetheroleofsyllabicconsti- tuents in the temporal definition of the target of H. An argument for the absence of prosodic structure which is based on a series of null results may be open to the objection that more detailed measurements might have revealed the requisite evidence. To mitigate the force of any such criticism, we validated our methodology by setting up a baseline with helpful,asittooktimeforparticipantstogetattunedtoeachotherinthewaythey acted out the conversations and thus to produce a consistently natural effect. The speakers preferred reading out both sentences themselves and had no problem taking on both roles in the same quasi-natural style which the mini-dialogues wereintendedtoelicit. 2 In one instance, all recordings of a target sentence, the one representing the IP- medial occurrence of balalang in the continuative intonation, were spoilt by ambientnoise. Downloaded from http:/www.cambridge.org/core. Universiteitsbibliotheek Nijmegen, on 21 Oct 2016 at 09:04:30, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at http:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0952675716000154 360 Raechel Maskikit-Essed and Carlos Gussenhoven comparable alignment data from a language with uncontroversial stress. To this end, we recruited four speakers of Dutch, two females (F3, F4) and two males (M3, M4), between 30 and 35 years old, who had at least one parent who, like themselves, was born and raised in Nijmegen or its immediate surroundings. We composed a list of seven target words that were segmentally comparable to the Ambonese Malay target words, all with penultimate stress. These were Anjum [‘An.j@m] (place-name) (cf. anjing), bemaling [b@.’ma:.lIN] ‘drainage’ (cf. balalang), loting [’lo:.tIN] ‘lottery’ (cf. loteng), mango[’mAN.go] ‘mango’ (cf. mangga), meubel[’mø:.b@l] ‘piece of furniture’ (cf. mobil), Roma [’ro:.ma] ‘Rome’ (cf. rumah) and Oeral [’u:.rAl] ‘Urals’ (cf. ular). To match the three utterance types in the Ambonese Malay subcorpus shown in (4a) and (5), we constructed mini-dialogues in which the target word appeared in final position in the B sentence in three conditions. Two of these were a declarative and focuscondition,correspondingto(4a)and(5a).Becauseapost-focuscon- dition in Dutch would have yielded deaccented target words, we instead used a third condition, which yielded a question giving two alternatives, as illustrated in (6). (6) A: Willen ze die fabriek nou in de Oeral of in de Gobiwoestijn? ‘Do they want that factory in the Urals or in the Gobi desert?’ B: Die zijn ze aan ’t bouwen in de Oeral. ‘They’re building it in the Urals.’ 3.1 Duration Mohd Don et al. (2008) argue that the penultimate syllable in Malaysian Malay has no stress, because its duration falls short of what they claim it should be if it did have stress. The bars in Fig. 1 gives mean durations and standard deviations of the penultimate rhymes over seven words with putative penultimate stress per speaker for Ambonese Malay (a) and Dutch (b), aligned at their mid-points. A one-way ANOVA shows that the Dutch speakers have longer penultimate rhymes than the Ambonese Malay speakers (154 vs. 126ms; F(1,166)=16,829, p<0.0001) and display less variation in duration (SD 23.8 vs. 59.0ms), eventhoughworddurationsarenotsignificantlydifferent.Dutchstressed rhymes take up 33.8% of the word durations, against 26.2% in Ambonese Malay.AreviewerobservesthatsincefiveofthesevenDutchtargetwords havealongvowelinthestressedrhyme,thelongerdurationsintheDutch datamightbeduetoabiasinvowelquantity.Werecalculatedrhymeand worddurationswithhybridvoweldurationsonthebasisofaveragedura- tionsof105msforlax(short)vowelsand155msfortensemonophthongs (Rietveld et al. 2004).3 This reduced the proportion taken up by the 3 InchoosingthephonologicalstructuresoftheDutchwords,wewereguidedbythe segmental interpretations by Dutch native speakers of Indonesian words. Lax vowels areusedin closedsyllables andtense vowels in opensyllables.Laxvowels Downloaded from http:/www.cambridge.org/core. Universiteitsbibliotheek Nijmegen, on 21 Oct 2016 at 09:04:30, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at http:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0952675716000154 No stress, no pitch accent, no prosodic focus 361 M1 M2 F1 F2 M3 M4 F3 F4 —100 —50 0 50 100 ms Figure 1 Mean durations of the penultimate rhyme (standard deviations indicated by hairlines), together with mean peak alignments relative to the rhyme midpoint (0 ms; standard deviations indicated by hairlines), pooled over three sentence-types, for four speakers of Ambonese Malay (M1, M2, F1, F2) and