John Owen, Richard Baxter and the Formation of Nonconformity dedicatedt o William M Lamont TIM COOPER University of Otago, New Zealand with deep respecta nd greatf ondness ASHGATE ~ Introduction Owen as a man, as a human being, still remains an elusive character. After reading the Reliquiae or Dr Nuttall's biography one feels that one knows Owen's contemporary, Richard Baxter, as a real, living person, but the same cannot be said of Owen. Peter Toon1 This book is about a relationship both fraught and consequential. It seeks to answer two very specific questions: why did John Owen and Richard Baxter not like each other; and what effect did their strained relationship have on the development of English nonconformity? To place the two men briefly in perspective, John Owen (1616-83) came to prominence in the 1640s first as an author then as a preacher to Parliament. During the Interregnum he served as a chaplain to Oliver Cromwell in his Irish and Scottish campaigns, and then as Dean of Christ Church and Vice-Chancellor of Oxford University. He quickly emerged as a leading figure within the English Congregationalist movement, joining the Dissenting Brethren in pursuing a policy of ecclesiastical freedom from imposed conformity and of liberty of conscience. He remained close to politically powerful Congregationalist figures and after the Restoration he continued to guide the movement through difficult political waters until his death in 1683. Over the course of his life he was the author of around 80 books: some of them extremely long, all of them weighty, and many of them seeking to shore up the shrinking fortunes of Reformed Protestantism. Richard Baxter (1615-91) was one of only a few authors to exceed Owen's tally, writing around 140 books. Unlike Owen, he also left behind a massive pile of private papers and manuscripts, well over one thousand items of correspondence and a sprawling autobiography. He came to national prominence during the 1650s through his early published works both polemical and devotional, and through his successful demonstration at Kidderminster of what pastoral and parish discipline could look like within the unseeded landscape of Interregnum England. The Restoration put an end to those efforts, but Baxter continued to work towards an effective national church structure and the comprehension of Peter Toon, God'sS tatesman: The Life and Work of John Owen (Grand Rapids, Ml: Zondcrvan, 1971), 176. 2 John Owen, Richard Baxter and the Formation of Nonconformity Introduction 3 tolerable dissenters. He could never be ignored as a leader within the Presbyterian as possible I have tried to keep a light touch, but not too light; to say enough stream of nonconformity, though his standing declined in the years leading to to account for their relationship without getting bogged down in unnecessary his death in 1691, at the age of 76. detail. Only the reader can say ifl have been successful. As a further challenge, the contrast in the autobiographical styles of Owen and Baxter has had a significant effect on their historiographies. It is decades now Focus and Proportion since F.JP.o wicke laid his hand on the shoulder of the young Geoffrey Nuttall with this encouragement: 'Read Baxter; read Baxter; read Baxter. He touches I need to be precise at the outset about the parameters and the proportions of this on every point at issue in the seventeenth century, and you will never regret the book, since the two men most in view were such imposing figures. Their careers time spent on him. He has a flowing easy style which makes him pleasant to were, as even a brief summary has indicated, long, complex and significant. That read, and you will find he grows upon you, until you come to know him and to reality signals the challenge involved in bringing Owen and Baxter together love him.'3 And that was exactly Nuttall's experience: 'there is something about in a book of any manageable size. Combined, they might easily swamp the Baxter's writing which I find peculiarly affecting: the style, the self-expression, project, and sink it. Therefore, I wish to be clear that the focus of this book is is so direct, penetrating, sure, yet so sincerely modest, almost ingenuous, and not Owen and Baxter - it is the relationshipb etween Owen and Baxter. This is produces a strange feeling that the man is personally present, at least that he a subtle distinction with important implications. This book is not about their wrote this only yesterday and wrote it to you.'4 The point is that no one has ever lives, as such. Rather, I have