The Project Gutenberg EBook of Luther, vol. 4 of 6, by Hartmann Grisar This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. Title: Luther, vol. 4 of 6 Author: Hartmann Grisar Editor: Cappadelta Luigi Translator: E. M. Lamond Release Date: June 4, 2015 [EBook #49135] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LUTHER, VOL. 4 OF 6 *** Produced by Giovanni Fini, David Garcia, Marilynda Fraser-Cunliffe and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES: —Obvious print and punctuation errors were corrected. —The transcriber of this project created the book cover image using the title page of the original book. The image is placed in the public domain. [i] LUTHER NIHIL OBSTAT C. SCHUT, S.T.D., Censor Deputatus. IMPRIMATUR EDM. CAN. SURMONT, Vic. Gen. Westmonasterii, die 10 Julii, 1913. LUTHER BY HARTMANN GRISAR, S. J. PROFESSOR AT THE UNIVERSITY OF INNSBRUCK AUTHORISED TRANSLATION FROM THE GERMAN BY E. M. LAMOND EDITED BY LUIGI CAPPADELTA VOLUME IV LONDON KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRÜBNER & CO., LTD. BROADWAY HOUSE, 68-74 CARTER LANE, E.C. 1915 A FEW PRESS OPINIONS OF VOLUMES I-III. “HIS MOST ELABORATE AND SYSTEMATIC BIOGRAPHY ... IS NOT MERELY A BOOK TO BE RECKONED [ii] [iii] [iv] WITH; IT IS ONE WITH WHICH WE CANNOT DISPENSE, IF ONLY FOR ITS MINUTE EXAMINATION OF LUTHER’S theological writings.”—The Athenæum (Vol. I). “THE SECOND VOLUME OF DR. GRISAR’S ‘LIFE OF LUTHER’ IS FULLY AS INTERESTING AS THE FIRST. THERE IS THE SAME MINUTENESS OF CRITICISM AND THE SAME WIDTH OF SURVEY.” The Athenæum (Vol. II). “ITS INTEREST INCREASES. AS WE SEE THE GREAT REFORMER IN THE THICK OF HIS WORK, AND THE HEYDAY OF HIS LIFE, THE ABSORBING ATTRACTION OF HIS PERSONALITY TAKES HOLD OF US MORE AND MORE STRONGLY. HIS STUPENDOUS FORCE, HIS AMAZING VITALITY, HIS SUPERHUMAN INTEREST IN LIFE, IMPRESS THEMSELVES UPON US WITH REDOUBLED EFFECT. WE FIND HIM THE MOST MULTIFORM, THE MOST PARADOXICAL OF MEN.... THE PRESENT VOLUME, WHICH IS ADMIRABLY TRANSLATED, DEALS RATHER WITH THE MORAL, SOCIAL, AND PERSONAL SIDE OF LUTHER’S CAREER THAN WITH HIS THEOLOGY.”— The Athenæum (Vol. III). “THERE IS NO ROOM FOR ANY SORT OF QUESTION AS TO THE WELCOME READY AMONG ENGLISH- SPEAKING ROMAN CATHOLICS FOR THIS ADMIRABLY MADE TRANSLATION OF THE FIRST VOLUME OF THE GERMAN MONOGRAPH BY PROFESSOR GRISAR ON THE PROTAGONIST OF THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE.... THE BOOK IS SO STUDIOUSLY SCIENTIFIC, SO CAREFUL TO BASE ITS TEACHING UPON DOCUMENTS, AND SO DETERMINED TO ESCHEW CONTROVERSIES THAT ARE ONLY THEOLOGICAL, THAT IT CANNOT BUT DEEPLY interest Protestant readers.”—The Scotsman. “FATHER GRISAR HAS GAINED A HIGH REPUTATION IN THIS COUNTRY THROUGH THE TRANSLATION OF HIS MONUMENTAL WORK ON THE HISTORY OF ROME AND THE POPES IN THE MIDDLE AGES, AND THIS FIRST INSTALMENT OF HIS ‘LIFE OF LUTHER’ BEARS FRESH WITNESS TO HIS UNWEARIED INDUSTRY, WIDE LEARNING, AND SCRUPULOUS ANXIETY TO BE IMPARTIAL IN HIS JUDGMENTS AS WELL AS ABSOLUTELY ACCURATE IN matters of fact.”—Glasgow Herald. “THIS ‘LIFE OF LUTHER’ IS BOUND TO BECOME STANDARD ... A MODEL OF EVERY LITERARY, CRITICAL, and scholarly virtue.”—The Month. “LIKE ITS TWO PREDECESSORS, VOLUME III EXCELS IN THE MINUTE ANALYSIS NOT MERELY OF LUTHER’S ACTIONS, BUT ALSO OF HIS WRITINGS; INDEED, THIS FEATURE IS THE OUTSTANDING MERIT OF THE author’s patient labours.”—The Irish Times. “THIS THIRD VOLUME OF FATHER GRISAR’S MONUMENTAL ‘LIFE’ IS FULL OF INTEREST FOR THE THEOLOGIAN. AND NOT LESS FOR THE PSYCHOLOGIST; FOR HERE MORE THAN EVER THE AUTHOR ALLOWS HIMSELF TO PROBE INTO THE MIND AND MOTIVES AND UNDERSTANDING OF LUTHER, SO AS TO GET AT THE significance of his development.”—The Tablet. [v] CONTENTS CHAPTER XXI. PRINCELY MARRIAGES pages 3-79 1. LUTHER AND HENRY VIII OF ENGLAND. BIGAMY INSTEAD OF DIVORCE. The case of Henry VIII; Robert Barnes is despatched to Wittenberg; Luther proposes bigamy as a safer expedient than divorce (1531); Melanchthon’s advice: Tutissimum est regi to take a second spouse. The conduct of Pope Clement VII. The Protestant Princes of Germany endeavour to secure the good-will of the King of England; final collapse of the negotiations; Luther’s later allusions to Henry VIII pages 3-13 2. THE BIGAMY OF PHILIP OF HESSE. The question put by Philip to Luther in 1526; Philip well informed as to Luther’s views. Bucer deputed by the Landgrave to secure the sanction of Wittenberg for his projected bigamy; Bucer’s mission crowned with success; Philip weds Margaret von der Sale; Luther’s kindly offices rewarded by a cask of wine; the bigamy becomes known at the Court of Dresden; the Landgrave is incensed by Bucer’s proposal that he should deny having committed bigamy. Luther endeavours to retire behind the plea that his permission was a “dispensation,” a piece of advice given “in confession,” and, accordingly, not to be alleged in public. Some interesting letters of Luther to his sovereign and to Hesse; his private utterances on the subject recorded in the Table-Talk. “Si queam mutare!” The Eisenach Conference; Luther counsels the Landgrave to tell a good, lusty lie; the Landgrave’s annoyance. Melanchthon’s worries; an expurgated letter of his on Landgrave Philip. Duke Henry of Brunswick enters the field against Luther and the Landgrave; Luther’s stinging reply: “Wider Hans Worst.” Johann Lening’s “Dialogue”; how it was regarded by Luther, Menius and the Swiss theologians. The Hessian bigamy is hushed up. The Bigamy judged by Protestant opinion; Luther’s consent to some extent extorted under pressure pages 13-79 CHAPTER XXII. LUTHER AND LYING pages 80-178 1. A BATTERY OF ASSERTIONS. Luther’s conduct in the matter of the Bigamy an excuse for the present chapter. His dishonest assurances in his letters to Leo X, to Bishop Scultetus his Ordinary, and to the Emperor Charles V (1518- 1520); his real feelings at that time as shown in a letter to Spalatin; Luther’s later parody of Tetzel’s teaching; his insinuation that it was the Emperor’s intention to violate the safe-conduct granted; he calls into question the authenticity of the Papal Bull against him, whilst all the time knowing it to be genuine; he advises ordinandi to promise celibacy with a mental reservation; his distortion of St. Bernard’s “perdite vixi”; his allusion to the case of Conradin, “slain by Pope Clement IV,” and to the spurious letter of St. Ulrich on the babies’ heads found in a convent pond at Rome. His allegation that his “Artickel” had been subscribed to at Schmalkalden; his unfairness to Erasmus and Duke George; his statement, that, for a monk to leave his cell without his scapular, was accounted a mortal sin, and that, in Catholicism, people expected to be saved simply by works; his advocacy of the “Gospel-proviso”; his advice to the Bishop of Samland to make a show of hesitation in forsaking Catholicism pages 80-99 2. OPINIONS OF CONTEMPORARIES IN EITHER CAMP. Bucer, Münzer, J. Agricola, Erasmus, Duke George, etc., on Luther’s disregard for truth pages 99-102 3. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL PROBLEM. SELF-SUGGESTION AND SCRIPTURAL GROUNDS OF EXCUSE. The palpable untruth of certain statements which Luther never tires of repeating. How to explain his putting forward as true what was so manifestly false: The large place occupied by the jocular element; his tendency to extravagance of language; he comes, by dint of repetition, to persuade himself of the truth of his charges. The new theology of mendacity: Luther’s earlier views consistent with the Church’s; study of the Old Testament leads him to the theory that only such untruths as injure our neighbour are real lies; influence of his teaching on the theologians of his circle: Melanchthon, Bucer, Bugenhagen, Capito, etc. pages 102-116 4. SOME LEADING SLANDERS ON THE MEDIÆVAL CHURCH HISTORICALLY CONSIDERED. [vi] Luther’s distortions of the actual state of things before his coming; admissions of modern scholars. The olden Catholics’ supposed “holiness-by-works”; on the relations between creature and Creator; the Lamb of God; the Eucharistic sacrifice; “personal religion”; Luther’s plea that he revived respect for the secular calling; the olden teaching concerning perfection pages 116-131 5. WAS LUTHER THE LIBERATOR OF WOMANKIND FROM “MEDIÆVAL DEGRADATION”? Luther’s claim to be the saviour of woman and matrimony; what he says of the Pope’s treatment of marriage; marriage “a state of sin”; witnesses to the contrary: Devotional and Liturgical books; Luther’s own attachment in his younger days to St. Anne. Various statements of Luther’s to the advantage or otherwise of woman and the married life; his alteration of outlook during the controversy on the vow of Chastity; the natural impulse, and the honour of marriage; expressions ill-befitting one who aspired to deliver womankind; practical consequences of the new view of woman: Matrimonial impediments and divorce; Duke George on the saying “If the wife refuse then let the maid come.” Respect for the female sex in Luther’s conversations. The new matrimonial conditions and the slandered opponents; the actual state of things in Late Mediæval times as vouched for in the records. Two concluding pictures towards the history of woman: A preacher’s matrimonial trials; the letters of Hasenberg and von der Heyden and the “New-Zeittung” and “Newe Fabel” which they called forth pages 131-178 CHAPTER XXIII. FRESH CONTROVERSIES WITH ERASMUS (1534, 1536) AND DUKE GEORGE († 1539) pages 179-193 1. LUTHER AND ERASMUS AGAIN. Their relations since 1525; the “Hyperaspistes”; Luther’s attack in 1534 and Erasmus’s “Purgatio”; Luther on the end of Erasmus pages 179-186 2. LUTHER ON GEORGE OF SAXONY AND GEORGE ON LUTHER. Luther exhorts the Duke to turn Protestant; the Duke’s answer; how George had to suffer at Luther’s hands; his true character utterly at variance with Luther’s picture; the Duke repays Luther in his own coin pages 187-193 CHAPTER XXIV. MORAL CONDITIONS ACCOMPANYING THE REFORMATION. PRINCELY PATRONS pages 194-227 1. REPORTS FROM VARIOUS LUTHERAN DISTRICTS. The Duchy of Saxony; the Electorate of Brandenburg; the Duchy of Prussia; Würtemberg; Duke Ulrich and Luther; Blaurer and Schnepf; the sad state of things revealed; the Landgraviate of Hesse; results of Landgrave Philip’s bad example pages 194-202 2. AT THE CENTRE OF THE NEW FAITH. The Electorate of Saxony; the morals of Elector Johann Frederick; the character of his predecessors; Luther’s relations with them; the records of the Visitations; Luther compares himself to Lot dwelling in Sodom pages 202-210 3. LUTHER’S ATTEMPTS TO EXPLAIN THE DECLINE IN MORALS. His candid admissions; his varied explanations of the state of things: The malice of Satan; the apparent increase of evil due to the bright light of the Evangel; his seeming lack of success the best proof of the truth of his mission; Luther on Wittenberg and its doings pages 210-218 4. A MALADY OF THE AGE: DOUBTS AND MELANCHOLY. The habitual depression in which zealous promoters of the Evangel lived; Melanchthon, Spalatin, Jonas, Camerarius, etc.; the increase in the number of suicides; expectation of the end of all; the sad case of Johann Schlaginhaufen pages 218-227 CHAPTER XXV. IN THE NARROWER CIRCLE OF THE PROFESSION AND FAMILY. LUTHER’S BETTER FEATURES pages 228-283 1. THE UNIVERSITY PROFESSOR, THE PREACHER, THE PASTOR. [vii] [viii] Relations with the Wittenberg students; esteem in which Luther was held by them; he warns them against consorting with evil women. The Preacher and Catechist; the force and practical bearing of Luther’s sermons; his instructions to others how best to preach; his discourses at home; the notes of his sermons; what he says of Our Lady when preaching on the Magnificat; his staunch fidelity to the great doctrines of Christianity and his attachment to Holy Scripture; the fine qualities of his German as evinced in his translations and elsewhere. The spiritual guide; his concern for discipline; his circular letters; his strictures on certain legends; his efforts to re-introduce a new form of confession and to further the cause of Church-music pages 228-257 2. EMOTIONAL CHARACTER AND INTELLECTUAL GIFTS. The place of feeling in Luther’s life; an interview with Cochlæus; his powerful fancy and still more powerful will; his huge capacity for work pages 257-261 3. INTERCOURSE WITH