Leadership for Africa’s development: Revisiting African traditional leadership and setting the agenda for political leadership Vusi Gumede, University of South Africa Abstract The African continent remains at the periphery in world affairs. Many scholars have advanced cogent reasons for this unfortunate reality. Mkandawire (2011: 6) makes a point, for instance, that as and when Africa pursues development, the so-called dominant powers disrupt the process of development in Africa, and in the world, at worse by “bombing countries back to the stone age.” The development of the continent is also unimpressive, relative to the potential of the African economies.Gumede(2011), following on footsteps of many others who have made the similar point, argues that Africa needs its own socio- economic development model instead of what appears to be inappropriate policies that are being implemented in most if not all African countries. Gumede (2013) advanced an argument that the 21st century would most likely be remembered as the Asian century fundamentally and secondarily as a South American century, and proposed aspects of what a socio-economic development model for Africa should be. Other works, especially Gumede and Pooe (2014), have demonstrated that Africa wouldindeed most likely miss the 21st century as its own as many proclaimed at the eve of the millennium. Further work has been explaining what is needed for Africa to, possibly, re- capture the 21st century or ensure that Africa definitely captures the 22nd century. This paper makes a case for African (traditional) leadership and examines political leadership in particular with the view of preparing Africa to reclaim its lost glory and recover its stolen legacy. By African leadership, I refer to leadership that is centered on Afrocentric histories, philosophies, epistemologies and other pan-Africanist orientations/ideologies as well as respect for evolving African cultures. It is argued that African leadership should be infused with thought leadership and critical consciousness. Thought leadership, as Gumede (2014) puts it, is about leadership that is based on progressive ideologies, beliefs and orientations that have significant pragmatic and impact appeal. Critical consciousness, on the other hand, should be linked to decolonizing the minds of Africans, as NgũgĩwaThiong’o, MolefiKete Asante, Ama Mazama and ChinweizuIbekwe, among others, have argued. Knowledge production should, therefore, be a critical factor in redefining paradigms for African (traditional and political) leadership aimed at the further renewal of the African continent. The paper wrestles with these and other pertinent issues, including critiquing the ‘Africa rising’ narrative. 1 Introduction There appears to be consensus that economically and socially, and perhaps also politically, the African continent remains at the periphery, remains weak in many ways or development has been poor. With regard to economic development, for instance, contrary to what some are arguing, or have been arguing, that Africa is rising;there are indications that such a characterization is inappropriate – poverty remains very high and increasing in many instances and inequalities, various types of inequalities, including political inequalities, remain very high in the African continent. In addition, it may very well be a statistical artefact that Gross Domestic Product (GDP), the main measure of economic performance, appears good in the African continent. The growth in GDPis not linked to the well-being of the lives of the people. Moreover, in comparing the African continent with other sub-regions, for instance Asia and Latin America in particular, the numbers for economic development or economic growth are mediocre and pedestrian in Africa. In considering Africa’s two big economies, namely Nigeria and South Africa, there remain many socio-economic challenges in the two big economies in Africa, let alone other economies, the reality that contradicts the ‘Africa rising’ narrative. Among the fundamental constraints to Africa’s development is the lack of appropriate policies. The lack of appropriate policies is also associated with poor reforms, as Gumede (2011) explainsi. ThandikaMkandawire, in the context of Africa as a whole,has argued that there is indeed a challenge of policies, especially social policiesii. Samir Aminiii, on the other hand, has been explaining what kind of a development model could work better for Africa (and the world at large) – indeed there have been various attempts to coming up with ‘home- grown’ development approaches. Adebayo Adedeji, for instance, has discussed the various strategies and plans that Africa crafted, which have unfortunately been compromised by what he has termed the Development Merchant Systemiv– a deliberate design by the global 2 capitalist order to perpetuate a socio-economic and political system that advances interests of the West and maintains the peripheralization of the African continent.AdekeyeAdebajoattributes, convincingly, the challenges confronting Africa to the ‘curse of Berlin’and the ‘bondage ofboundaries’v. Claude Ake, among