“Call to the path of thy Lord with wisdom and goodly exhortation, and argue with people in the best manner.” (Holy Quran, 16:125) The Light AND ISLAMIC REVIEW Exponent of Islam and the Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement for over eighty years July – September 2004 In the spirit of the above-cited verse, this periodical attempts to dispel misunderstandings about the religion of Islam and endeavors to facilitate inter-faith dialogue based on reason and rationality. Vol. 81 CONTENTS No. 3 The Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement and the Reform of Albanian Islam in the Inter-War Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3 By Nathalie Clayer Dowie: A sign to America and the World (Part 2) . . . . . . .12 By Muhammad Sadiq,Columbus Ohio Truth Unveiled: a response to the book ‘Unveiling Islam’by Ergun Mehmet Caner and Emir Fethi Caner . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .15 Compiled by Directors of AAIIL,Inc. USA Published on the World-Wide Web at: www.muslim.org ◆ Ahmadiyya Anjuman Isha‘at Islam Lahore Inc., U.S.A. ◆ P.O. Box 3370, Dublin, Ohio 43016, U.S.A. 2 THELIGHT ■ JULY – SEPTEMBER2004 The Lightwas founded in 1921 as the organ of the AHMADIYYAANJUMAN ISHA‘AT ISLAM (Ahmadiyya Association for the Propagation of Islam) of About ourselves Lahore, Pakistan. The Islamic Review was published in England from 1913 for over 50 years, and in the U.S.A. from 1980 Ahmadiyya Anjuman Isha‘at Islam Lahore to 1991. The present periodical represents the beliefs of the worldwide has branches in many countries including: branches of the Ahmadiyya Anjuman Isha‘at Islam,Lahore. U.S.A. Australia U.K. Canada ISSN:1060–4596 Holland Fiji Editorial Board:Directors of AAIIL,Inc.,USA Indonesia Germany Suriname India Circulation:Mrs. Samina Malik. Trinidad South Africa Guyana Contact information: ‘The Light’,P.O. Box 3370,Dublin,Ohio 43016,U.S.A. Achievements: Phone:614 – 873 1030 • Fax:614 – 873 1022 The Anjuman has produced extensive literature on Islam,originally in English and E-mails:[email protected] • [email protected] Urdu, including translations of the Holy Quran with commentaries. These books Website:www.muslim.org are being translated into other languages, including French, German, Spanish, Dutch, The main object of the A.A.I.I.L. is to present the true,original message of Russian, Chinese, and Arabic. The Anjuman Islam to the whole world — Islam as it is found in the Holy Quran and the has run several Muslim missions around the life of the Holy Prophet Muhammad,obscured today by grave misconcep- world, including the first ever in Western tions and wrong popular notions. Europe. Islam seeks to attract the hearts and mindsof people towards the truth,by means of reasoning and the natural beauty of its principles. History: HazratMirza Ghulam Ahmad (d. 1908),our Founder,arose to remind the 1889: Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad founds the Ahmadiyya Movement. world that Islam is: 1901: Movement given name Ahmadiyya International:It recognizes prophets being raised among all nations after Holy Prophet Muhammad’s other and requires Muslims to believe in them all. Truth and goodness famous name Ahmad. can be found in all religions. God treats all human beings equally, regardless of race,nationality or religion. 1905: Hazrat Mirza appoints central body (Anjuman) to manage the Movement. Peaceful: Allows use of force only in unavoidable self-defence. 1908: Death of Hazrat Mirza. Succeeded by Teaches Muslims to live peacefully under any rule which accords Maulana Nur-ud-Din as Head. them freedom of religion. 1914: Death of Maulana Nur-ud-Din. Tolerant: Gives full freedom to everyone to hold and practise any Ahmadiyya Anjuman Isha‘at Islam creed or religion. Requires us to tolerate differences of belief and founded at Lahore as continuation of the opinion. original Anjuman. Maulana Muhammad Ali elected as Head. Rational:In all matters,it urges use of human reason and knowledge. Blind following is condemned and independence of thought is 1951: Death of Maulana Muhammad Ali granted. after fifty years of glorious service to the cause of Islam. Maulana Sadr-ud-Din Inspiring:Worship is not a ritual,but provides living contact with a (d. 1981) becomes Head. Living God,Who answers prayers and speaks to His righteous ser- 1981–1996: Dr Saeed Ahmad Khan,an emi- vants even today as in the past. nent medical doctor and religious schol- Non-sectarian:Every person professing Islam by the words La ilaha ar, led the Movement, at a time of ill-Allah, Muhammad-ur rasul-ullah (There is no god but Allah, intense persecution. and Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah) is a Muslim. A Muslim 1996–2002: Prof. Dr Asghar Hameed, a cannot be expelled from Islam by anyone. distinguished retired University Professor of Mathematics, and learned Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad taught that noprophet,old or new,is to arise Islamic scholar,served as Head. after the Holy Prophet Muhammad. However,Mujaddidswill be raised by God to revive and rekindle the light of Islam. 