FRIENDS. THE INTERIOR OF THE FORMER AUGUSTINIAN MONASTERY. The better side of the Table-Talk; his friends and pupils on his kindly ways; his disinterestedness, love of simplicity, his generosity, his courage when plague threatened; his occasional belittling of his own powers; his prayer and his trust in God; his lack of any real organising talent. Luther’s family life; his allusions to his wife; his care for his children pages 261-283 CHAPTER XXVI. LUTHER’S MODE OF CONTROVERSY A COUNTERPART OF HIS SOUL pages 284-350 1. LUTHER’S ANGER. HIS ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE JEWS, THE LAWYERS AND THE PRINCES. Sir Thomas More on Luther’s language. Three writings launched against the Jews; the place of the pig and donkey in Luther’s stable of metaphor. Luther’s animus against the Lawyers due to their attachment to the matrimonial legislation as then established. His attack on the Princes in his “Von welltlicher Uberkeytt”; his ire against Albert, Elector of Mayence; his list of the archbishop’s relics; how the Duke of Brunswick fared pages 284-295 2. LUTHER’S EXCUSE: “WE MUST CURSE THE POPE AND HIS KINGDOM.” The Pope is the “Beast” and the “Dragon”; Luther’s language in the Table-Talk, and in the Disputation in 1539; on the Papal Bearwolf (Werewolf); the Papal Antichrist; Luther’s wrath against all who dared to stand up for the Pope; how the Pope deserves to be addressed pages 295-305 3. THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LUTHER’S ABUSIVE LANGUAGE. His ungovernable temper; reality of certain misuses against which he thundered; his vexation with those who, like Carlstadt and Zwingli, seemed to be robbing him of the credit which was his due; his tendency to be carried away by the power of his own tongue; his need for the stimulus and outlet provided by vituperation; his ill- humour at the smallness of the moral results obtained; abuse serves to repress his own troubles of conscience. Connection of Luther’s abusiveness with his mystic persuasion of his special call; all his anger really directed against the devil; it is no insult “to call a turnip a turnip.” The unpleasant seasoning of Luther’s abuse; some samples; was language of so coarse a character at all usual at that time? Indignation of the Swiss pages 306-326 4. LUTHER ON HIS OWN GREATNESS AND SUPERIORITY TO CRITICISM. THE ART OF “RHETORIC.” His occasional professions of humility; a number of typical sayings of Luther referring to his peculiar standing and his achievements: The predictions fulfilled in him; the poverty of the exegesis of the Fathers; his reforms more far-reaching than those of any Councils; his being alone no better argument against him than against the Old-Testament Prophets, who also stood up against the whole world. Harnack’s dilemma: Was Luther a megalomaniac, or were his achievements commensurate with his claims? His habit of giving free rein to his “rhetoric”; its tendency to extravagance, unseemliness, and, occasionally, to rank blasphemy; “papist and donkey is one and the same, sic volo, sic iubeo”; his rhetoric a true mirror of his inward state; his changeableness; his high opinion of himself to some extent fostered by the adulation of his friends pages 327-350 CHAPTER XXVII. VOICES FROM THE CAMP OF THE DEFENDERS OF THE CHURCH pages 351-386 [ix] 1. LUTHER’S “DEMONIACAL” STORMING. A MAN “POSSESSED.” Hostile contemporaries ascribe Luther’s ravings to the devil, others actually hold him to be beset by the devil; references to his eyes; the idle tale of his having been begotten of the devil pages 351-359 2. VOICES OF CONVERTS. Their opinion of Luther and Luther’s opinion of them; Egranus, Zasius, Wicel and Amerbach pages 360-365 3. LAMENTATIONS OVER THE WOUNDS OF THE CHURCH AND OVER HER PERSECUTIONS. The Preface of Cochlæus to his “Commentaria de actis. etc., M. L.”; the sermons of Wild, the Mayence Franciscan, and the complaints laid before the Diet, at Ratisbon (1541) and Worms (1545) pages 365-369 4. THE LITERARY OPPOSITION. Was Luther really dragged into controversy by the tactics of his opponents? A retrospect: The character of the writings of Tetzel and Prierias; Emser; Eck and his “Obelisks”; his “Enchiridion”; Cochlæus’s “Septiceps Lutherus”; other champions of the Church pages 370-386 CHAPTER XXVIII. THE NEW DOGMAS IN AN HISTORICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL LIGHT pages 387-527 1. THE BIBLE TEXT AND THE SPIRIT AS THE “TRUE TESTS OF DOCTRINE.” Liberty for the examination of Scripture and Luther’s autonomy; Luther gradually reaches the standpoint that the Bible is the only judge in matters of faith; those only must be listened to who teach “purum verbum Dei.” Experience given by the Spirit; divergent utterances regarding the perspicuity of Holy Writ; the Bible a “heresy-book.” Luther not in favour of verbal inspiration; mistakes of the sacred writers; which books are canonical, and why? The discord which followed on Luther’s principle of relying on private judgment and the “influxus spiritus”; he reverts to the “outward Word” in his controversy with Zwingli and corroborates it by tradition. What authority, apart from the Church’s, can lay doubts to rest? The object of faith: Many articles, or only one? Protestants on Luther’s self-contradictions; the end of Luther’s “formal principle” pages 387-420 2. LUTHER AS A BIBLE EXPOSITOR. Some characteristic of Luther’s exegesis; his respect for the literal sense; all his reading of the Bible coloured by his theory of Justification; his exegesis in the light of his early development pages 420-431 3. THE SOLA FIDES. JUSTIFICATION AND ASSURANCE OF SALVATION. Connection between the “material principle” (justification) and the “formal principle” (Scripture as the only rule) of Luther’s theology, and between the “material principle” and the theory of the worthlessness of works and of God’s being the sole real agent; the theory at variance with the teaching of St. Augustine. The need of struggling to feel entirely certain of our personal justification; Luther’s own failure to come up to his standard; present-day Protestants on Luther’s main Article “on which the Church stands or falls” pages 431-449 