Kent Political Almanac ‘Europe in the World’ Special issue School of Politics and IR 2 Kent Political Almanac Issue 2 Managing Editor Academic Advisors Rebecca Walker Professor R Blakeley Editorial Board Professor Elena Korosteleva Afroditi-Maria Koulaxi Dr Ben Seyd April Yeung Dr Andrew Wroe James Pepper Professor Richard Whitman Liam Faulkner Dr Harmonie Toros Layout & Design Maëlle Poulin About the Kent Political Almanac Mike Spaan Mehdi Abakarim The Kent Political Almanac was created Moonira Mamoon Robert Small to provide a platform for academic debate and peer-reviewed publication Regis Verdier opportunities for students in Politics and International Relations. This journal’s purpose is to showcase the School’s best undergraduate and postgraduate essays. The initiative came from students of the School of Politics and International Relations, which led to the journal being launched in November 2013. All articles are peer-reviewed by both students and members of the School’s About The Global Europe Centre academic staff. We are proud to be an entirely student-led publication, The Global Europe Centre (GEC) is a new interdisciplinary research centre, focusing on supported from our School of Politics Europe, its member states, and its place in a changing world. and IR at the University of Kent. The Centre brings together leading international academics from politics and international Get in touch relations, economics, law, business, and European culture in order to explore the contemporary policy challenges to Europe and its nation states. www.kent.ac.uk/politics/gec E: [email protected] The GEC team has a strong track record of engagement with policy makers and informing decision making in London and in Brussels. Research is also widely disseminated through F: Global Europe Centre –University of publications, knowledge transfer workshops, conferences and events. The Centre has a Kent strong commitment to the creation of the next generation of ideas innovators and policy T: @GlobalEuropeCen makers. The Centre also has a strong student voice, working across all levels and disciplines. Get in touch W: www.kent.ac.uk/politics/gec E: [email protected] F: Global Europe Centre –University of Kent T: @GlobalEuropeCen This Special Issue is kindly supported by Blog: http://blogs.kent.ac.uk/kentpoliticalalmanac/ the Jean Monnet Chair, and the School of Politics and International Relations’. E: [email protected] Kent Political Almanac 3 Issue 2 ‘Europe in the World’ Special issue Welcome to this special issue This edition marks the Kent Political Almanac’s second publication. We are privileged to once again launch the journal in partnership with the Global Europe Centre, University of Kent. The majority of the essays in this edition therefore follow a theme of ‘Europe in the World’. Following our call for papers, we received a great deal of excellent work sent in from students of all ages and degree stages. We are extremely proud to be presenting a selection of these in this edition. Work from students from hugely diverse backgrounds all around the globe is represented here, with an equally international array of editors. We started this journal with an idea, and since then it has rapidly evolved. In the future we hope to present more editions throughout each academic year, and further increase the publication’s visibility. None of this would be possible without a committed team of editors, volunteering their time to help students show off the best of what they can do. We would like to thank all of the authors who contributed to this issue, and those who agreed to present their published work at this year’s celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the University of Kent’ Contents We are especially grateful to the members of staff from the School of Interest Group Representation in the European Union 4 Politics and International Relations, who gave their time to be part of the review process, and whom believe in this project as much as we do. European Security after the Our special thanks go to the Global Europe Centre, and to Professor Cold War 14 Elena Korosteleva, whose support has been pivotal from the journal’s How Democratic is the United launch. States? 22 We hope that you will enjoy reading this issue of the Kent Political The EU as a mediator in the Almanac. Georgia-Russia War 31 Rebecca Walker The Impact of enlargement in Managing Editor modern European Crisis 39 Normative Power? The role of the EU in contemporary politics 48 The EU’s treatment of ACP countries 56 4 Kent Political Almanac Issue 2 Interest Group representation By Julien Decre in the European Union Interest groups are at the heart of many Euro-sceptic criticisms, especially with respect to the democratic legitimacy of the European institutions. Yet the First and foremost, it is important to properly define the terms of our analysis and to understanding we have of how the understand the basic mechanisms of inter group representation in the EU. representation of interest groups in the European Union (EU) works is often To begin, one must be precise about what is meant by ‘interest group’. The term is vague and general. Interest groups take many different forms, more or less organised, more or quite blurred. The aim of this