selected certain aspects of their careers only as they said the same thing of Owen. It is unlikely that anyone ever will. have explanatory value in, say, accounting for the strain in their relationship. This is not to say that Owen is without admirers, but what they find Even then, I have not said all that might be said about those dimensions compelling are his ideas rather than the man himself Kelly Kapic, one of Owen's under discussion. For example, in Chapter 4 I consider Owen's work as Vice capable current expositors, candidly admits that 'as much as I have learned from Chancellor, but only in enough depth to demonstrate that he possessed a quality John Owen, it is hard for me to imagine hanging out with him at the local pub:s of political skill that stands in contrast to that of Baxter and to identify a strand The touch of warm and lively personal affection in those reflections on Baxter within Owen's temperament that would make Baxter's missteps particularly is incongruous with a typical appreciation of Owen, for his writing style was grating on Owen. A complete investigation of Owen's service at Oxford still curiously impersonal. This is the man who suffered the premature death of all needs to be written and I have felt no compulsion to write it here. Nor have I 11 of his children and the loss of his first wife,6 and who makes not one single, gone so far as to detail every point of difference or similarity between the two men. I have certainly dealt with the main ones, which is enough to answer the questions I have set for myself; it would be tedious and unnecessary to supply an exhaustive list of contrasts. Finally, I am aware of dimensions of this project An Ecumenical Enterprise, ed. Willem J. van Asse!t and Eef Dekker (G rand Rapids, MI: Baker that might have been further enriched. For instance, the wider geographical Academic, 2001 ), 260. Sebastian Rehnman points out the 'almost complete absence of references interconnections with Ireland, New England and the Continent, and the nature to English theologians' in Owen's works, testament to his profound Continental intellectual heritage, in Divine Discourse: The Theological Methodology ofJ ohn Owen (Grand Rapids, MI: of the broader networks - both overlapping and distinct - to which Owen and Baker Academic, 2002), 21-4. Also, for the Irish context, see especially Crawford Gribben, God's Baxter belonged, deserve more attention than I have given them here. 2 As far Irishmen: TheologicalD ebates in Cromwellian Ireland (O xford: Oxford University Press, 2007). 3 Geoffrey F.N uttall, 'The Personality of Richard Baxter', in The Puritan Spirit: Essays and For an indication of how fruitful this might be for Owen, see Francis J. Bremer, Increase Addresses, ed. Geoffrey F.N uttall (London: Epworth Press, 1967), 104. Mather's Friends: The Trans-Atlantic Congregational Network of the Seventeenth Century Ibid. (Worcester, MA: American Antiquarian Society, 1984). Carl Trueman, who does so much to Kelly Kapic, 'John Owen Unleashed: Almost. Response to Tim Cooper', Conversations in . locate Owen in a broad intellectual context, says that theological projects such as his were 'first Religion and Theology 6 (2008): 250. and foremost European events in terms of their sources, content, dialogue: partners and means 6 One of Owen's children survived into adulthood, but she predeceased him. [Anon.], A of expression, as wc:ll as their authors' sc:lf-understanding as being part of a European-wide: Vindication of the Late Reverend and Learned John Owen D.D. (1684), 38; [Anon.), 'The Life movementf or the reformationo f the church'C. arl Trueman', PuritanT heologya s Historical of the Late Reverend and Learned John Owen D.D.', in Seventeen Sermons Preach'd by the Late Event:A LinguisticA pproacht o the EcumenicaCl ontext',I n Reformationa nd Scho/asticism: Revtrend and Learned John Owen (London: William and Joseph Marshall, 1720 ), xxxiv. 