4. GOOD WORKS IN THEORY AND PRACTICE. The Church’s teaching; origin of Luther’s new ideas to be sought in his early dislike for the “Little Saints” and their doings; the perils of his theory; on the fear of God as a motive for action. Augustine summoned as a witness on Luther’s behalf; the witness discarded by Melanchthon and the Pomeranians; Augustine’s real view; the new doctrine judged by 16th-century Protestants; Luther’s utterances in favour of good works; what charity meant in the Middle Ages; Luther on the hospitals of Florence pages 449-481 5. OTHER INNOVATIONS IN RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE. Luther no systematic theologian. The regula fidei; Harnack on Luther’s inconsequence; Paulsen on “Pope Luther.” Luther’s teaching on the sacraments; on infant-baptism and the faith it requires; liberal Protestants appeal to his principles against the “magical” theory of Baptism; penance an extension of baptism. Luther’s teaching on the Supper; Communion merely a means of fortifying faith; Impanation versus Transubstantiation; theory of the omnipresence of Christ’s body; Luther’s stead-fastness in his belief in the Real Presence. Attitude towards the invocation of the Saints, particularly of the Blessed Virgin. His views on Purgatory pages 482-506 6. LUTHER’S ATTACK ON THE SACRIFICE OF THE MASS. [x] [xi] The place of this sacrifice in the Church previous to Luther’s time; Luther’s first attacks; the Mass suppressed at Wittenberg; his “Von dem Grewel der Stillmesse”; Eck’s reply; Luther undertakes to prove that the priests’ attachment to the Mass is based merely on pecuniary grounds; connection between his attack on the Mass and his theory as a whole. His work on the “Winkle-Mass”; his dispute with the devil; his defence of his work on the “Winkle-Mass”; Cochlæus replies; Luther’s references to the Mass in his familiar talks, and in his Schmalkalden “Artickel”; a profession of faith in the Real Presence pages 506-527 [xii] [1] VOL. IV. THE REFORMER (II) LUTHER CHAPTER XXI PRINCELY MARRIAGES 1. Luther and Henry VIII of England. Bigamy instead of Divorce IN KING HENRY THE EIGHTH’S CELEBRATED MATRIMONIAL CONTROVERSY THE ROMAN SEE BY ITS FINAL DECISION WAS ENERGETICALLY TO VINDICATE THE CAUSE OF JUSTICE, IN SPITE OF THE FEAR THAT THIS MIGHT LEAD TO THE LOSS OF ENGLAND TO CATHOLICISM. THE CONSIDERED JUDGMENT WAS CLEAR AND DEFINITE: RATHER THAN COUNTENANCE THE KING’S DIVORCE FROM QUEEN CATHERINE, OR ADMIT BIGAMY AS LAWFUL, THE ROMAN CHURCH WAS PREPARED TO SEE THE FALLING AWAY OF THE KING AND LARGER portion of the realm.[1] IN THE SUMMER, 1531, LUTHER WAS DRAWN INTO THE CONTROVERSY RAGING ROUND THE KING’S MARRIAGE, BY AN AGENT OF KING HENRY’S. ROBERT BARNES, AN ENGLISH DOCTOR OF DIVINITY WHO HAD APOSTATISED FROM THE CHURCH AND WAS RESIDING AT WITTENBERG, REQUESTED OF LUTHER, PROBABLY AT THE KING’S INSTIGATION, AN OPINION REGARDING THE LAWFULNESS OF HIS SOVEREIGN’S divorce. TO LUTHER IT WAS CLEAR ENOUGH THAT THERE WAS NO POSSIBILITY OF QUESTIONING THE VALIDITY OF CATHERINE’S MARRIAGE. IT RIGHTLY APPEARED TO HIM IMPOSSIBLE THAT THE PAPAL DISPENSATION, BY VIRTUE OF WHICH CATHERINE OF ARAGON HAD MARRIED THE KING AFTER HAVING BEEN THE SPOUSE OF HIS DECEASED BROTHER, SHOULD BE REPRESENTED AS SUFFICIENT GROUND FOR A DIVORCE. THIS VIEW HE expressed with praiseworthy frankness in the written answer he gave Barnes.[2] AT THE SAME TIME, HOWEVER, LUTHER POINTED OUT TO THE KING A LOOPHOLE BY WHICH HE MIGHT BE ABLE TO SUCCEED IN OBTAINING THE OBJECT OF HIS DESIRE; BY THIS CONCESSION, UNFORTUNATELY, HE BRANDED HIS ACTION AS A PANDERING TO THE PASSIONS OF AN ADULTEROUS KING. AT THE CONCLUSION OF HIS MEMORANDUM TO BARNES HE HAS THE FOLLOWING: “SHOULD THE QUEEN BE UNABLE TO PREVENT THE DIVORCE, SHE MUST ACCEPT THE GREAT EVIL AND MOST INSULTING INJUSTICE AS A CROSS, BUT NOT IN ANY WAY ACQUIESCE IN IT OR CONSENT TO IT. BETTER WERE IT FOR HER TO ALLOW THE KING TO WED ANOTHER QUEEN, AFTER THE EXAMPLE OF THE PATRIARCHS, WHO, IN THE AGES PREVIOUS TO THE LAW, HAD MANY WIVES; BUT SHE MUST NOT CONSENT TO BEING EXCLUDED FROM HER CONJUGAL RIGHTS OR TO FORFEITING THE title of Queen of England.”[3] IT HAS BEEN ALREADY POINTED OUT THAT LUTHER, IN CONSEQUENCE OF HIS ONE-SIDED STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT, HAD ACCUSTOMED HIMSELF MORE AND MORE TO REGARD BIGAMY AS SOMETHING lawful.[4] THAT, HOWEVER, HE HAD SO FAR EVER GIVEN HIS FORMAL CONSENT TO IT IN ANY PARTICULAR INSTANCE THERE IS NO PROOF. IN THE CASE OF HENRY VIII, LUTHER FELT LESS RESTRAINT THAN USUAL. HIS PLAIN HINT AT BIGAMY AS A WAY OUT OF THE DIFFICULTY WAS INTENDED AS A COUNSEL (“ suasimus”). HENCE WE CAN UNDERSTAND WHY HE WAS ANXIOUS THAT HIS OPINION SHOULD NOT BE MADE TOO public.[5] WHEN, IN THE SAME YEAR (1531), HE FORWARDED TO THE LANDGRAVE OF HESSE WHAT PURPORTED TO BE A COPY OF THE MEMORANDUM, THE INCRIMINATING PASSAGE WAS CAREFULLY omitted.[6] MELANCHTHON, TOO, HAD INTERVENED IN THE AFFAIR, AND HAD GONE CONSIDERABLY FURTHER THAN LUTHER IN RECOMMENDING RECOURSE TO BIGAMY AND IN ANSWERING POSSIBLE OBJECTIONS TO polygamy. IN A MEMORANDUM OF AUG. 23, MELANCHTHON DECLARED THAT THE KING WAS ENTIRELY JUSTIFIED [2] [3] ^[4] [5] IN SEEKING TO OBTAIN THE MALE HEIRS WITH WHOM CATHERINE HAD FAILED TO PRESENT HIM; THIS WAS DEMANDED BY THE INTERESTS OF THE STATE. HE ENDEAVOURS TO SHOW THAT POLYGAMY IS NOT FORBIDDEN BY DIVINE LAW; IN ORDER TO AVOID SCANDAL IT WAS, HOWEVER, DESIRABLE THAT THE KING “SHOULD REQUEST THE POPE TO SANCTION HIS BIGAMY, PERMISSION BEING GRANTED READILY ENOUGH AT ROME.” SHOULD THE POPE REFUSE TO GIVE THE DISPENSATION, THEN THE KING WAS SIMPLY AND OF HIS OWN AUTHORITY TO HAVE RECOURSE TO BIGAMY, BECAUSE IN THAT CASE THE POPE WAS NOT DOING HIS DUTY, FOR HE WAS “BOUND IN CHARITY TO GRANT THIS DISPENSATION.” [7] “ALTHOUGH I SHOULD BE LOATH TO ALLOW POLYGAMY GENERALLY, YET, IN THE PRESENT CASE, ON ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT ADVANTAGE TO THE KINGDOM AND PERHAPS TO THE KING’S CONSCIENCE, I WOULD SAY: THE KING MAY, WITH A GOOD conscience (‘tutissimum est regi’), TAKE A SECOND WIFE WHILE RETAINING THE FIRST, BECAUSE IT IS CERTAIN THAT POLYGAMY IS NOT FORBIDDEN BY THE DIVINE LAW, NOR IS IT SO VERY UNUSUAL.” MELANCHTHON’S RUTHLESS MANNER OF PROCEEDING UNDOUBTEDLY HAD A GREAT INFLUENCE ON THE OTHER WITTENBERGERS, EVEN THOUGH IT CANNOT BE MAINTAINED, AS HAS BEEN DONE, THAT HE, AND NOT LUTHER, WAS THE ORIGINATOR OF THE WHOLE THEORY; THERE ARE TOO MANY CLEAR AND DEFINITE EARLIER STATEMENTS OF LUTHER’S IN FAVOUR OF POLYGAMY TO DISPROVE THIS. STILL, IT IS TRUE THAT THE LAX OPINION BROACHED BY MELANCHTHON IN FAVOUR OF THE KING OF ENGLAND PLAYED A GREAT PART LATER in the matter of the bigamy of the Landgrave of Hesse.