essay is to less large, with different goals in different areas. They have varying designations: ‘pressure attempt to understand the functioning of groups’, ‘special interest groups’, ‘associations’, ‘lobbies’ ‘NGOs’, ‘civic groups’, ‘non profit interest group representation in the EU. organisations’, etc. Indeed, the more or less organised, more or less institutionalised or More specifically, I will look at whether it informal, with more or less resources, and defending very diverse interests1. Nonetheless, is more based on competition Eising recognises three key factors to identify when one wants to study an interest group: (‘pluralism’) or negotiation (‘corporatism’) organisation, political inter and informality. Organisationrelates to the characteristics of the between the different interests. At first group: It must be organised. This excludes, for example, movements of public opinion. Political interest refers to the intrinsic vocation any interest group to influence public policy. sight, the multiplicity of interests and of Informalityis the f that interest groups are not meant to play a role in politics themselves: their influence routes let appear a certain They seek to influence politicians to make them act on their behalf2. Regarding the interest degree of pluralism within the European groups in the European Unionthere are three main types of interests that can be identified: institutions. Yet a significant ‘commercial interests’, ‘diffuse interests’ – also called ‘public interests’, that is to say whose institutionalisation of interest group purpose is the common good –, an ‘territorially defined interests3-4. representation may suggest a modern In addition, one may also take a look at the basic mechanisms that drive the representation form of corporatism. To what extent is of interests within the EU. On the demandside, in recent decades interest groups have interest group representation in the EU tended to organise themselves at the European level because the EU has acquired many pluralist or corporatist? In an attempt to regulatory skills in various fields (eg economy) – skills that are no longer the monopoly of answer this question, I have made use Member States. Furthermore, it can be much cheaper and efficient to act directly at the of the analyses of numerous scholars European level, instead of taking action in each member country. On the supplyside, the EU is open to the influence of interest groups because their expertise helps the rulers to that have studied this issue, since the implement more effective and consensual policies, which will be thus better enforced. It is early days of European construction until also a way for them to promote their power against that of Member States: This is why the the present day. I will try to demonstrate Commission and the European Parliament are the most open to European interest groups, that it is a mix of various forms of interest in contrast to the Council of the European Union5. Therefore, European institutions group representation – sometimes encourage interest groups to come together and speak at the European level. Thus, the derived from pluralism and sometimes from corporatism – that prevails within the EU. One could distinguish in “Eising recognises three key factors to particular large variations depending on identify when one wants to study an interest the sectors represented. group: organisation, political interest and informality.” 1 See Jan Beyers, Rainer Eising, and William Maloney, “Researching interest group politics in Europe and elsewhere: much we study, little we know?”, West European Politics31, no.6 (2008), p. 1106. 2 Rainer Eising, “Interest Groups in EU Policy-making”, Living Reviews in European Governance 3, no. 4 (2008), <http://www.livingreviews.org/lreg-2008-4>, [accessed November 26, 2014]. 3 This is principally Member States’ representatives that look after territorially defined interests. But not only: Certain regions, for example, can mobilise to defend their interests directly at the European level. 4 Simon Hix, The Political System of the European Union(2nd edn.), (Basingstoke: Palgrave Mac-millan, 2005), p. 211-213. 5 Hix, Political System of the EU, 227-229. Kent Political Almanac 5 Issue 2 tendency is towards an increasing number of interest groups that act directly at the European level. This was especially the case after the Maastricht Treaty: The number of interest groups with an office in Brussels then tripled compared to the previous decade, reaching around 15006,7, and it is difficult to estimate the actual number of interest because all are not so organised bureaucratically8. “after the Maastricht Treaty: The number of interest groups with an office in Brussels then tripled compared to the previous decade” The importance of interests groups is particularly evident with regard to business interests, which represent the majority of interest groups operating at the European level – nearby two thirds. Thus, given the large number of actors and the ease with which they can access the Commission to defend their interests, one can think of a pluralist intermediation model9. For that matter, I will begin my analysis by examining more in depth the pluralist aspects of interest group representation in the EU. At