2002: Prof. Dr Abdul Karim Saeed Pasha elected Head. JULY– SEPTEMBER2004 ■ THELIGHT 3 The Lahore Ahmadiyya Albania could not do otherwise than be a target of choice for a Muslim missionary organisation such as the Lahore Movement and the Reform branch of the Ahmadi movement, active in Europe since of Albanian Islam in the 1912. In 1927,when the representatives of the Ahmadiyya Anjuman Isha’at al-Islammade contact with the Albanian Inter-War Period Islamic Community,they had,indeed,already successful- ly established a mission at Woking,south of London,some By Nathalie Clayer fifteen years previously. Moreover, they had just estab- [This article is an English translation of a paper appear- lished another mission in Berlin.4It was on the strength of ing in French in 2004 under the title (when translated): this infrastructure and of their publications in English and “The Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement and the Reform of German that the Assistant Secretary of the organisation, Albanian Islam in the Inter-War Period”. The author of the Muhammad Manzur Ilahi, entered into correspondence article,Dr. Nathalie Clayer,has approved this translation, with the leaders of Albanian Islam and sent them some of by Selim Ahmed of UK,and granted permission for its pub- the Lahori Ahmadi network’s productions.5Part of the first lication here.] exchanges of letters between Lahore and Tirana was pub- lished in 1927 in the Albanian Muslim Community’s jour- In 1927, after seven years of freshly acquired independ- nal Zani i naltë (The Supreme Voice). The two letters of ence, Albania began to stabilise and undergo political 1 Muhammad Manzur Ilahi thus published are quite illumi- reform. The ‘umbilical cord’that used to bind the Islamic 2 nating as to the way in which the Lahore Ahmadiyya Community of this small Balkan country with a Muslim Movement tried to attract the Albanian Muslim leaders and majority to Istanbul was at that time once and for all sev- as to its intention in making this approach. ered. On the one hand,the setting up of national religious structures in 1923, on the other the abolition of the The first letter is quite short. Through its missionary Caliphate and the suppression of the medrese’s [Medrese is activities in Europe, the Anjuman wishes to demonstrate the Turkish form of the Arabic madrasah — Translator.] that it is the promoter of a progressive Islam that “is to in Turkey in 1924, as well as the closing of the tekke’s bring salvation from destruction by the forces of material- [Dervish lodges (Turkish,from Arabic) — Translator.] the ism”. It wishes to encourage and assist the Albanian following year, brought to an end the organic links that Muslims,“surrounded by enemies on all sides”,to advance were in existence from a religious point of view between themselves spiritually in order to surpass these “enemies”. this former province of the Ottoman Empire and the centre It suggests,therefore,that they read Ahmadi literature and on which it depended. It was at that point that the leaders 6 set the Albanian people on “the sure path to progress”. In of this Islamic Community received a letter from the the second letter, the Assistant Secretary of the Anjuman ‘Muslim Community of India’. The latter introduced itself more specifically requests the leadership of the Albanian as having missions in England, Germany, America and Islamic Community to translate the English translation of Africa, as having already converted “over a hundred 7 the Koran, of which he has sent a copy,and this for “the English people”and “about a hundred Germans”and hav- spiritual,moral and material advancement of the Albanian ing built mosques in England and Germany: an Islamic people”. The argument put forward by Muhammad community which seems, therefore, to display a mission- Manzur Ilahi is that this translation lies behind a new spir- ary dynamism in the very heart of Europe. it in the Muslim world,particularly among young educat- In the following years,a relationship would be estab- ed Muslims, likewise an expansion of Islam in Europe. lished between the Albanian Islamic Community and this Indeed, the Islam offered to the Albanian Muslim leaders ‘Muslim Community of India’,or more exactly of Lahore, has three main characteristics. It has made it possible to in this case the Ahmadiyya Anjuman Isha’at al-Islam respond to attacks from the enemies of Islam and above all (‘Ahmadiyya Association for the Propagation of Islam).3 from Christians. It can win over Europe and the Christians What form did these connections take and why this influ- thanks to its spiritual power, a power that will put an end ence on the part of an Indian missionary organisation both to the political and to the economic confusions of the among the Albanian Muslims in the Inter-War Period? It is Muslim world. Lastly,this is a reformist Islam,adapted to questions such as these that this article will attempt to modernity, which takes its stand on the Koran and seeks address. after the purity of the Prophet’s day,setting aside the inter- pretations of the classical fakih (specialists in Muslim From Lahore to Tirana: propagating an Islam for the law),which are too much a product of their own time. This spiritual conquest of Europe Islam, based on a comprehensible Koran, must be united, 8 The only European country with a Muslim majority, liberal and perfect. 4 THELIGHT ■ JULY – SEPTEMBER2004 The last part of Muhammad Manzur Ilahi’s letter From 1927,the date of the Lahoris’first contacts with reveals the manner in which the members of the Anjuman Albania, up until the annexation of the country by fascist intended to operate at that time in South-Eastern Europe. Italy in 1939,numerous articles appearing in the organ of Since Albania was a country with a Muslim majority and the Albanian Islamic Community were translations or there was an Islamic Community there,they were not think- adapted translations of texts taken from Lahori Ahmadi ing of sending a mission,but of using this organisation as an periodicals and books. From 1927 to 1929, they were as intermediary, when asking its members to translate their yet relatively few in number. But from 1930 onwards, works into the local language. Specifically, it had to be a nearly all the issues of Zani i naltë included at least one local intermediary not only in relation to the Albanian contribution drawn, in the first instance, from the journal Muslims but also in relation to “neighbouring countries and The Light of Lahore, but also from other Lahori Ahmadi Christians”. Two features show that, in 1927, the Lahori periodicals: Moslemische Revue from Berlin, The Islamic 13 Ahmadis were considering the Albanian Muslim Review from Woking and Young Islam. To these texts a Community almost as a future Balkan branch of their mis- number of others are to be added,prepared on