[8] IN THE SAME YEAR, HOWEVER, THERE APPEARED A WORK ON MATRIMONY BY THE LUTHERAN THEOLOGIAN JOHANN BRENZ IN WHICH, SPEAKING GENERALLY AND WITHOUT REFERENCE TO THIS PARTICULAR CASE, HE EXPRESSED HIMSELF VERY STRONGLY AGAINST THE LAWFULNESS OF POLYGAMY. “THE SECULAR AUTHORITIES,” SO BRENZ INSISTS, “MUST NOT ALLOW ANY OF THEIR SUBJECTS TO HAVE TWO OR MORE WIVES,” THEY MUST, ON THE CONTRARY, PUT INTO MOTION THE “PENALTIES OF THE IMPERIAL LAWS” AGAINST POLYGAMY; NO PASTOR MAY “BLESS OR RATIFY” SUCH MARRIAGES, BUT IS BOUND TO excommunicate the offenders.[9] STRANGE TO SAY, THE WORK APPEARED WITH A PREFACE BY LUTHER in which, however, he neither praises nor blames this opinion.[10] THE STRASBURG THEOLOGIANS, BUCER AND CAPITO, AS WELL AS THE CONSTANCE PREACHER, AMBROSIUS BLAURER, ALSO STOOD UP FOR THE LAWFULNESS OF BIGAMY. WHEN, HOWEVER, THIS REACHED THE EARS OF THE SWISS THEOLOGIANS, ŒCOLAMPADIUS, IN A LETTER OF AUG. 20, EXCLAIMED: “THEY WERE INCLINED TO CONSENT TO THE KING’S BIGAMY! BUT FAR BE IT FROM US TO HEARKEN MORE TO Mohammed in this matter than to Christ!”[11] IN SPITE OF THE ALLURING HINT THROWN OUT AT WITTENBERG, THE ADULTEROUS KING, AS EVERYONE KNOWS, DID NOT RESORT TO BIGAMY. IT WAS HENRY THE EIGHTH’S WISH TO BE RID OF HIS WIFE, AND, HAVING HAD HER REMOVED, HE REGARDED HIMSELF AS DIVORCED. AFTER THE KING HAD REPUDIATED CATHERINE, LUTHER TOLD HIS FRIENDS: “THE UNIVERSITIES [I.E. THOSE WHICH SIDED WITH THE ENGLISH KING] HAVE DECLARED THAT THERE MUST BE A DIVORCE. WE, HOWEVER, AND THE UNIVERSITY OF LOUVAIN, DECIDED DIFFERENTLY.... WE [VIZ. LUTHER AND MELANCHTHON] ADVISED THE ENGLISHMAN THAT IT WOULD BE BETTER FOR HIM TO TAKE A CONCUBINE THAN TO DISTRACT HIS COUNTRY AND NATION; YET in the end he put her away.”[12] WHEN CLEMENT VII DECLARED THE FIRST MARRIAGE TO BE VALID AND INDISSOLUBLE, AND ALSO REFUSED TO COUNTENANCE ANY BIGAMY, HENRY VIII RETORTED BY BREAKING WITH THE CHURCH OF ROME, CARRYING HIS COUNTRY WITH HIM. FOR A WHILE CLEMENT HAD HESITATED ON THE QUESTION OF BIGAMY, SINCE, IN VIEW OF CARDINAL CAJETAN’S OPINION TO THE CONTRARY, HE FOUND IT DIFFICULT TO CONVINCE HIMSELF THAT A DISPENSATION COULD NOT BE GIVEN, AND BECAUSE HE WAS PERSONALLY INCLINED TO BE INDULGENT AND FRIENDLY; FINALLY, HOWEVER, HE GAVE BENNET, THE ENGLISH ENVOY, CLEARLY TO UNDERSTAND THAT THE DISPENSATION WAS NOT IN HIS POWER TO GRANT. [13] THAT HE HIMSELF WAS NOT SUFFICIENTLY VERSED IN CANON LAW, THE POPE REPEATEDLY ADMITTED. “IT WILL NEVER BE POSSIBLE TO ALLEGE THE ATTITUDE OF CLEMENT VII AS ANY EXCUSE FOR THE HESSIAN AFFAIR” (EHSES). IT IS EQUALLY IMPOSSIBLE TO TRACE THE SUGGESTION OF BIGAMY BACK TO THE OPINIONS PREVAILING IN mediæval Catholicism.[14] NO MEDIÆVAL POPE OR CONFESSOR CAN BE INSTANCED WHO SANCTIONED BIGAMY, WHILE THERE ARE NUMBERS OF THEOLOGIANS WHO DENY THE POPE’S POWER TO GRANT SUCH dispensations; many even describe this negative opinion as the “sententia communis.”[15] OF CARDINAL CAJETAN, THE ONLY THEOLOGIAN OF NOTE ON THE OPPOSITE SIDE (SEE ABOVE, VOL. III., P. 261), W. KÖHLER REMARKS, ALLUDING PARTICULARLY TO THE RECENT RESEARCHES OF N. PAULUS: “IT never entered Cardinal Cajetan’s head to deny that the ecclesiastical law categorically forbids polygamy.”[16] FURTHER: “LIKE PAULUS, WE MAY UNHESITATINGLY ADMIT THAT, in this case, IT WOULD have been better for Luther had he had behind him the guiding authority of the Church.”[17] HENRY VIII, AS WAS ONLY NATURAL, SOUGHT TO MAKE THE BEST USE OF THE FRIENDSHIP OF THE WITTENBERG PROFESSORS AND PRINCES OF THE SCHMALKALDEN LEAGUE, AGAINST ROME AND THE EMPEROR. HE DESPATCHED AN EMBASSY, THOUGH HIS OVERTURES WERE NOT AS SUCCESSFUL AS HE might have wished. We may describe briefly the facts of the case. [6] [7] [8] The Schmalkalden Leaguers, from the very inception of the League, had been seeking the support both of England and of France. In 1535 they made a determined effort to bring about closer relations with Henry VIII, and, at the Schmalkalden meeting, the latter made it known that he was not unwilling to “join the Christian League of the Electors and Princes.” Hereupon he was offered the “title and standing of patron and protector of the League.” The political negotiations nevertheless miscarried, owing to the King’s excessive demands for the event of an attack on his Kingdom.[18] The project of an alliance with the King of Denmark, the Duke of Prussia, and with Saxony and Hesse, for the purpose of a war against the Emperor, also came to nothing. In these negotiations the Leaguers wanted first of all to reach an agreement with Henry in the matter of religion, whereas the latter insisted that political considerations should have the first place. In the summer, 1535, Robert Barnes, the English plenipotentiary, was raising great and exaggerated hopes in Luther’s breast of Henry’s making common cause with the Wittenberg reformers. Into his plans Luther entered with great zest, and consented to Melanchthon’s being sent to England as his representative, for the purpose of further negotiations. As we now know from a letter of recommendation of Sep. 12, 1535, first printed in 1894, he recommended Barnes to the Chancellor Brück for an interview with the Elector, and requested permission for Melanchthon to undertake the journey to England. Joyfully he points out that “now the King offers to accept the Evangel, to join the League of our Princes and to allow our ‘Apologia’ entry into his Kingdom.” Such an opportunity must not be allowed to slip, for “the Papists will be in high dudgeon.” Quite possibly God may have something in view.