4 John Owen, Richard Baxter and the Formation of Nonconformity Introduction 5 explicit reference to his loss in all of his writings.7 Compare that to Baxter's Baxter, as a real, living person, but the same cannot be said of Owen'.15 Baxter is Breviate of the Life of Margaret, which he wrote 'under the power of melting readily accessible; Owen is not. He did not think the world was interested in his grief' shortly after the death of his wife in 1683.8 We are told that Owen's personal affairs.16 No doubt there was genuine humility and admirable reticence experience of grief coloured his mature spirituality,9 but we have to take that on in such a posture, but it is possible to feel Owen's deliberate hiddenness as a trust. Likewise, Kapic's conclusion that if Owen's 'logic sometimes appears cold calculated rejection of the reader. and crisp, its goal is warm and human'.10 In contrast, Baxter's writing of any stamp More than that, Owen wrote in such a cumbersome manner as to frustrate was capable of warmth and humanity; he was invariably personal. He 'could even his most sympathetic admirers. His nineteenth-century biographer, never write for long without inserting some autobiographical reminiscence, William Orme, for instance, conceded chat the 'chief deficiency is co be found some reference to his own experience'." He presented something of himself in [Owen's] style. His sentences are frequently long, perplexed, and encumbered on nearly every page, while Owen did his best to reveal nothing at all. Baxter's with adjectives, often carelessly selected'.17 Owen himself professed 'a fixed and compulsion to lay it all out in sometimes embarrassing detail was mirrored absolute disregard for all elegance and ornaments of speech' when he wrote any in the totality with which O~en kept himself to himself Owen consciously of his works.18 Thus he made few concessions to his readers. And then there is the contrasted himself with Baxter's tendency to talk about himself - 'how I go, and content of Owen's theology. His staunch commitment to the fixed Calvinism walk, and look'. 12 'Neither do I conceive it wisdom, in these quarrelsome days', of Reformed Protestantism has potentially rendered him a reactionary figure he explained elsewhere, 'to intrust more of a man's self with others than is very whose views on toleration seem progressive and welcome, but whose soteriology necessary. The heart of man is deceitful; some that have smooth tongues have may seem to some to be harsh and uninviting. sharp teeth'. 13 And so, writing in this protective, defensive mould, he gave little Accompanying Owen's daunting writing style is the relative paucity of of himself away. 'Owen never trusts himself to his readers. There is very little factual material when it comes to his life and career. It is difficult to resist the of the confidential or communicative about his mind. He was intensely self suspicion that this, too, was a deliberate strategy on Owen's part. We know that reliant. He learned fr.om few living men, and leaned on none. He had no close his younger Presbyterian contemporary.John Howe, ordered from his deathbed friend. Hence his private life and feelings remain for the most part a mystery that his private papers be destroyed, 19 and perhaps Owen arranged the same end still.'14 Peter Toon, Owen's most recent biographer, says that 'Owen as a man, as for his. Whatever the means or intent, we have little to go on. It was impossible a human being, still remains an elusive character. After reading the Reliquiae or for him to tidy everything away, of course, and there are in enough places Dr Nuttall's biography one feels that one knows Owen's contemporary, Richard obvious evidence of his having passed through. But these are stepping scones across a broad and deep-flowing river. It is difficult to pierce through the surface of things. Thus Owen's biographers have been engaged essentially in an exercise of recycling much the same set of faces. The first biographies were extremely Godfrey Noel Vose also notes this 'enigma' in 'Profile of a Puritan: John Owen (1616- 1683) ', PhD Thesis, State University oflowa, 1963, 30-31. compact, reflecting the reality of how little there was to draw on.20 In later 8 Richard Baxter, A Breviatee ft he Life efM argare.t. .W ifee fRichardB axter (1681 ), episcle to the reader. John Piper, ContendingF or Our All: Defending Truth and TreasuringC hrist in the Lives of Athanasius,JohnO wen and] GreshamM achen (Whearon, IL: Crossway Books, 2006), 87. ° 15 Toon, God'sS tatesman, 176. 1 Kelly Kapic, Communion with God: TheD ivine and the Human in the Theologyo fJ ohn 16 Owen, Death of Christa nd ofJ ustification( 165 5): Works,x ii.612. Owen (Grand Rapids, Ml: Baker Academic, 2007), 235. 11 Geoffrey Nuttall, 'The MS. ofReliquiae Baxterianae (1696):Journal efEcclesiastical 17 William Orme, 'Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Dr. Owen: in The Workso fJ ohn OwenD .D., ed. Thomas Russell (London: Richard Baynes, 1826), i.356. History 6 (1955): 73. 12 Owen, Of the Death of Christa nd efJustification( 1655): Works,x ii.594. 18 Owen,A Dissertationo n DivineJ ustice (1653): Works, x.494. 13 Owen, A Short DefensativeA bout Church Government( 1646): Works,v iii.44. 