LAW AS A SITE OF ENVIRONMENTAL CONFLICT ALLAN J. GREENBAUM s submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in partial fulfilment of the rquirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Programme in Sociology York University Toronto, Ontario I*I National Library Bibliothépue nationale , , f o du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services sewioes bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. nie Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 ûttawaûN K l A W Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the excfusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sel1 reproduire, prêter, distriiuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la fome de microfiche/fïim, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. 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The author reserves other publication rights, and neither the dissertation nor extensive extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author's written permission. ABSTRACT I investigate conflicts between advocates of natural versus manicured lawns and conflicts between proponents and opponents of lawn herbicides. Conflicts over lawns and lawn herbicides provide valuable insights into the cultural and symbolic dimensions of environmental issues generally, because the lawn conflicts tend to be fairly pure instances of conflicts over values, perceptions and meanings rather than over divergent material interests. Lawn eontroversies have to do both with risk perception and landscape as a symbol of social identity, hence the study of these conflicts contributes simultaneously to environmental and cultural sociology. The study addresses the following questions. What was the historical development of current lawn noms and practices and of the current criticisms of those noms and practices? How are the positions taken in these controversies framed in public discourse--in terms of what configurations of associations and contrasts? What do these discourses tell us about the social identities symbolized by pro-lawn, anti-lawn and anti-spray positions? How do sociodemographic variables affect front yard landscape practices, lawn herbicide risk appraisal and support for a controversial lawn bylaw? Qualitative components of the study involve the analysis of texts, including books and articles (iv) about lawns, lawn care and lawn alternatives, press reports and features, pamphlets, advertisements etc., as well as of materials (reports, briefs, submissions, legal documents, speeches, etc.) generated by municipal political controversies over herbicide use on,public land and over a bylaw requiring the cutting of grass and weeds on private land. A quantitative component involves a survey of residents in an urban neighbourhood with diverse yard styles. The study finds that pro-lawn and anti-spray discourses are framed in terms of material security concerns, the former emphasizing risks of disorder £rom the margins, the latter those of violence and corruption from the centre. Anti-lawn discourses are framed in terms of a romantic postmaterialist opposition between interesting, complex freedom and vulgar uniformity. Positions and practices are statistically related to occupation, sector, gender and parents' occupations. Results are consistent with a status politics theory influenced by Bourdieu, Gusfield, Inglehart and Douglas. Acknowledgements I want to thank my Supervisory Committee for their patience, support and advice throughout the dissertation process. It would be hard to imagine a more conscientious and considerate supervisor than Ray Morris, who always seemed to know just when gently to check up on his reclusive charge. The dissertation has benefitted much from my exposure to Bryan Green's methodological expertise and from his advice on points of exposition; it would have benefitted more had 1 heeded his incitement to brevity. Brian Singer's thorough, thoughtful and penetrating comments displayed an unerring grasp of just where my arguments are going and where the holes are. Thanks to Ursula Kruger for helping to steer me through the administrative hurdles at the beginning of the dissertation process, and a special thanks to Audrey Tokiwa, whose cheerful and capable management of the administrative complexities at the end of the process made the endgame much less stressful than it would otherwise have been. Roy Merrens shared bibliographic and other resources with me, and kindly invited me to a forum with Sandy Bell and Simon Shields which he had organized for a course he was teaching. Simon Shields very generously provided me with legal documents (vil and background materials related to the Bell case and the Toronto lawn bylaw issue, and in extensive conversations afforded invaluable insight into the legal aspects of the case. My thanks to both of them. The Toronto Field Naturalists kindly gave me full access t0 their extensive files and documents. 1 want to express my appreciation to Helen Juhola for making TFN resources available to me, for sending al1 manner of relevant documents and leads my way, and for countless conversations about urban parks issues. Many thanks, as well, to Jim Purnell, Joan O'~onnel1a nd other TFN volunteers for their tireless clipping and generous sharing of relevant material from a wide range of print media, and to Gavin Miller, who brought his vast fund of knowledge about nature restoration issues to many a stimulating discussion. Many other people contributed to the project by sharing their thoughts on relevant issues, providing encouragement and interest, or going out of their way to help me to obtain information; they include Sandy Bell, Helen Mills, Helen Hansen, Margaret Carney, Andy Wickens, Eduard Sousa, Sheelagh Lindsay, Terry Fowler, Katherine Rehner, Kim Storey, Rachel Perry, and Helene St. Jacques. Special thanks go to Alex Wellington for sharing so many of her ideas, so much information, wisdom and energy over the years. Traces of our many collaborations are present throughout the work. More specifically, ,I thank her and Peter Sheppard for their absolutely indispensable help with conducting the survey, the results of which are reported in * Chapter 5. And a final thank you to my wife, Lilian Nattel, who can explain the project bettes than 1 can, and without whose support and encouragement 1 could not have brought this work to fruition. Table of Contents 1. Environmental conflict on the lawn ------------ 1 II. Framing the research question ---------------- 12 III. Lawn conflict in Toronto: controversies over park spraying and property maintenance bylaws in the 1990s ------------------------- 16 VI. An overview of the dissertation ------------- 56 TWO. A Brief Cultural History of the Lawn ------------- 64 II. Lawn, liberty and license: middle ground contested 70 -------------- III. The pastoral cornes to America 80 V. The golden age of the lawn ------------------- 101 THREE. Theorizing Lawn Conflict ....................... 1. Theorizing environmental conflict ------------- FOUR. Mapping the Space of Lawn Conflict -------------- 1. Mapping positions on the axes of contamination - II. Finding the normative "centre of gravity" ---- III. Axes and diagonal~a s lines of opposition --- IV. Situating lawn issue rhetorical frames on the matrix ............................... VI. Frames in action: the public discourses of a neighbours' quarrel ....................... VI. Patterns of advocacy: who intervenes and how -- FIVE. Front Yard Styles and Lawn Issue Attitudes in an Urban Professional Neighbourhood ------------ 1. The survey: the variables and their relevance -- III. Lawn issue positions and front yard ---------- practices--------------- IV. Circumstances past: the effects of cohort, education and parents' occupation ----------- V. Circumstances present: the effects of .................... occupation and çector