[19] In England hopes were entertained that these favourable offers would induce a more friendly attitude towards the question of Henry’s divorce. Concerning this Luther merely says in the letter cited: “In the matter of the royal marriage, the ‘suspensio’ has already been decided,” without going into any further particulars; he, however, reserves the case to be dealt with by the theologians exclusively. In August, 1535, Melanchthon had dedicated one of his writings to the King of England, and had, on this occasion, lavished high praise on him. It was probably about this time that the King sent the presents to Wittenberg, to which Catherine Bora casually alludes in the Table-Talk. “Philip received several gifts from the Englishman, in all five hundred pieces of gold; for our own part we got at least fifty.”[20] Melanchthon took no offence at the cruel execution of Sir Thomas More or at the other acts of violence already perpetrated by Henry VIII; on the contrary, he gave his approval to the deeds of the royal tyrant, and described it as a commandment of God “to use strong measures against fanatical and godless men.”[21] The sanguinary action of the English tyrant led Luther to express the wish, that a similar fate might befall the heads of the Catholic Church at Rome. In the very year of Bishop Fisher’s execution he wrote to Melanchthon: “It is easy to lose our tempers when we see what traitors, thieves, robbers, nay devils incarnate the Cardinals, the Popes and their Legates are. Alas that there are not more Kings of England to put them to death!”[22] He also refers to the alleged horrors practised by the Pope’s tools in plundering the Church, and asks: “How can the Princes and Lords put up with it?” In Dec., 1535, a convention of the Schmalkalden Leaguers, at Melanchthon’s instance, begged the envoys despatched by Henry, who were on their way to Wittenberg, to induce their master to promote the Confession of Augsburg—unless, indeed, as they added with unusual consideration, “they and the King should be unanimous in thinking that something in the Confession might be improved upon or made more in accordance with the Word of God.”[23] Just as in the advances made by the King to Wittenberg “the main point had been to obtain a favourable pronouncement from the German theologians in the matter of his divorce,” so too in consenting to discuss the Confession of Augsburg he was actuated by the thought that this would lead to a discussion on the Papal power and the question of the divorce, i.e. to those points which the King had so much at heart.[24] On the arrival immediately after of the envoys at Wittenberg they had the satisfaction of learning from Luther and his circle, that the theologians had already changed their minds in the King’s favour concerning the lawfulness of marriage with a brother’s widow. Owing to the influence of Osiander, whom Henry VIII had won over to his side, they now had come to regard such marriages as contrary to the natural moral law. Hence Henry’s new marriage might be considered valid. They were not, however, as yet ready to draw this last inference from the invalidity of the previous marriage between the King and Catherine.[25] Luther, however, became more and more convinced that marriage with a brother’s widow was invalid; in 1542, for instance, on the assumption of the invalidity of such a union, he unhesitatingly annulled the marriage of a certain George Schud, as a “devilish abomination” (“abominatio diaboli”).[26] The spokesman of the English mission, Bishop Edward Fox, demanded from Luther the admission that the King had separated from his first wife “on very just grounds.” Luther, however, would only agree that he had done so “on very many grounds.” He said later, in conversation, that his insistence on this verbal nicety had cost him three hundred Gulden, which he would have received from England in the event of his compliance. [27] He cannot indeed be accused of having been, from ecclesiastico- political motives, too hasty in gratifying the King’s demands in the matter of the divorce. Yet, on the other hand, it is not unlikely that the desire to pave the way for a practical understanding was one of the motives for his mode of action. His previous outspoken declarations against any dissolution of the Royal marriage compelled him to assume an attitude not too strongly at variance with his earlier opinion. After the new marriage had taken place negotiations with England continued, principally with the object of securing such acceptance of the new doctrine as might lead to a politico-religious alliance between that country and the Schmalkalden Leaguers. [8] [9] [10] Luther, however, stubbornly refused to concede anything to the King in the matter of his chief doctrines, for instance, regarding Justification or the rejection of the Mass. The articles agreed upon at the lengthy conferences held during the early months of 1536—and made public only in 1905 (see above, p. 9, n. 4)—failed to satisfy the King, although they displayed a very conciliatory spirit. Melanchthon outdid himself in his endeavour to render the Wittenberg teaching acceptable. “It is true that the main points of faith were not sacrificed,” remarks the discoverer and editor of the articles in question, “but the desire to please noticeable in their form, even in such questions as those concerning the importance of good works, monasteries, etc., is nevertheless surprising.”[28] Luther himself, in a letter of April 29, 1536, to the Electoral Vice- Chancellor Burkhard, spoke of the concessions made in these articles as the final limit; to go further would be to concede to the King of England what had been refused to the Pope and the Emperor; “at Augsburg [in 1530] we might have come to terms more easily with the Pope and the Emperor, nay, perhaps we might do so even now.” To enter into an ecclesiastico-political alliance with the English would, he considers, be “dangerous,” for the Schmalkalden Leaguers “were not all of one mind”; hence the (theological) articles ought first to be accepted; the League was, however, a secular matter and therefore he would beg the “beloved Lords and my Gracious Master to consider” whether they could accept it without a previous agreement being reached on the point of theology.