the basis of sionary movement. Muhammad Manzur Ilahi,was,indeed, translations of passages from particular Lahori Ahmadi recommending unrealistically to the Albanian Muslim lead- works,such as the books by Khwaja Kamaluddin,founder ers that they should follow their system for raising money:a of the Woking Ahmadi mission (Table Talk, al-Islam or 14 system for the voluntary payment of a portion of their mem- The Threshold of Truth). bers’income,with the members promising to “uphold reli- Aside from these journal articles,the Albanian Islamic gion in the world” and to sacrifice their wealth and their Community also published during 1927–1939 the transla- time for Islam. Furthermore, since the reform had to come tions of a booklet and a book by Muhammad Ali, the about through the distribution of literature, he was urging Anjuman’s spiritual head, and of a booklet by Khwaja the Albanian Islamic Community to translate the Anjuman’s 15 Kamaluddin. Lastly, four issues of a small journal books prepared in English and German,which he had sent describing itself as the Albanian-language supplement of 9 to this end,and to distribute them free of charge. the Lahore journal The Light appeared in 1936, thereby offering the Albanian public still further access — direct or What was the outcome of this? In 1945, there was 16 indirect — to the Anjuman’s works. some talk of putting a young student of the Medrese of Tirana, Ismail Muçej, in charge of an ‘agency’which the What was the subject matter of these texts drawn from 10 Anjuman was considering opening in Albania. The or inspired by the Lahori Ahmadi corpus? We can distin- imposition of the communist regime did not allow it, and guish four major categories. Many are concerned with the the Albanian Islamic Community never became a branch Muslim faith in general, with the personality of the of the Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement, or its intermediary Prophet and with the Holy Book of Islam,the Koran,from in the Balkans,in the proper sense of the term. And yet it a reformist perspective. Others deal with the role of Islam was ‘integrated’ — admittedly very loosely — into the in modern society. On this topic,two themes crop up most Lahori network because it regularly used to receive a vari- frequently: the condition of women and Islam’s freedom ety of publications that came from Lahore and from the from incompatibility with science,education and progress. organisation’s different missions (in England, Germany, Women do not have to be veiled. They should receive Austria, the United States, etc). It was likewise visited by schooling. Islam does not forbid photography, the Koran certain members of the network such as, in 1935, Baron may be broadcast over the radio, and Muslims need to be Omar Rolf von Ehrenfels — an Austrian anthropologist educated. A third group consists of texts aiming to reassert 11 who converted to Islam — who published his impres- the value of Islam in relation to the West and Christianity. 12 sions of the trip in the Lahore journal The Light. Above In these,an appeal is made to the greatness of the Muslim all, up until the end of the Second World War, some world during the Middle Ages, to the superiority of Albanian Muslims were very much influenced by the Muslim Spain compared with a barbarous West,or else to Anjuman’s teachings. brotherhood in Islam. Positive appreciations of Islam by Christians and other non-Muslims are adduced,and above From Tirana to Lahore:from translating texts to send- all the conversion of Europeans. Islam’s worldwide numer- ing students ical strength is underscored by way of statistical tables, The Ahmadiyya Anjuman’s influence on the Albanian and more precise facts are given about the Islamic commu- Islamic Community is chiefly detectable in two ways: on nities of Europe,Japan and America. To this group should the one hand by the translation into Albanian of numerous be added texts that reassert the value not only of Islam,but texts of Lahori Ahmadi production and,on the other,by the also of religion in general,in opposition to materialism and fact that students were sent to Lahore. atheism. Lastly,the fourth category is that of the texts that JULY– SEPTEMBER2004 ■ THELIGHT 5 more specifically concern the Ahmadiyya Movement, its Following the annexation of the country by Italy,Zani missions and their activities, with the emphasis on the i naltëwas replaced by the journal Kultura islame(Islamic expansion of Islam in Europe. Culture). The Italian occupation seems to have led the pub- lishers of the new organ of the Islamic Community to dis- In order to gauge the Anjuman’s influence, it is also continue making direct references to Ahmadi journals or at interesting to enquire into the translators of these texts. For any rate to discontinue offering plain translations made by that,it is necessary to draw a distinction between two peri- 25 the students of the Medrese. Yet the influence of the ods. Between 1927 and 1931, the Ahmadi texts are trans- Anjuman did not disappear, since, alongside the transla- lated by two people in the main: the Administrative tions of the Egyptian modernist authors who made their Director and lecturer at the Medrese of Tirana, Junus 26 17 appearance at that time, translations of articles or Bulej, who generally translated from German and,from extracts from Ahmadi books are still to be found in Kultura 1929 onwards, the young Professor of Mathematics and islame, as well as references to Muhammad Ali and his Chemistry at the American Technical College in Tirana, 18 disciples. Besides,a letter from the Honorary Secretary of Omer (or Ymer) M. Sharra, who translated from 19 the Anjuman, Aziz Bakhsh, is published in the issue for English. No ulema were involved, therefore. One can September–October 1940. The latter fact definitely indi- assume that they had been more or less appointed to trans- cates that the correspondence that the Albanian Islamic late the Ahmadi texts by members of