first sight, the representation of interest groups in the EU may recall a form of ‘primitive’ or ‘classical’ pluralism. Authors such as Truman, Dahl and Lipset theorised this concept in the 1950s-1960s. The main principle is that free access for all interest groups to political leaders allows reaching equilibrium in a check and balances system that is beneficial to the democratic functioning – in addition to the traditional electoral representation. Interest groups must have equal access to the leaders. The role of political leaders is simply to remain neutral between the interests, not favouring one at the expense of others10,11,12. This seems to happen at the EU level, both for business and diffuse interests. Along with European integration, the accumulation of market regulation competences at the level of Brussels has created a new structure of opportunity for social and economic interests13. Commercial interests have to be defended where trade is regulated: in Brussels, increasingly. Moreover, in face of globalisation large corporations no longer seek the protection of states but rather try to make gains in productivity on the international market: This constitutes one more reason to act in Brussels rather than at the national level. Along with Europeanisation, interest groups have therefore largely tended to organise themselves at the EU level. In doing so, some large companies act alone, or pay professional lobbyists to act on their behalves. Others participate in sectorial groups such as the European Chemical Industry Council (CEFIC). Others participate in cross-sectorial organisations: eg the Union of Industrial and Employers’ Confederations (UNICE), the Association of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (EUROCHAMBRES), the European Association of Craft, Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (UEAPME), etc. Strategies vary depending on the interests to protect and may be multiple14. 6 Hix, Political System of the EU, 211. 7 Justin Greenwood, Interest representation in the European Union(Palgrave Macmillan, 2011). 8 Greenwood, Interest representation in the EU. 9 Hix,Political System of the EU, p. 215-216. 10 David B. Truman, The Governmental Process: Political Interests and Public Opinion (New York: Knopf, 1951). 11 Seymour M. Lipset, Political Man; the Social Bases of Politics(Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1960). 12 Robert A. Dahl, Who Governs? Democracy and Power in an American City(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961). 13 Hix,Political System of the EU, p. 226. 14 Ibid., p. 214. 6 Kent Political Almanac Issue 2 Regarding diffuse interests, instead of acting on a case-by-case basis in each member state, public interest groups can coordinate and act directly in Brussels when their interests converge. This allows them to save money and to be more efficient15. As for commercial interests, in addition to individual actions, many large organisations have been created to defend diffuse interests on a European scale: the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC), the ‘G8 environmental NGOs’ (EEB, WWF, FoEE, Greenpeace, T & E Birdlife International, CNE, IFN), the European Consumers’ Organisation (BEUC), etc. Looking at all these multiple interest groups operating at the EU level, it may be argued that at first sight the representation of interests seems to follow a pluralist model, in which all interests compete without a single one being able to sustainably prevail. Into the bargain, this seems consistent with what was expected by the ‘neo-functionalist’ theorists of European integration: They relied particularly on business interest groups to promote Europeanisation among the Member States16. Indeed, their role has been far from negligible in the European construction and the EU’s creation17. However, since the 1960s the idea of European pluralism has been widely criticised. Olson expected that because of problems of ‘collective action’, major groups with diffuse interests would never be able to organise themselves in order to counterbalance the power of small groups with ‘concentrated’ interests. Indeed, unlike for private interests, there are great incentives to free ride with respect to public interests. The outcome is therefore an unequal access to political power for diffuse interests that calls into question the idea of a pluralistic system of interest group representation18. This seems consistent with what happens currently: As Hix recalls, the representation of business interests is quite disproportionate in the EU19. 15 Iid., p. 226. 16 Ernst B. Haas, The Uniting of Europe: Political, Social, and Economic Forces, 1950-1957(Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1958), pp. 162-213. 17 Hix,Political System of the EU, pp. 208-231. 