[29] Though Luther and the Princes set great store on the projected alliance, on account of the INCREASE OF STRENGTH IT WOULD HAVE BROUGHT THE GERMAN EVANGELICALS, YET THEIR HOPES WERE TO BE SHATTERED, FOR THE ARTICLES ABOVE REFERRED TO DID NOT FIND ACCEPTANCE IN ENGLAND. LUTHER WAS LATER ON TO DECLARE THAT EVERYTHING HAD COME TO NOUGHT BECAUSE KING HENRY WISHED TO BE HEAD OF THE PROTESTANTS IN GERMANY, WHICH THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY WOULD NOT PERMIT: “LET THE DEVIL TAKE THE GREAT LORDS! THIS ROGUE (‘ is nebulo’) WANTED TO BE PROCLAIMED HEAD OF OUR RELIGION, BUT TO THIS THE ELECTOR WOULD IN NO WISE AGREE; WE DID NOT EVEN KNOW WHAT SORT OF BELIEF HE HAD.”[30] PROBABLY THE KING DEMANDED A PARAMOUNT INFLUENCE IN THE SCHMALKALDEN League, and the German Princes were loath to be deprived of the direction of affairs. AFTER ALL HOPES OF AN AGREEMENT HAD VANISHED HENRY VIII MADE NO SECRET OF HIS ANTIPATHY for the Lutheran teaching. THE QUONDAM DEFENDER OF THE FAITH EVEN ALLOWED HIMSELF TO BE CARRIED AWAY TO ACTS OF BLOODSHED. IN 1540 HE CAUSED LUTHER’S FRIEND, ROBERT BARNES, THE AGENT ALREADY REFERRED TO, TO BE BURNT AT THE STAKE AS A HERETIC. BARNES HAD ADOPTED THE LUTHERAN DOCTRINE OF JUSTIFICATION. IT WAS NOT ON THIS ACCOUNT ALONE, HOWEVER, THAT HE WAS OBNOXIOUS TO THE KING, BUT ALSO BECAUSE THE LATTER HAD GROWN WEARY OF ANNE OF CLEVES, WHOM BARNES AND THOMAS CROMWELL, THE KING’S FAVOURITE, HAD GIVEN HIM AS A FOURTH CONSORT, AFTER ANNE BOLEYN AND JANE SEYMOUR. CROMWELL, THOUGH NOT FAVOURABLY DISPOSED TO LUTHERANISM, WAS EXECUTED A FEW DAYS BEFORE. ON APRIL 9, 1536, LUTHER HAD WRITTEN TO CROMWELL A VERY POLITE LETTER, couched in general terms,[31] IN ANSWER TO A COURTEOUS MISSIVE FROM THAT STATESMAN HANDED TO HIM BY BARNES. FROM LUTHER’S LETTER WE SEE THAT CROMWELL “HAD BEEN DESCRIBED TO HIM IN TOO favourable a light,”[32] AS THOUGH PREDISPOSED TO THE LUTHERAN DOCTRINE OR TO REGARD LUTHER AS A DIVINELY SENT TEACHER. LUTHER DECEIVED HIMSELF IF HE FANCIED THAT CROMWELL WAS READY TO “WORK FOR THE CAUSE”; THE LATTER REMAINED AS UNFRIENDLY TO LUTHERANISM PROPER AS THE KING himself. IN THE YEAR OF BARNES’S EXECUTION MELANCHTHON WROTE THE LETTER TO VEIT DIETRICH IN WHICH HE EXPRESSES THE PIOUS WISH, THAT GOD WOULD SEND A BRAVE MURDERER TO BRING THE KING TO THE end he deserved.[33] LUTHER, ON HIS SIDE, DECLARED: “THE DEVIL HIMSELF RIDES ASTRIDE THIS KING”; “I AM GLAD THAT WE HAVE NO PART IN HIS BLASPHEMY.” HE BOASTED, SO LUTHER SAYS, OF BEING HEAD OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND, A TITLE WHICH NO BISHOP, MUCH LESS A KING, HAD ANY RIGHT TO, MORE PARTICULARLY ONE WHO WITH HIS CREW HAD “VEXED AND TORTURED CHRIST AND HIS CHURCH.” [34] IN 1540 LUTHER SPOKE SARCASTICALLY OF THE KING’S OFFICIAL TITLE: “UNDER CHRIST THE SUPREME HEAD ON EARTH OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH,” [35] REMARKING, THAT, IN THAT CASE, “EVEN THE ANGELS ARE EXCLUDED.” [36] OF MELANCHTHON’S DEDICATION OF SOME OF HIS BOOKS TO THE KING, LUTHER SAYS, THAT THIS HAD BEEN OF LITTLE SERVICE. “IN FUTURE I AM NOT GOING TO DEDICATE ANY OF MY BOOKS TO ANYONE. IT BROUGHT PHILIP NO GOOD IN THE CASE OF THE BISHOP [ALBERT OF MAYENCE], OF THE ENGLISHMAN, OR OF THE HESSIAN [THE LANDGRAVE PHILIP].” [37] STILL MORE FIERCE BECAME HIS HATRED AND DISAPPOINTMENT WHEN HE FOUND THE KING CONSORTING WITH HIS SWORN ENEMIES, DUKE GEORGE, AND ALBERT, ELECTOR OF MAYENCE. [38] WHEN HE HEARD THE NEWS OF BARNES HAVING BEEN CAST INTO PRISON, HE SAID: “THIS KING WANTS TO MAKE HIMSELF GOD. HE LAYS DOWN ARTICLES OF FAITH AND FORBIDS MARRIAGE UNDER PAIN OF DEATH, A THING WHICH EVEN THE POPE SCRUPLED TO DO. I AM SOMETHING OF a prophet and, as what I prophesy comes true, I shall refrain from saying more.”[39] LUTHER NEVER EXPRESSED ANY REGRET REGARDING HIS READINESS TO HUMOUR THE KING’S LUSTS OR regarding his suggestion of bigamy. THE LANDGRAVE PHILIP OF HESSE, HOWEVER, REFERRED DIRECTLY TO THE PROPOSAL OF BIGAMY [11] [12] [13] MADE TO THE KING OF ENGLAND, WHEN HE REQUESTED LUTHER’S CONSENT TO HIS OWN PROJECT OF TAKING A SECOND WIFE. THE LANDGRAVE HAD GOT TO HEAR OF THE PROPOSAL IN SPITE OF THE UNLUCKY passage having been struck out of the deed. THE HISTORY OF THE HESSIAN BIGAMY IS AN INCIDENT WHICH THROWS A CURIOUS LIGHT ON LUTHER’S exceptional indulgence towards princely patrons of the Evangel in Germany. 2. The Bigamy of Philip of Hesse AS EARLY AS 1526 PHILIP OF HESSE, WHOSE CONDUCT WAS FAR FROM BEING CONSPICUOUS FOR MORALITY, HAD SUBMITTED TO LUTHER THE QUESTION WHETHER CHRISTIANS WERE ALLOWED TO HAVE MORE THAN ONE WIFE. THE WITTENBERG PROFESSOR GAVE A REPLY TALLYING WITH HIS PRINCIPLES AS ALREADY described;[40] INSTEAD OF POINTING OUT CLEARLY THAT SUCH A THING WAS DIVINELY FORBIDDEN TO ALL CHRISTIANS, WAS NOT TO BE DISPENSED FROM BY ANY EARTHLY AUTHORITY, AND THAT SUCH EXTRA MARRIAGES WOULD BE ENTIRELY INVALID, LUTHER REFUSED TO ADMIT UNCONDITIONALLY THE INVALIDITY OF SUCH UNIONS. SUCH MARRIAGES, HE STATED, GAVE SCANDAL TO CHRISTIANS, “FOR WITHOUT DUE CAUSE AND NECESSITY EVEN THE OLD PATRIARCHS DID NOT TAKE MORE THAN ONE WIFE”; IT WAS INCUMBENT THAT WE SHOULD BE ABLE “TO APPEAL TO THE WORD OF GOD,” BUT NO SUCH WORD EXISTED IN FAVOUR OF POLYGAMY, “BY WHICH THE SAME COULD BE PROVED TO BE WELL PLEASING TO GOD IN THE CASE OF CHRISTIANS”; “HENCE I AM UNABLE TO RECOMMEND IT, BUT WOULD RATHER DISSUADE FROM IT, ESPECIALLY FOR CHRISTIANS, UNLESS SOME GREAT NECESSITY EXISTED, FOR INSTANCE WERE THE WIFE TO CONTRACT LEPROSY OR BECOME OTHERWISE UNFIT.” [41] IT IS NOT CLEAR WHETHER PHILIP WAS INTERESTED IN THE MATTER FOR PERSONAL REASONS, OR SIMPLY BECAUSE SOME OF HIS SUBJECTS WERE BELIEVERS IN polygamy. LUTHER’S COMMUNICATION, FAR FROM DIVERTING THE PRINCE FROM HIS PROJECT, COULD BUT SERVE TO MAKE HIM REGARD IT AS FEASIBLE; PROVIDED THAT THE “GREAT NECESSITY” OBTAINED AND THAT HE HAD “THE WORD OF GOD ON HIS SIDE,” THEN THE STEP COULD “NOT BE PREVENTED.” BY DINT OF A JUDICIOUS INTERPRETATION OF SCRIPTURE AND WITH EXPERT THEOLOGICAL AID, THE OBSTACLES MIGHT EASILY BE removed. THE HESSIAN PRINCE ALSO BECAME ACQUAINTED WITH LUTHER’S STATEMENTS ON BIGAMY IN HIS COMMENTARY ON GENESIS PUBLISHED IN THE FOLLOWING YEAR. TO THEM THE LANDGRAVE PHILIP APPEALED EXPRESSLY IN 1540; THE PREACHER ANTON CORVINUS HAVING SUGGESTED THAT HE SHOULD DENY HAVING COMMITTED BIGAMY, HE REPLIED INDIGNANTLY: “SINCE YOU ARE SO AFRAID OF IT, WHY DO YOU NOT SUPPRESS WHAT LUTHER WROTE MORE THAN TEN YEARS AGO ON GENESIS; DID HE AND OTHERS NOT WRITE PUBLICLY CONCERNING BIGAMY: ‘ADVISE IT I DO NOT, FORBID IT I CANNOT’? IF YOU ARE ALLOWED TO WRITE THUS OF IT PUBLICLY, YOU MUST EXPECT THAT PEOPLE WILL ACT UP TO YOUR teaching.”