the leadership of the Community had maintained with the Lahore Ahmadiyya Islamic Community. But, being a teacher at the Medrese, 27 Movement was still continuing. The Ahmadi corpus also Junus Bulej seems to have had his imitators among the stu- becomes more in evidence again in 1943–1944, after the dents, all the more so as it became, in the 1930’s, part of Italian occupation had ended, when the ensuing German the education of the religious authorities-to-be trained in occupation seems to have allowed more freedom to the that establishment to use and to translate Ahmadi litera- leaders of Albanian Islam. Some students of the Medrese, ture. such as Ismail Muçej,also went back to publishing articles 28 Following the 1929 Congress, the Albanian Islamic based on material provided by the Anjuman. In 1944,the Community and its institutions were indeed reformed,par- Islamic Community even republished a series of religious ticularly the Medrese of Tirana, which became the sole books,one of these being the translation of the booklet by establishment for Muslim religious education in the coun- Muhammad Ali on the life of the Prophet. try, under the name ‘Medrese General’ (Medrese e The continuation of Ahmadi influence in the Albanian përgjithshme). As for the journal Zani i naltë, after two Islamic Community’s publications is not surprising, inas- long interruptions of seven and nine months in 1929 and much as the managing editor of Kultura islame, Sadik 1930–1931 due to the reorganisation of the Community Bega, was a young graduate of the Medrese who, in his and a new law on the press,it also took on a new appear- time,had himself translated articles from Ahmadi journals. ance, with a new editor, Haki Sharofi, in charge. In addi- Above all, the journal’s editor, Sherif Putra, also a gradu- tion, it was decided to allow the Medrese’s students to ate of the Medrese and author of a very large number of express themselves through it “in order to convey to pub- translations of Ahmadi texts, was a former scholarship lic opinion some idea of the way in which future Muslim 29 20 holder of the Anjumanin Lahore. religious professionals were being educated”. Now the greater part of the articles supplied from then on by the stu- For the propagation of Islam in its Lahori Ahmadiyya dents were translations of texts taken from Ahmadi period- interpretation was not limited to passing on its literary pro- icals. It should be stressed here that, in the Medrese ductions in the Albanian language. The attraction of the General’s new curriculum,English had replaced French,a Anjumanwas strong enough also to prompt several young western foreign language taught at the Medrese of Tirana Albanian Muslims to go and undertake advanced theolog- 21 prior to 1929. This change is no coincidence. It was due ical studies in India. According to the reports of the to the desire on the part of the Muslim Community’s lead- Director of the Medrese,the Anjumanhad offered scholar- ers to give their future functionaries a chance to have ships and young Albanians wanted to take advantage of 22 access to a body of work like that of the Anjuman. In them. This happened first of all with two out of the ten first 1932,five students from the Medrese trained in translation graduates of the Medrese, Sherif Putra and Ejup Fazli and in this way supplied the organ of the Islamic Kraja, who had started working for the Islamic Community with texts. By 1939 there were over fifteen of Community on leaving the Medrese in October 1932. After 23 them, amongst whom was Hasan Selami, who, after manydifficulties,due in particular to having to meet their graduating in 1935,ran the English classes at the Medrese travel expenses, for which no provision had been made for several years before leaving to pursue his studies in either by the Anjuman or by the Albanian Islamic 24 Cairo. Community,they finally got under way for the Indies at the 6 THELIGHT ■ JULY – SEPTEMBER2004 end of the year 1934. They were joined by Halil Junus institutions was getting underway in Albania. At the centre Repishti, scion of a well-known family of traders and of this discussion, which covered the pages of the ulema from Shkodra. It should be noted that the latter had Community’s publication, was Salih Vuçitern, Director not studied at the Medrese of Tirana, but in the religious General of Vakfs (the Islamic Community’s properties in 36 establishments of his native city. Ahmadi influence had mortmain). Very close to President Ahmed Zogu, back succeeded,then,in emerging to some degree from the con- in position again as Head of State since the end of the year 30 text of the Medrese e Përgjithshme. Finally,three other 1924,and true intermediary between the political authori- graduates of the Medrese left for the Indies in 1935. Yet it ties and the Islamic Community, Salih Vuçitern made an seems they never arrived. Reaching Cairo, one stage on appeal at that time directed towards the “need for reform”. their long voyage, they would have been prevented from In it, he was suggesting a reorganisation of the vakfs, the 31 carrying on. closure of unnecessary mosques, the suppression of the regional medrese’s and their replacement by two boarding As a result, Lahore only received, all told, three schools, at Shkodra and at Tirana, where a modern reli- Albanian students. They took courses there notably in gious education would be provided. He was motivated in Arabic, the history of Islam, hadith, English and Urdu. this by the fact that the Albanian Muslims were “surround- Ejup Kraja, in particular, entered the University of the ed on all sides by cultured peoples” and that the only Punjab,[This is the University of the Punjab,Lahore,now means of survival,under these conditions,was to raise the in Pakistan — Translator.] where,in 1937,he took cours- 37 standards of Albanian society. Of course, this move es in the ‘Arts and Philosophy’ department. In 1936, all should be placed in the wider context of the politics