19 Martin Sutherland, Peac,e Tolerationa nd Decay: TheE cclesiologoy f Later Stuart Dissent 14 James Moffatt, The Golden Book efJ ohn Owen: Passagefsr om the Writing eft he Rev. (Carlisle: Paternoster Press, 2003), 31. 20 [Anon.], 'Life of John Owen'; John Asty, 'Memoirs of the Life of John Owen', in A John Owen, MA., D.D., Sometime Vice-Chancelloorf the Universityo f Oxforda nd Dean of Christ CompleteC ollectione ft he Sermonse ft he Reverenda nd LearnedJ ohn Owen. ..A nd to the Whole are ChurchC: hosena nd Editedw ith a Studyo f his Lift and Age (London:H oddera nd Stoughton, PrefixedM emoirs of His Lift, ed. John Asty (London: John Clark, 1721), i-xxxviii. 1904).1 9-20. 6 John Owen, Richard Baxter and the Formation of Nonconformity Introduction 7 centuries a small number of biographers (especially William Orme)21 corrected compared the views of John Calvin and Owen on mortification; Richard Daniels the errors in those first attempts and considerably expanded the pool of available examined Owen's Christology; and Sebastian Rehnman charted the rich material, but even Peter Toon, for all his additions, assembled essentially the breadth of Owen's theological and philosophical heritage.26 Remarkably, four same elements of the story. A recent MPhil thesis very ably considers a precise books on Owen's theology were published in 2007. Carl Trueman presents a aspect of Owen's career, his relationship with Oliver Cromwell.22 There was still general review of the major aspects of Owen's thought within its rich intellectual not much in the way of new information, and plenty of broad gaps and open heritage and context.27 Kelly Kapic and Brian Kay draw out in different ways speculation remains. That is no fault of the student; it is testament to Owen's the pastoral and devotional potential that is not always obvious within Owen's success in hiding his trail. 23 Again, the contrast is striking. If Baxter is impossible work, while Alan Spence explores Owen's efforts to grapple with Christology.28 to avoid, Owen is nearly as difficult to find. We are faced with the effusive Baxter, Together these books offer a considerable advance in Owen scholarship.29 But the elusive Owen. the fact remains that these are works of Theology rather than History. Their So it is no surprise to find that there has been almost no historical work done appearance has made it all the more urgent to pursue the kind of comprehensive on Owen over the four decades since Toon published his biography. Perhaps we historical treatment of Owen that will complement this burst of theological should not expect historians to wade through 24 laborious volumes of published research and ground Owen's theology within its proper historical context. works knowing full well that their author will throw out only the most meagre In contrast to Owen, Baxter has continued to generate a great deal of of biographical scraps and affirm a blend of theology that hardly finds favour historiography. Following on from the earlier work of Powicke and Nuttall, within the modern academy. Whatever the reason, Owen is in desperate need William Lamont and Neil Keeble have done much to build up a comprehensive of historical examination. I hope this book will make a contribution to the task understanding of Baxter in his context.30 And in recent years several PhD of understanding Owen in light of the massive historiographical shifts that have dissertations have made their way into print. My own earlier book discusses occurred since the last biography so many years ago. Baxter's career from the vantage point of his antipathy towards, and even Fortunately, there has been regular interest in Owen from theologians obsession with, Antinomian doctrine.31 Paul Chang-Ha Lim offers a very and a significant resurgence of such scholarship over the last 15 years. It is helpful examination of the driving concerns within Baxter's ecclesiology.32 Bill impossible not to connect this resurgence with the work of Richard Muller, Black describes in detail ( if not always very convincingly) the origins and nature whose Post-ReformationR eformed Dogmatics did so much to redeem Protestant Scholasticism in general from the kinds of caricatures that had been similarly appliedt o Owen. 24 Carl Trueman has been a key figure in the Owen renaissance. He is a Reformation scholar of considerable reach whose first book on Owen 26 Randall C. Gleason,john Calvin and John Owen on Mortification:A ComparativeS tudy examined his Trinitarian theology, particularly his doctrines of God, of the in ReformedS pirituality (New York: Peter Lang. 1995); Richard Daniels, The Christologyo fJ ohn persono f Christ and of the nature of satisfaction.25 In addition, Randall Gleason Owen (Grand Rapids, Ml: Reformation Heritage Books, 2004); Rehnman, Divine Discourse. 