others, demonstrated the constraints imposed by the development approach that Africa followedvi. Indeed, the debate about what has limited development in Africa continues: the most recent appraisal by ThandikaMkandawireof various perspectives that have claimed to identify the ‘African problem’ is a case in pointvii. The paper is structured in the following manner: The next section briefly discusses what could be characterized as the African development challenge. I then briefly problematize the ‘Africa rising’ narrative. That is followed by brief conceptual reflections, theoretically unpacking the African development challenge. The rest of the paper, before concluding, makes proposals about the kind of African (traditional and political) leadership that can ensure the further development of the African continent. The African development challenge As hinted above, the central concern for the further development of the African continent has to do with a socio-economic development approach pursued so far, largely because the approaches for advancing development that have been employed in Africa have largely been borrowed elsewhere (Gumede, 2011)viii. The dominant approach is the neo-liberal economic agenda or dogma which is mainly based on market fundamentalism which has been prone to crises, the recent case being the ongoing global economic recession. Therefore, Africa needs its own socio-economic development approach, informed by a new vision for the African economy. I have described the new approach, or philosophical framework, for socio- economic development in Africa as an African Economic Renaissanceix (see Gumede, 2013). 3 Arguably, it would be important to look back, perhaps through the works of Walter Rodney, Cheikh Anta Diop, Samir Amin and TinyambeZeleza, among others, to study how socially and economically Africa was organised before colonization or colonialism. Adebajo (2010: 3)x put it interestingly that “in order to understand contemporary events and for a better future one must inevitably understand the past”. The early African economy was characterized or has been described as communalism, not communism. According to Rodney (1973), communalism refers to a way of life and or philosophy and or approach where produce is done in common and shared equallyxi – Amin (1997)xii characterized such an economy as pre-mercantilist. AyiKweiArmah, ChinweizuIbekwe and Valentine Mudimbe, among others, have made a case against borrowing foreign notions such as communism or Marxism. This said, Samir Amin has consistently presented a strong argument for socialism as an answer to the challenges that the world faces. It is probably necessary to indicate that when I argue about ‘going back’ I am not suggesting that we should go back in order to replicate exactly what was done many centuries back because of contextual nuances as the reality of globalization must be factored in. Indeed, there is a need for thinking innovatively than trying to copy what other countries do. Many countries in the African continent are increasingly copying or trying to copy the Chinese social and economic development model. Arguably, replicating the Chinese model would not work well for the African continent for many reasons, chief among them the reality that the contexts are different. There are many social problems in the African continent. Some of these are of course common all over the world. However, Africa has many civil wars that are avoidable. There is a big problem of peace and a large problem of conflict in the African continent. It is hard to 4 develop society in such conditions. Some scholars have written about this, modelling the role of conflict to economic development. One cannot possibly develop society effectively while there is conflict. Education is also a challenge despite large investments into educational sectors in the African continent. The outcomes remain a challenge in terms of skills development, level and quality of education. Take South Africa, for instance. There is a large number of graduates that are unemployed. There are also challenges that relate to institutions and political systems in the African continent. Moreover, there is always some kind of external influence or interference as the works of ThandikaMkandawire and Adebayo Adedeji, among others, have shown with regard to economic development in Africa. Libya is generally used as a recent case of this issue where the African continent was not given an opportunity, sufficient opportunity, to resolve the crisis or the challenge in Libya. Instead, external role-players came in and worsened the crisis. There is a bigger problem now in the Sahel region all the way down to Nigeria and other parts of that world. Some people argue that the reason Boko Haram seems so prominent now can be linked to what has happened in Libya, for instance a complete breakdown of society and the ease with which arms flows across the Sahel region coupled with problems in Mali and other areas. The problem of external influence is a critical issue linked to weak leadership infused with challenges of corruption and so forth. There are political and institutional