of the three of them published the aforementioned Albanian-lan- reforms carried out by Ahmed Zogu, all the more so as guage supplement of the journal The Light, which ceased Salih Vuçitern,an admirer,moreover,of Atatürk,was one publication after four issues for lack of resources. Housed, of his close advisers. This policy led notably to the intro- fed and clothed by the Anjuman, which also used to pro- duction of the civil code in 1928,the reorganisation of reli- vide them with the books it published,Sherif Putra and his gious Communities in 1929,with the aim of state control, two friends seem, in spite of everything, to have had a and the abolition of wearing the veil in 1937. great deal of trouble getting hold of other books and main- taining a decent standard of living in Lahore. In order to The aid that the Anjuman offered for the purpose of help them,the Albanian Islamic Community made several “the spiritual advancement of Albanian Muslims”, of set- 32 appeals for funds. We do not know whether or not these ting them on “the road to progress”,and of causing them to difficult conditions underlay the return of the three stu- “surpass their enemies” corresponded exactly, then, to the dents to Albania after having spent three years in the process that Salih Vuçitern wanted to set in motion. Is it any st Indies. On the 1 of March 1939,Halil Repishti and Ejup wonder, then, that it was he who, in 1928, only one year, 33 Kraja were, indeed, repatriated. In fact, both of them therefore, after the first contacts with the Ahmadiyya quickly set off again for Egypt,since in October 1939 they Movement,made an appeal for funds in each prefecture in were excluded from al-Azhar on account of their Ahmadi order to publish a number of books and distribute them free 34 beliefs. In 1940, when they were studying at the of charge, including Muhammed — Our Prophet by American University in Cairo and were given a grant by Muhammad Ali, adopting, therefore, an approach close to the Albanian Islamic Community, they published in an the one suggested by the Assistant Secretary of the 38 Egyptian newspaper a declaration in which they acknowl- Anjuman? Three years later, when the book by edged their mistake and the deviance of Ahmadi doc- Muhammad Ali came out, a member of the Islamic 35 trines. As for Sherif Putra,he also went back to Albania, Community was confirming that this translation had been at the latest during 1939, since in September he became made on the initiative of Salih Vuçitern,with his desire for editor there of the Islamic Community’s new publication. reform,“in order to rescue the Albanian Muslims from the swamps of age-old apathy in which they are immersed”,in The search for a ‘modern’, ‘European’ Islam and its order to “advance them from the religious point of view and limitations from the national point of view by means of culture”. Isa Why did the leaders of Albanian Islam and the young exec- Domni added, in a spirit probably quite close to Salih utives whom they had begun to educate turn towards Vuçitern’s:“To set up a medrese in every corner of Albania, Lahore and the Ahmadiyya Anjuman Isha’at al-Islam? Let to build mosques everywhere achieves nothing and can be us go back over the Albanian situation in order to under- of no use without culturally shaping the intellect and trans- stand these links forged with an Indian Islam. When, in forming the spirit of Muslims by means of good advice, a 1927,the Anjumanmade contact with the Albanian Islamic good education,and with the help of high-quality literature, 39 Community,a debate over the reform of Islam and Islamic written or translated according to need”. JULY– SEPTEMBER2004 ■ THELIGHT 7 The Islam of the Ahmadiyya Anjuman corresponded, Ottoman Empire. Since 1925,provision had been made for 44 then,to this Islam compatible with modernity,science and sending young people to al-Azhar. In 1940, they rationality of which Salih Vuçitern and some of his col- amounted to about twenty students in Cairo from 45 leagues were in search. This was actually an Islam advo- Albania. The contacts established with the Ahmadiyya cated by several reformist groups of the Muslim world of Movement offered an alternative to the Egyptian capital 40 the time. What probably also attracted the Albanian that was credible enough,it appears,during the first half of Muslim leaders in the Lahori Ahmadi arguments was,par- the 1930’s, before the second contingent of students was adoxically,the European side of this missionary movement stopped at Cairo. — not its Indian side. One of the central ingredients in This latter incident and the relatively insignificant Albanian nation building had been,since the final years of number of students who did indeed pursue their studies in Ottoman rule, the building of a ‘European’ Albanian Lahore should lead us to wonder about the actual influence Muslim identity,as opposed to an ‘Asian’Turkish Muslim of the Anjuman in Albania. The Lahore Ahmadiyya identity, in order to legitimise the wish of Albanian Movement exercised a direct influence on three main cir- Muslims not to emigrate to Anatolia in the event of the cles: the leaders of Albanian Islam who, like Salih Empire’s demise. What is more, as in the other Balkan Vuçitern,were part of the reformist current; all or some of countries, modernisation was synonymous with de- the students of the Medrese of Tirana,enthusiastic readers ottomanisation and europeanisation. Since the country had and translators of the literary output of the Anjuman’s net- a Muslim majority,Albanian reformers like Salih Vuçitern work; and lastly a few other Muslims,following the exam- accordingly wanted to create an Islam compatible with ple of the young Halil Repishti of Shkodra, who went off Europe. Now, the Lahori Ahmadis were trying to propa- to study in Lahore. We may also judge that it had an indi- gate a European Islam in Western Europe, drawing even 41 rect influence on wider Muslim circles,particularly among western