18 Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965), pp. 127-128. Kent Political Almanac 7 Issue 2 As a consequence, this is maybe a form of ‘neo-pluralist’ interest group representation that rather seems to prevail. According to neo-pluralists,20problems of pluralism can be avoided if political leaders cease to act as neutral arbiters, and help underrepresented interests groups by subsidising them. This is what currently happens: The European Commission funds hundreds of public interest groups21in order to counterbalance the power of business interests. However, in spite of all these funding and consultation of public interest groups efforts, interest representation at the EU level is still quite unbalanced in favour of business interests22. “According to neo-pluralists, problems of pluralism can be avoided if political leaders cease to act as neutral arbiters, and help underrepresented interests groups by subsidising them.” On the other hand, as I will now attempt to show, the sole (neo)pluralism cannot characterise the interest group representation system in the EU. In some areas, a trend towards the institutionalisation of interest group representation, to promote negotiation, may also suggest a modern form of corporatism. On the other hand, as I will now attempt to show, the sole (neo)pluralism cannot characterise the interest group representation system in the EU. In some areas, a trend towards the institutionalisation of interest group representation, to promote negotiation, may also suggest a modern form of corporatism. A wave of institutionalisation has developed in 20 See Patrick Dunleavy and Brendan O’Leary, Theories of the State: The Politics of Liberal Democracy (Basingstoke: Macmillan Education, 1987). 21 See Christine Mahoney and Michael J. Beckstrand, “Following the money: European Union fun-ding of civil society organizations”, Journal of Common Market Studies 49, no.6 (2011), pp. 1339-1361. 22 David Coen, “Empirical and Theoretical Studies and EU Lobbying”, Journal of European Public Policy14, no. 3 (2007), pp. 335. 8 Kent Political Almanac Issue 2 the EU since the late 1980s and the early 1990s. In response to the exponential increase in the number of business interest groups operating at the European level, and given the unequal representation of public interests (especially labour interests), the European Commission has taken action. From the mid-1980s, it has sought to institutionalise ‘social dialogue’ between ‘social partners’ that are considered legitimate and representative of European citizens’ will. Thus, for instance, in 1984 the president of the Commission Jacques Delors, stated that henceforth UNICE and the ETUC – representing the two main types of interests that oppose at the industrial level – would be systematically consulted on any new social policy23. Moreover, this institutionalisation of relations between the ‘social partners’ was largely accelerated with the Maastricht Treaty and the creation of the EU – which therefore cannot be completely considered a ‘pluralist’ system. Now the Commission is legally constrained to consult business and labour prior to any new proposal for legislation in the social field. And if the representatives of these two types of interests manage to reach an agreement on a specific policy, it can be directly used as a European legislation24. In addition, the EU has tried to institutionalise dialogue between business interests themselves through the establishment of ‘quasi-formal forums’ in order to avoid the surcharge of the Commission. These forums are designed to pursue public good through negotiation. In 1997, Coen mentioned in particular the Ravenstein group25, the Maritime Forum, the Transport Network Round Table, the Automobile Workshop,the Steel Panel, and IT and Telecommuniction superhighway groups26. “In the EU, organisations are legitimate partners of institutional stake-holders in decision-making and the establishment of new rules, and they even have in certain cases a self-regulatory authority.” 23 Hix, Political System of the EU, 216. 24 Ibid., p. 217. 25 Coen explains what the ‘Ravenstein group’ is: ‘a cross-section of Brussels-based political affairs directors. It is an informal industrial club which discusses broad issues.’ 26 David Coen, “The Evolution of the Large Firm as a Political Actor in the European Union”, Journal of European Public Policy4, no. 1 (1997), p. 96. Kent Political Almanac 9 Issue 2 Finally, this institutionalisation of relations between interest groups by the Commission has also continued in recent years as part of the debate on the democratic deficit of the EU, in response to the growing distrust of citizens towards Brussels’ institutions. Thus, in 2002, it endorsed new minimum standards with regard to the consultation of interest groups; and in 2008 it set up a voluntary register and new guidelines to be followed by them27. This institutionalisation of interest groups relations in the EU – the ‘social dialogue’ in particular – calls into question the idea of a completely ‘neo-pluralist’ system, as it has been defined previously. Besides neo-pluralist arrangements coexist arrangements that can be described as ‘quasi-corporatist’28. Indeed, the institutionalisation of ‘social dialogue’ recalls Hix’s definition of corporatism: ‘The state recognises, licenses and grants representational monopolies to the two sides of the class divide: the “social partners”29. In the EU, organisations are legitimate partners of institutional stakeholders in decision-making and the establishment of new rules, and they even have in certain cases a self-regulatory authority: Therefore, one could argue that they play a ‘quasi-public’ role30. However, one could not assert that