weaknesses in the African continent that suggest that we need effective leadership. I have been arguing that the African continent needs thought leadership that is capable of being critical and conscious – I have argued for thought leadership, thought liberation and critical consciousness. The late colleague argued that “the common denominator that runs through these three 5 imperatives [i.e. thought leadership, thought liberation and critical consciousness ] is a moral consciousness that we belong despite our differences” (Achieng’2014: 127)xiii. Interesting, Samuel Oloruntoba (2015: 18)xiv, another colleague, argues that “Africa needs a third liberation, the context of which must include freedom from the hegemony of imported knowledge, freedom from subservience to logic of global capitalism, freedom from the slavery of fake values and cultures, and freedom from the visionless and kleptocratic political elites”. More fundamentally, as indicated earlier, the African continent remains at the periphery, to use IssaShivji’s formulationxv, largely because of the global power distribution. The manner in which economic power, social power, political power and otherwise are distributed keeps the African continent at the bottom. As indicated earlier, Adebayo Adedeji has characterized the mechanism that keeps Africa at the bottom as the Development Merchant System. So, the manner in which power is distributed globally is a big challenge. The notion of the colonial matrices of power that decolonial scholars have advanced speaks to a structure which ensures that the global south broadly remains at the bottom and the West remains at the top. Therefore, for Africa to achieve the third liberation that Oloruntoba (2015)xvi has argued for and for the African leadership to be morally conscious, thought leadership as well as thought liberation and critical consciousness are critical in order that, at the very least, the African leadership, especially the African political leadership, is able to confront obtaining global power relations and change the status quo. Problematizing the ‘Africa rising’ narrative The recent economic development narrative, implying that the continent of Africa is both open for business and is no longer the ‘Hopeless Continent’xvii, could be viewed as both a positive and an interesting development. However, this paper contends that a nuanced form 6 of African leadership is needed to interrogate through empirical research, whether this development is truly a new horizon for the continent or another imposed narrative concerning the continent’s socioeconomic trajectory. As AchilleMbembé (2001:3)xviii would put it, “narrative about Africa is always pretext for a comment about something else, some other place, some other people…Africa is the mediation that enables the West to accede to its own subconscious and give a public account of its subjectivity.” Therefore, we must interrogate narratives such as the ‘Africa rising’ narrative, which is essentially a narrative of the West and its allies. This section of the paper explores the narrative referred to in the preceding paragraph in order to (1) ascertain why and what this economic growth represents and (2) understanding whether it will assist ordinary African citizens’ goals and aspirations. If this growth model or narrative is nothing more than an exercise in maximizing profits (neo-liberal economic thought) over human development, this paper cautions African governments and States against glorifying and adopting this narrative. This caution is born out of the experiences of not only the continent’s previous dealings with neo-liberal thought, in the form of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP), as an example, but the economic problems now encountered by Western States and economies. As argued elsewhere, “it is important to state that the failure of the neo-liberal economic thought is not limited to the continent in its manifestation. Statistics from the World Bank and other development agencies show that poverty and inequality is equally rife in the so-called developed world such as the United States of America and Europe.” (Gumede, 2014:11)xix. It is therefore critical for African governments through a nuanced type of African political leadership to explore and research whether the current argument or narrative of ‘Africa rising’xx will not only paint the continent in a positive light, but will bring about tangible 7 socioeconomic development and freedom. This argument for fierce interrogation and research into what and how this new narrative will assist or deter the continent’s socioeconomic development and trajectory is informed by lessons of the past decades. As argued in the Inaugural Professorial Lecture, “Many countries in Africa faced severe economic difficulties in the 1980s as a result of the fall in demand for commodities. The resultant effects were that these countries resorted into borrowing from both private and government institutions in the global north. Inability to service the debt so incurred resulted in the debt crisis that still afflict some of the countries in Africa today.” (Gumede, 