intellectuals into their ranks. the readers of the Islamic Community’s publication. Another aspect of the Anjuman’s arguments must also Indeed, the use of texts from the Lahori Ahmadi corpus have been right on target:the ‘arsenal’that it had been able gave a very specific profile to Albanian Islamic journals. to develop in response to Islam’s loss of prestige among As compared with the journal of the Islamic Community educated Muslims on the one hand and in response to the of Yugoslavia,for example,Zani i naltëand Kultura islame onslaughts of Christian propaganda on the other. For Salih had a much more significant cultural dimension, allotting Vuçitern and the leaders of Albanian Islam were up against less space to the religious sciences. Even so, one should these two problems. The most educated Muslims, under not overestimate this journalistic influence. The distribu- the influence of scientism and Kemalism, tended to reject tion of the Islamic Community’s journals remained limit- Islam as responsible for the backwardness of the country ed. In 1939,the number of subscribers to the journal Zani and incompatible with progress. The Bektashi Muslims, i naltë amounted to a little over two hundred, and half of 46 being affiliated with that brotherhood of the most hetero- them lived in the Albanian capital. In 1941 Kultura dox and syncretistic kind,were the first to denounce Sunni islame, run by a young duo consisting of Sadik Bega and 47 Islam as incapable of reforming itself and as an impedi- Sherif Putra, would have had 2,400 subscribers. 42 ment to progress and modernity. As for the Christians, Proselytism of the Lahori Ahmadi variety, backed up by some had even aimed to reconvert the Albanian Muslims to written material, suited educated youth and intellectuals, 43 the “religion of their ancestors”. but not the masses,still very largely unlettered in Albania at this time and supervised by a ‘clergy’ of a very poor In answer to the challenges of modernity,science,rea- 48 standard. son and Europeanness,the Anjumanwas offering a body of work in western languages (English and German),readily More fundamentally, if the impact of the Lahore translatable into Albanian. Albanian literature — religious Ahmadiyya Movement remained limited, it is above all and non-religious — was as yet only in its early stages. because the reformist Muslim tendency using the Ahmadi Knowledge of Arabic was relatively limited, above all on ‘arsenal’ was, in fact, very much a minority within the the part of the most reform-minded,and Turkish Islam,to Albanian Muslim population and its élite. At the time the which Albanian Islam had been tied, was in the throes of journal Drita appeared, published by the three Albanian Mustafa Kemal’s reforms. In the same way, for the students in Lahore, the publishers of Zani i naltë were advanced theological studies that the Islamic Community announcing “a new Islamic spirit”. But they foresaw that was itself unable to set up,there was the problem of choos- the publication was going to be fought against on two ing where the graduates of the Medrese should go. There fronts, by the ‘conservatives’ and by the ‘non-religious’, was no longer any possibility of going to Istanbul,the for- since it was created for the nationalists who had under- mer educational centre of the Albanian ulema under the stood that the progress of the Albanian nation would only 8 THELIGHT ■ JULY – SEPTEMBER2004 come about when the Muslim section of the population minds since two young Muslims from Shkodra appear to 49 had developed to an appropriate degree. In fact,a signif- have taken the trouble to write to the Sheikh of al-Azhar to 53 icant section of the Muslim élite, Bektashis and non- ask him what view to take of the Ahmadiyya movement. Bektashis,was more modernist than reformist,in the sense Should one also see in this critical approach a reflection of that this term has in the history of Islam in the 19th–20th the fact that the Albanian Islamic Community did not have centuries, and had difficulty seeing how (Sunni) Islam the translation of the Koran by Muhammad Ali translated could be compatible with modernity,as we have seen. into Albanian? Did those ulema capable of carrying out such a translation refuse to make use of this controversial But the reformist Muslim tendency was also in con- 54 text? The question remains open. flict with conservative Muslim circles, including a large section of the ulema and minor religious functionaries The definitive obstacle seen by the Albanian (imams,muezzins). When Salih Vuçitern called for reform reformists to the propagation of Lahori Ahmadi Islam was in 1927, reactions were not slow in coming. The same the imposition of the communist regime at the end of the thing happened when the regional medrese’s were sup- Second World War. In 1945,the new authorities intercept- pressed or when the abolition of wearing the veil was ed the last parcel of books sent by the Anjuman to the decreed in 1937. The most virulent reactions came from young Ismail Muçej and advised, that is to say, enjoined Shkodra, the metropolis of northern Albania, bastion of the latter — charged by the Indians with opening an 50 Muslim traditionalism. Even so, it is likely that the agency in Albania — to break off his correspondence with reformist tendency that monopolised the machinery of the Lahore. Subsequently,Albanian Islam was brought to heel, Islamic Community was out of step not only with the reli- the country was practically closed off and, in 1967, all gious folk of Shkodra,but also with those of other parts of forms of religion were forbidden there until 1991. the country. This opposition can be gauged by an Yet Lahori Ahmadi influence continued to make itself announcement made by the editors of Zani i naltëin 1933. felt among some Albanian Muslims, not in Albania itself, According to them,the journal was not the mouthpiece of but in the United States. One of the main representatives of the ulema, but of the