genuine ‘classical’ corporatism actually exists within the EU. ‘Classical’ corporatism31, denotes the model applied in certain European nation states (eg Germany) until the 1970s: a division of interests between capitalists and workers, with an organisation representing each one and participating in tripartite negotiations with the State in order to implement policies accepted by all. Streeck and Schmitter have investigated the issue in depth at the time of the establishment of the EU. They identified preconditions necessary for the emergence of corporatism and concluded that nothing of the sort could emerge at European level. Indeed, the EU lacks fiscal power, so it could not use it to exert pressure in tripartite negotiations. Moreover, the multitudeof access points for interest groups prevents the formation of a complete organisation encompassing on one side the interests of workers, and on the other those of capital. In addition, there is an imbalance in favour of employers, because of the priority given to market integration. Lastly, the multitude of different national systemswould make it difficult to set up a European corporatist system32. This analysis appears to be still true today. In any event, authentic corporatism does not seem to be suitable for the current European Union. The great interests opposing today cannot be reduced to the Labour-Capital division. These are themselves divided between them, and above all many other diffuse interests have grown in importance: environment, women’s rights, minority rights, consumer associations, etc33. At last, one can therefore argue that a mix of interest group representation styles – sometimes including corporatist aspects, but in which pluralism is still dominant – prevails within the EU. A particular form of pluralism seems to predominate: It is sometimes referred to as ‘élite pluralism’ or even ‘chameleon pluralism’. 27 Rainer Eising, “Clientelism, Committees, Pluralism and Protests in the European Union: Matching Patterns?”, West European Politics31, no. 6 (2008), p. 1179. 28 Eising, “Interest Groups in EU Policy-making”, p. 19. 29 Hix, Political System of the EU, p. 219. 30 Eising, “Clientelism, Committees, Pluralism and Protests in the EU”, p. 1170. 31 Corporatism as a complete model needs to be distinguished from certain corporatist arrange-ments that can be found in a complex system such as the EU. 32 Wolfgang Streeck and Philippe C. Schmitter, “From National Corporatism to Transnational Plu-ralism: Organized Interests in the Single European Market,” Politics and Society19 (1991), pp. 133-64. 33 See Hix,Political System of the EU, p. 210. 10 Kent Political Almanac Issue 2 As we have seen, a form of neo-pluralism combined with some arrangements inspired from corporatism characterises the interest groups representation system in the EU. According to several authors, this mixture of systems has led to the emergence of a particular form of pluralism: ‘élite pluralism.’ Indeed, a consequence of the institutionalisation of pluralism is the co-optation of interest groups that have access to representation. The Commission chooses its partners, thus creating a distinction between ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’34. Access to the forums where interests confront is not as easy for all. It tends to be reserved primarily to major trans-European organisations with a relatively important political weight. For instance, the ETUC, BEUC and EEB36have gained a first choice place within the system, unlike many NGOs and many diffuse interests. One of the consequences of the dismissal of some interests groups from this elitist framework is the growing use of other forms of collective action aiming to impact at the European level, such as demonstrations directly in Brussels, often with much anger against the EU institutions. One can think of course to farmers, but also to numerous other groups, such as animal rights advocates or even bikers37. However, according to Eising one should nuance this idea of ‘élites pluralism’ because it is not systematic: the gaps and imbalances in interest group representation vary depending on sectors38. In this respect, Coen and Richardson evoke a form of ‘chameleon pluralism’ instead: ‘EU pluralism might be best characterised as a kind of chameleon pluralism, capable of changing its appearance over time during the policy cycle for a given policy problem or within a sub-sector over a longer period of time39. Indeed, the Commission changes its approach to pluralism depending in particular on the type of legitimacy it wants 34 Hix, Political System of the EU, p. 219. 35 European Environmental Bureau 36 See Hix, Political System of the EU, pp. 219-220. 37 Rainer Eising, “The Access of Business Interests to EU Institutions: Towards élite Pluralism?” Journal of European Public Policy14, no. 3 (2007), pp. 384-403. 38 David Coen and Jeremy Richardson, Lobbying the European Union: Institutions, Actors, and Issues(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), p. 348. 39 David Coen and Alexander Katsaitis, “Chameleon Pluralism in the EU: An Empirical Study of the European Commission Interest Group Density and Diversity across Policy Domains”, Journal of European Public Policy20, no. 8 (2013), pp. 1104-119.