[42] THE QUESTION BECAME A PRESSING ONE FOR LUTHER, AND BEGAN TO CAST A SHADOW OVER HIS WAYWARD AND UTTERLY UNTRADITIONAL INTERPRETATION OF THE BIBLE, WHEN, IN 1539, THE LANDGRAVE RESOLVED TO TAKE AS AN ADDITIONAL WIFE, BESIDES CHRISTINA THE DAUGHTER OF GEORGE OF SAXONY, WHO HAD NOW GROWN DISTASTEFUL TO HIM, THE MORE YOUTHFUL MARGERET VON DER SALE. FROM LUTHER MARGERET’S MOTHER DESIRED A FAVOURABLE PRONOUNCEMENT, IN ORDER TO BE ABLE WITH A good conscience to give her consent to her daughter’s wedding. Philip Seeks the Permission of Wittenberg. Early in Nov., 1539, Gereon Sailer, an Augsburg physician famous for his skill in handling VENEREAL CASES, WHO HAD TREATED THE LANDGRAVE AT CASSEL, WAS SENT BY PHILIP TO BUCER AT STRASBURG TO INSTRUCT THE LATTER TO BRING THE MATTER BEFORE THE THEOLOGIANS OF WITTENBERG. SAILER WAS A FRIEND OF THE INNOVATIONS, AND BUCER WAS HIGHLY ESTEEMED BY THE LANDGRAVE AS A theologian and clever diplomatist. BUCER WAS AT FIRST SORELY TROUBLED IN CONSCIENCE AND HESITATED TO UNDERTAKE THE COMMISSION; SAILER REPORTED TO THE LANDGRAVE THAT, ON HEARING OF THE PLAN, HE HAD BEEN “QUITE HORRIFIED” AND HAD OBJECTED “THE SCANDAL SUCH AN INNOVATION IN A MATTER OF SO GREAT IMPORTANCE AND DIFFICULTY MIGHT CAUSE AMONG THE WEAK FOLLOWERS OF THE EVANGEL.” [43] AFTER THINKING THE MATTER OVER FOR THREE DAYS BUCER, HOWEVER, AGREED TO VISIT THE LANDGRAVE ON NOV. 16 AND RECEIVE HIS DIRECTIONS. A COPY OF THE SECRET AND ELABORATE INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN HIM BY PHILIP CONCERNING THE APPEAL HE WAS TO MAKE TO LUTHER STILL EXISTS IN THE HANDWRITING OF SIMON BING, THE HESSIAN SECRETARY, IN THE MARBURG ARCHIVES TOGETHER WITH SEVERAL OLD copies,[44] AS ALSO THE ORIGINAL ROUGH DRAFT IN PHILIP’S OWN HAND. [45] THE ENVOY FIRST BETOOK HIMSELF TO THE MEETING OF THE SCHMALKALDEN LEAGUERS, HELD AT ARNSTADT ON NOV. 20, TO CONFER UPON A NEW MISSION TO BE SENT TO ENGLAND; ON DEC. 4 HE WAS AT WEIMAR WITH THE ELECTOR OF Saxony and on the 9th he had reached Wittenberg. THE ASSENTING ANSWER GIVEN BY LUTHER AND MELANCHTHON BEARS THE DATE OF THE FOLLOWING [14] [15] day.[46] IT IS THEREFORE QUITE TRUE THAT THE MATTER WAS SETTLED “IN HASTE,” AS INDEED THE TEXT OF THE REPLY STATES. BUCER DOUBTLESS DID HIS UTMOST TO PREVENT THE THEOLOGIANS FROM HAVING recourse to subterfuge or delay. THE ABOVE-MENTIONED INSTRUCTIONS CONTAIN A SAD ACCOUNT OF THE “DIRE NECESSITY” WHICH SEEMED TO JUSTIFY THE SECOND MARRIAGE: THE LANDGRAVE WOULD OTHERWISE BE UNABLE TO LEAD A MORAL LIFE; HE WAS URGED ON BY DEEP DISTRESS OF CONSCIENCE; NOT MERELY DID HE ENDURE TEMPTATIONS OF THE FLESH BEYOND ALL MEASURE, BUT, SO RUNS HIS ACTUAL CONFESSION, HE WAS QUITE UNABLE TO REFRAIN FROM “FORNICATION, UNCHASTITY AND ADULTERY.” [47] THE CONFESSION DEALT WITH MATTERS WHICH WERE NOTORIOUS. IT ALSO CONTAINS THE ADMISSION, THAT HE HAD NOT REMAINED TRUE TO HIS WIFE FOR LONG, IN FACT NOT FOR MORE THAN “THREE WEEKS”; ON ACCOUNT OF HIS SENSE OF SIN HE HAD “NOT BEEN TO THE SACRAMENT.” AS A MATTER OF FACT HE HAD ABSTAINED FROM COMMUNION from 1526 to 1539, viz. for thirteen years, and until his last attack of the venereal disease. BUT WERE THE SCRUPLES OF CONSCIENCE THUS DETAILED TO THE WITTENBERGERS AT ALL REAL? Recently they have been characterised as the “outcome of a bodily wreck.” “I am unable to practise self-restraint,” Philip of Hesse had declared on another occasion, “I AM FORCED TO COMMIT FORNICATION OR WORSE, WITH WOMEN.” HIS SISTER ELISABETH HAD ALREADY ADVISED HIM TO TAKE A CONCUBINE IN PLACE OF SO MANY PROSTITUTES. IN ALL PROBABILITY PHILIP WOULD HAVE ABDUCTED MARGARET VON DER SALE HAD HE NOT HOPED TO OBTAIN HER IN MARRIAGE THROUGH THE INTERVENTION OF HER RELATIONS AND WITH LUTHER’S CONSENT. A PROTESTANT HISTORIAN HAS recently pointed this out when dealing with Philip’s alleged “distress of conscience.”[48] BUCER WAS WELL ABLE TO PAINT IN DISMAL HUES THE WEAKNESS OF HIS PRINCELY CLIENT; HE POINTED OUT, “HOW THE LANDGRAVE, OWING TO HIS WIFE’S DEFICIENCIES, WAS UNABLE TO REMAIN CHASTE; HOW HE HAD PREVIOUSLY LIVED SO AND SO, WHICH WAS NEITHER GOOD NOR EVANGELICAL, ESPECIALLY IN ONE OF THE MAINSTAYS OF THE PARTY.” [49] IN THAT VERY YEAR PHILIP OF HESSE HAD, AS A MATTER OF FACT, BEEN AILING FROM A CERTAIN MALADY BROUGHT UPON HIM BY HIS EXCESSES; HE HIMSELF SPOKE OF IT AS a “severe attack of the French sickness [syphilis], which is the penalty of an immoral life.”[50] True to his instructions, Bucer went on to say that the Landgrave had firmly “resolved” to make use against his unchastity—which he neither could nor would refrain from with his present wife—of “such means as God permitted and did not forbid,” viz. to wed a second wife. The two Wittenbergers had perforce to listen while Bucer, as the mouthpiece of the Landgrave, put forth as the grounds of his client’s firm resolve the very proofs from Scripture which they themselves had adduced in favour of polygamy; they were informed that, according to the tenor of a memorandum, “both Luther and Philip had counselled the King of England not to divorce his first wife, but rather to take another.”[51] It was accordingly the Landgrave’s desire that they should “give testimony” that his deed was not unjust, and that they should “make known in the press and from the pulpit what was the right course to pursue in such circumstances”; should they have scruples about doing this for fear of scandal or evil consequences, they were at least to give a declaration in writing: “That were I to do it secretly, yet I should not offend God, but that they regard it as a real marriage, and would meanwhile devise ways and means whereby t...