Islamic Community, that is, the these is Imam Vehbi Ismaili. The author of numerous organisation representing the Muslim sector of the popula- translations of articles from journals of the Lahori network tion. They added that there were no clergy in Islam and when he was a student of the Medrese during 1936–1937, that the aim of the journal was not to defend the hojas and then a student at al-Azhar from 1938 onwards, Vehbi form a parasitic clique living off the general public,but to Ismaili (or Vehbi Hoxha) is,indeed,behind numerous pub- contribute to the nation’s cultural, social and economic 51 lications appearing in Albanian from the 1950’s onwards development according to the precepts of the Koran. on American soil, in which elements of Lahori Ahmadi Beyond this struggle for legitimacy between thought can be directly or indirectly detected.55And one reformists and traditionalist ulema, there could be the could follow the continuing impact of the Lahori mission- problem of the Ahmadiyya Movement’s image in the ary activity of the inter-war period down to our own time, Muslim world. Outside the country, we have seen that it because,since the fall of communism in Albania,the pub- had been possible for the Albanian Muslims’connections lications of Vehbi Ismaili have been distributed in the with the Anjuman to turn problematic. At Cairo, in 1935, country. These include, for example, the book ‘Islam and three students had been unable to continue their journey to the Prayers’(Islamizmi dhe lutjet), which the author says Lahore. Four years later,two others were expelled from al- he wrote under the particular inspiration of the books of Azhar and had to renounce their Ahmadi beliefs. It should 56 Muhammad Ali and Khwaja Kamaluddin. be noted that these incidents did not stop the Albanian Islamic Community publishing another letter from the To return to the inter-war period, Albanian-Indian Anjuman in its periodical publication in 1940. Yet this contacts are far from having been marginal in the transfor- same publication,in 1936,had echoed a reaction from the mations of Albanian Islam. They should be placed at the Albanian Muslim community itself. A reader was heart of a process of political and religious reform driven denouncing the deviant views of Lahore’s young Albanian from the top, whose promoters, following the example of students, who, in their journal Drita, had written that Salih Vuçitern,wanted to make Albania “a European coun- 57 Joseph was the father of Jesus. And he concluded: “this try and the most advanced Muslim state”. One could see defamatory doctrine coming from the Islamic movement in a paradox in the fact that this reformist group looking for Lahore has been contradicted by all the competent schol- a western Islam turned towards the East. But that would be ars in the Muslim world. We want our students to bring us to forget that,although Indian,the Anjumanwas then at the culture and not a defamatory doctrine that is against the heart of Islam’s first phases of expansion in Western Koran”.52 Already in 1933, a doubt did exist in some Europe.■ JULY– SEPTEMBER2004 ■ THELIGHT 9 Bibliography 2 By ‘Islamic Community’with a capital ‘C’I mean here the official Muslim religious institutions. BARDHI,Ismail,1998,Hafiz Ibrahim dalliu dhe ekzeg- jeza e tij ku’anore,Skopje,Logos-A. 3 This denotes a branch of the Ahmadi movement,which arose in the Panjab at the end of the 19th Century. DUPONT Anne Laure and MAYEUR-JAOUEN Shortly after the death of its founder, Mirza Ghulam Catherine, 2002, Débats intellectuels au Moyen- Ahmad (d. 1908), this movement split into two. The Orient dans l’Entre-deux-guerres,Revue des mondes greater part of the Ahmadi faithful made up the musulmans et de la Méditerranée,Aix-en-Provence, Qadiani Ahmadiyya Movement, behind the son of the Edisud,95–96–97–98. founder, considering Mirza Ghulam Ahmad to be a GOGAJ, Iljaz, 1999, Shkolla Teknike dhe Harri Fulci, prophet. Another group,much less significant numeri- Tirana,Eurolindja. cally and holding Mirza Ghulam Ahmad to be only a ISMAILI, Imam Vehbi, 1993, Islamizmi dhe Lutjet, reformer (mujaddid), constituted the Lahore rd Harper Woods, Albanian Islamic Center (3 Ahmadiyya Movement (Smith, 1956). I shall not dis- Edition). cuss here the activity of the Qadianis,whose impact in Albania was considerably less significant than that of KHULUSI,S. A.,1963,Islam — Our Choice,Woking, nd the Lahoris. The Woking Muslim Mission (2 Edition). 4 The Anjumanlikewise founded a mission to Java. LULI, Faik - DIZDARI, Islam - BUSHATI, Nexhmi, nd 1997,Në Kujtim të brezave,Shkodër (2 Edition). 5 It should be noted that, at about the same time, the MEHDIU,Fethi,1996,Përkthimet e Kur’anit në gjuhën Qadiani branch had also started to take an interest in shqipe,Shkup,Logos-A. the Albanian Muslims. Indeed, in the course of 1927, the head of the Albanian Legation in London, Eqrem MOROZZO DELLA ROCCA,Roberto,1990,Nazione bey Vlora,wrote to the Grand Mufti of Albania that the e Religione in Albania (1920–1944), Bologna, Il Imam of the London Mosque, Rahim Bakhsh Dard, Mulino. intended to come to Albania in order to visit the coun- POPOVIC, Alexandre, 1973, ‘Sur une ‘nouvelle’ try, but also for the purposes of study, the Muslims of traduction du Coran en serbo-croate’, Arabica, India being interested in the Albanian Islamic XX/1,Paris,pp. 82–84. Community. The diplomat added that this man had POPOVIC, Alexandre, 1997, ‘Les medrese dans les been recommended to him and that he should therefore Balkans: des premières innovations du milieu de be accorded the appropriate hospitality, so that India XIXe siècle à nos jours’, in Nicole Grandin and should have a good impression of the Islamic Marc Gaborieau (eds.), Madrasa —La transmission Community of Albania (Arkivi Qendror i Shtetit du savoir dans le monde musulman, Paris, (Tirana) — henceforth AQSh — Fondi 882 Arguments,pp. 279–288. (Komuniteti Mysliman), viti 1927, dosja 112). I have been unable to find any trace of this visit, assuming it SCHMIDT-NEKE, Michael, 1987, Entstehung und indeed took place. Ausbau der Königsdiktatur in Albanien (1912–1939),München,Oldenbourg. 