of Dutch (M3, M4, F3, F4) (n=21). stressedrhymeintheDutchwordto30.4%.Thesehybridrhymesarenot significantly different from the Ambonese Malay stressed rhymes, but Ambonese word durations are now significantly longer than the Dutch hybrid vowel durations (434 vs. 480ms; F(1,166)=9,181, p<0.01). Thus both methods indicate that the duration of penultimate syllables in Ambonese Malay does not stand out in any way, as opposed to the situ- ation in Dutch. are short, while non-high tense vowels are short in unstressed open syllables and long otherwise. High tense vowels are short in stressed and unstressed syllables, exceptwhenfollowedby/r/inthesamefoot.Thismeansthatonlytherhymesof mango and Anjum have short vowels in the stressed syllable. The hybridisations arebasedonoriginalrhymedurations(ORD)multipliedby105/130inthecaseof the long vowels and 0.5úORD+130/105(0.5úORD) in the case of short vowels, on the realistic assumption that short vowels take up half the rhyme in syllables closedbyasonorantconsonant. Downloaded from http:/www.cambridge.org/core. Universiteitsbibliotheek Nijmegen, on 21 Oct 2016 at 09:04:30, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at http:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0952675716000154 362 Raechel Maskikit-Essed and Carlos Gussenhoven Anotherstress-relateddurationaleffectmightbeleakageoffinallength- eningtoanIP-penultimatestressedsyllable,ashasbeenfoundforDutch in words ending in a syllable with schwa (Cambier-Langeveld 2000: 50). Such effects have also been found for English (Shattuck-Hufnagel & Turk 1998, Cho et al. 2013). A comparison of the penultimate syllable in Ambonese Malay IP-final words with the same syllable in IP-medial words failed to reveal any leakage of final lengthening to the penultimate syllable, as can be seen in Fig. 2. Separate repeated measures ANOVAs were run for the durations of the penultimate and final syllables, with Position (two levels), Word (seven levels) and Discourse (three levels) as factors.ThedurationofthepenultimatesyllableofwordsinIP-finalposi- tionwasvirtuallyidenticaltothatinIP-medialposition,whileforthefinal syllable in IP-final position it was significantly greater (F(1,3)=8.375, p=0.031, one-sided).4 While there is a phrase-finality effect on the word-finalsyllable,thepenultimatesyllableretainsitsdurationregardless of its position in the IP. While these data do not suffice to demonstrate the absence of stress in Ambonese Malay, we have seen how two measures which may be seen as indicating penultimate stress, penultimate rhyme/word duration and final lengthening of stressed penults, do show up in Dutch, but not in Ambonese Malay. Fig. 1 also reveals a greater variability of the F0 peak inAmboneseMalaythaninDutch,asshownbythegreatermeanstandard deviations of the distances between H and the beginning and end of the stressed rhyme. The next section therefore considers the alignment of the H target. 3.2 F0 peak alignment ApproximatesynchronisationoflocationsintheF0contourwithlocations in thesegment string has been confirmed in various ways for various lan- guages. Prieto et al. (1995) found a fairly stable segmental anchor for the beginning of the prenuclear rise in Spanish, reproducing a result for Dutch nuclear pitch accents found by Caspers & van Heuven (1993). Arvaniti et al. (1998) reported a stable alignment of the beginning and end of a prenuclear pitch rise in Greek with the stretch of speech defined by the vowel in the accented syllable and the strings of consonants around it. The location of the accentual peak in Dutch was found to be stably located towards the end of the accented syllable by Ladd et al. (2000) and, across different focus conditions, by Peters et al. (2014). Schepman et al. (2006) concluded that the beginning of the rhyme (‘Silverman peak delay’) and the beginning of the accented syllable (‘Prieto peak delay’) were better predictors of peak alignment than the 4 WeignoretheexpectedmaineffectsforWord.Forfinalsyllableduration,therewas a main effect of Discourse (F(2,6)=7.699, p<0.05), with Declarative being sig- nificantly different from Continuative in a Sidak post hoc comparison (p<0.05), aswellasasignificantWordúDiscourse interaction(F(12,36)=2.784, p<0.01), due to an unexpectedly short duration of loteng and unexpectedly long durations ofanjingandularintheContinuativecondition. Downloaded from http:/www.cambridge.org/core. Universiteitsbibliotheek Nijmegen, on 21 Oct 2016 at 09:04:30, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at http:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0952675716000154