2014:10)xxi. It is for reasons such as the ones covered above, amongst others, that this paper calls for present day African governments and citizens to critically engage with any new or developing narrative looking to explain Africa’s socioeconomic development. Adebayo Olukoshi (1998)xxii, among others,demonstrated that many of the problems such as those associated with SAP of the 1990s were a result of poor analysis of Africa’s economies and undue pressures to conform to a certain narrative (i.e. the neo-liberal economic model) of how to operate the economy. It is therefore important for a new form of African political leadership whether in scholarship, civil society and in government to constructively interrogate what this new narrative means in their different fields of work or existence. This interrogation can take many different forms and guises, but central to such analysis must be an eagerness to challenge established norms and theories in order to bring new thinking to subjects such as Economics and Finance. This latter point is critical to this paper’s argument, as now even the established former neo-liberal economistshave been questioning what used to be preached as fact. As Joseph Stiglitz, the leading proponent of the converted neoliberals indicates that “after the crisis broke, 8 policymakers relying on the models floundered. In the wake of the crisis, macroeconomists from various ideological backgrounds are now re-examining some of the discipline’s dogmas, questioning what were thought to be infallible certainties, and stressing the importance of new knowledge” (Stiglitz et al, 2013:6)xxiii. It cannot be stressed how important this admission is by individuals like Stiglitz who played a crucial role in the application of SAP and promoting orthodox economics, hence I am calling for a new type of political leadership narrative to start to be explored and allowed to challenge established economic orthodoxies. In looking to challenge established norms or thinking and operation concerning not only the neo-liberal economic thought, but misunderstood African histories of development, an argument is also made that a new robust African agenda should be sealed. Such an agenda could be symbolically named a 22nd century agenda for Africa’s development in which African intellectuals and the citizenrywould be actively engaged with ideas concerned with reimagining the world economy anew. The challenge of thesuggested 22nd century agenda for Africa’s development was spoken of by numerous thinkers such as Steve Biko, Kwame Nkrumah and many others but is best articulated by Toyin Falola when he argues that, “Scholarship in Africa has been conditioned to respond to a reality and epistemology created for it by outsiders, a confrontation with imperialism, the power of capitalism, and the knowledge that others have constructed for Africa. The African intellectual does not write in a vacuum, but in a world saturated with others’ statements, usually negative about its members and their continent. Even when this intelligentsia seeks the means to intrude itself into the modern world, modernity has been defined for it and presented to it in a fragmented manner.” Falola (2004: 17)xxiv 9 I have tried to briefly problematize the ‘Africa rising’ narrative, in the context of exploring whether the continent is experiencing the second coming of a new form of neo-liberal economic idea. If this is the case, I argue that the continent will need to stand ready and poised with a new and nuanced thinking African political leadership and approach. This political leadership must, for instance, be able to ascertain how best to utilise the continents natural resources and also rigorously transform the socioeconomic conditions through effective governmental policies and structures. Brief conceptual reflections There is no doubt that the various unpleasant experiences of slave trade, colonialism, imperialism and neo-colonialism have combined to condition the mind of Africans to feel inferior and seemingly incapable of creative endeavour – this is not to say that such experiences must be the primary preoccupation and constrain the ability to determine destiny. As Karl Polanyi (1944)xxv argues, experiences of slavery dehumanise and disempower the victims, even to succeeding generations. Frantz Fanon (1961)xxvi has more to say about thisxxvii. As many have argued, the totality of the historical experience of the African continent and peoples of African descent should be taken into account when dealing with the challenges and solutions pertaining to the further renewal of the African continent and for the advancement of the wellbeing of Africans wherever they arexxviii. Raising critical consciousness among Africans involves a deliberate effort to deconstruct and reconstruct their sense of being – away from political apathy, collusion with the domestic and transnational elites in perpetuating the current unequal and unjust order, satisfaction with mediocrity, gullibility to vague political promises and leaders fanning the ember of nationalism, ethnicity and xenophobia, dependency on the West, or East (lately), for 10