6 “Nji letër e derguem nga komunitetin mysliman të Hindit”, Zani i naltë, IV/12, July 1927, pp. 377–378 SMITH, W. Cantwell, 1956, ‘Ahmadiyya’, (the letter is accompanied by a photograph of the Encyclopédie de l’Islam,New Edition,Leyden,E. J. Berlin mosque). Brill. 7 This refers to the translation into English,prepared by TAYLOR, Stephen, 1937, Who’s Who in Central and nd Muhammad Ali, the spiritual head of the Anjuman (d. East-Europe,1935/1936,2 Edition,Zurich. 1951),and published in 1920. UZUN, Mustafa, 1994, ‘ Do≤rul, Ömer Rıza’, Türkiye 8 ‘Nje leter e Komunitetit të Hindit Vllaut Hafis Isa Diyanet Vakfı Islam Ansiklopesidi,9,s.v. Domni’, Zani i naltë, V, No. 2, December 1927, pp. VLLAMASI, Sejfi, 1995, Ballafaqime politike në 425–430. Shqipëri (1897–1942),Tirana,Marin Barleti. 9 Ibid. 1 Albania acquired independence in 1913,but was occu- 10 Luli-Dizdari-Bushati 1997,p. 667. pied by various powers during the First World War. Only in 1920 did it fully recover that independence that 11 Baron Omar Rolf von Ehrenfels (born 1901) apparent- it lost once again in 1939. ly converted to Islam at the Lahori Ahmadi mission’s 10 THELIGHT ■ JULY – SEPTEMBER2004 mosque in Berlin,around 1927. In the current literature Vehbi Ismail, who was kind enough to reply to my he is said to have been attracted towards Islam while queries and send me publications. staying among the Muslims of the Balkans and Turkey 20 Zani i naltë,VI/2,Tetuer 1931,p. 66. and that it was a Yugoslavian imam who had suggested 21 Cf. Rregulore e Medreses së Përgjithshme të to him that he get in touch with the imam of the new Komunitetit Mysliman Shqiptar, Shkodër, Ora e Berlin mosque,Dr S. M. Abdullah (Khulusi 1963,pp. Shkodrës,1931. 234–235). 22 Henceforth, in fact, the Medrese of Tirana constituted 12 Cf. Zani i naltë, nos. 9–10, Shtatuer–Qershuer 1935, an exception in the Balkans,since French and German pp. 292–296. remained the only western languages taught in estab- 13 It should be noted that translations were similarly lishments of this type down to the Second World War made from other English-language Islamic periodicals, (Popovic 1997). Attention is drawn to this change of including Qadiani Ahmadi journals like Chicago’s foreign language at the Medrese of Tirana and the rea- Moslem Sunrise and The Review of Religions, or even son for it by Sherif Putra, an Albanian student at anti-Ahmadi ones like Genuine Islam from Singapore Lahore,in an article published in The Light(‘Islam in (I am very grateful to Eric Germain for providing me Albania’,The Light,vol. XIII,no. 5,1/2/1935,p. 2). I with the publication details of these periodicals). owe my knowledge of this article to Mr Nasir Ahmad 14 For example, in issue IX/2–3 October–November of Lahore,to whom I am immensely grateful. 1933, there is an article with the title ‘Modern 23 I have listed seventeen names of students having made Chemistry and Islam’,translated by Hasan Selami,the translations. Some of them used the signature translation of correspondence between the Islamic ‘Devrani’, the pseudonym of a person whose status is Community of America and President Roosevelt, an not at present known to me. article drawn from The Light on a new mosque in 24 Hasan Selami died in Cairo in 1944 (cf. Ismaili 1993, London, and an article by Junus Bulej on the spiritual p. 169, and Kultura islame, V/11, korrik 1944, pp. significance of fasting,according to Dr Hamid Marcus 316–322). of the Berlin mosque. 25 For example,in issue 1/4,pp. 143–146,one article had 15 Muhamet Ali,Një përshkrim i shkurtër i jetës së profi- been explicitly compiled from the Moslemische Revue. tit t’islamizmës(trans. Omer M. Sharra),Shkodër,‘Ora e Shkodrës’, 1929, 74 pp.; Muhamet Ali, Muhamedi 26 In this way there were published in serial form transla- profeti i ynë,Shkodër,‘Ora e Shkodrës’,1931,247 pp.; tions of Taha Husayn’s ‘Guides to Thought’ and and Disa të vërteta morale (trans. Sh. Putra), Tirana, Muhammad Haykal’s ‘Life of Muhammad’. ‘Tirana’, 1939, 45 pp. It is possible that the booklet 27 This letter, dated 13th May 1940, was a reply to a entitled Islamizmi, published by the Islamic telegram of 27th April 1940, sent to the Anjuman by Community in 1929,is also translated from an Ahmadi Behxet Shapati, the Head of the Albanian Islamic text. I have not been able to check this. In addition, it Community, on the occasion of the anniversary of the is necessary to point out that there were, in 1935 and birth of the Prophet (cf. Kultura Islame,II/13–14,shta- 1938,two translations of works by Ömer Rıza Do≤rul, tor–tetor 1940,p. 50). a Turkish author himself steeped in Ahmadi texts,who 28 Luli-Dizdari-Bushati 1997,pp. 666–667. translated the translation of the Koran prepared by Muhammad Ali (cf. Uzun,1994 on this individual). 29 The Head of the Albanian Islamic Community,Behxet Shapati,who was the author of numerous articles in the 16 On this periodical,see below. journal,also seems to have been familiar with Ahmadi 17 On Junus Bulej (1892–1966),originally from Shkodra, literature. cf. Luli-Dizdari-Bushati 1997,pp. 399–414. 30 According to Imam Vehbi Ismaili,Halil Junus Repishti 18 On Ymer Sharra (1901–1975),who was born in Vlora and Ejup Kraja were friends. (in South-West Albania),see Gogaj 1999,p. 54. 31 Cf. F. 882, v. 1934, d. 78, report dated 20/4/1935; F. 19 According to the United States reissue of the book 882, v. 1935, d. 2, report dated 1/5/1935; and Zani i Muhamet Ali,Një përshkrim i shkurtër i jetës së profi- naltë,XI/3,marc 1936,back cover. tit t’islamizmës, translated by Omer M. Sharra, which 32 Cf. for example ‘Për të gatue nji kler të ri’,Zani i naltë, Imam Vehbi Ismaili has made available to me, Omer X/11,Nanduer 1935,pp. 348–351. Sharra was at that time Professor of English at the Medrese of Tirana. I am immensely grateful to Imam 33 AQSh,F. 882,v. 1939,d. 52.