27 Carl R. Trueman,John Owen: ReformedC atholic,R enaissanceM an (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007). 21 William Orme's first biography of Owen was Memoirs of the Life, Writingsa nd Religious 28 Kapic, Communion with God; Brian Kay, Trinitarian Spirituality:J ohn Owen and the Connexionso fJ ohn Owen, D.D. Vice-Chancelloorf Oxforda nd Dean of Christ Church,D uring the Doctrine of God in WesternD evotion (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2007); and Alan Spence, Incarnation Commonwealth( London: T. Hamilton, 1820). He expanded on this in 'Memoirs of Dr. Owen'. and Inspiration:John Owen and the Coherenceo f Christology( London: T&T Clark, 2007). 22 Selwyn Leggett, 'John Owen as Religious Advisor to Oliver Cromwell 1649-1659'. 29 For my assessment of these four books, see Tim Cooper, 'John Owen Unleashed: Almost'. MPhil Thesis, Cambridge University, 2006. Conversationsin Religiona nd Theology6 (2008): 226-42. 23 I might say that this limited pool of material and published historiography has required 30 In particular, see William M. Lamont, Richard Baxter and the Millennium: Protestant me to rely in places on unpublished theses. Fortunately, there are some reliable and useful theses Imperialisma nd the English Revolution (London: Croom Helm, 1979) and N.H. Keeble, Richard to work from. Baxter: Puritan Man of Letters (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982). 24 Richard Muller, Post-ReformationR eformedD ogmatics: TheR isea nd Development of 31 Tim Cooper, Fear and Polemic in Seventeenth-CenturyE ngland: Richard Baxter and ReformedO rthodoxye,a . 1520 to ea. 1725,4 vols (GrandR apidsM, l: BakerA cademic2, 003). Antinomianism (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001). 2' Carl R. Trueman,T heC laimso f TruthJ: ohn Owen'sT HnttarlAnT heolog(yC arlisle: 32 Paul Chang-Ha Lim, In Pursuit ofP urity, Unity, and Liberty: RichardB axter'sE cclesiology PaternostePrr ess1, 998).T heq uotec orneafr omp ageI . in Its Seventeenth-CenturyC ontext (Leiden: Brill, 2004). 8 John Owen, Richard Baxter and the Formation of Nonconformity Introduction 9 of Baxter's preferred model of parish discipline and practice.33 On the subject might otherwise have glossed over entirely. Therefore, in this book Baxter is also of Baxter's soteriology, Hans Boersma published A Hot Pepper Corn, while acting as a foil for Owen - I hope that he will be seen in a new light. And not just J.I. Packer finally published his 1954 D.Phil dissenation. 34 In addition, and Owen. I have been surprised by the extent to which Baxter is further illuminated in a more popular, pastoral vein, Murray Capill examines Baxter's preaching; by this juxtaposition. In particular, Baxter's vitiated view of Owen should cause Timothy Beougher, his understanding of conversion.35 Together all these books us to read his post-Restoration actions vis-a-vis his Congregationalist fellow have added much to our understanding of Baxter, and there seems no danger of travellers in a more nuanced, cautious and critical way. The story in this book his fading away from the historiography. makes Owen more of a human figure and, though it is less necessary in his case, I accept that I may be too starkly distinguishing Theology from History and it does the same for Baxter. there is a fair amount of the former in these works on Baxter. The point I wish to make, though, is that where we can identify at least seven historical treatments of Baxter over the last several decades, we cannot list even one for Owen. Therefore, On the First ~estion placing Baxter next to Owen serves a very useful purpose. If we have relatively little to go on in the project of recovering the elusive Owen, the proximity of Why did Owen and Baxter dislike each other? Even after more than three Baxter makes better use of what we do have. This approach to Owen prevents us centuries of scholarly attention on the two men this question has not yet been from simply going over the same set of facts. It opens up the options of what we answered.37 Their mutual animosity has been a feature of the historiography can say and the questions we can ask, and it makes for a much richer use of Owen's from the very beginning - it could hardly be otherwise - but, in the main, writings. Passages that, on their own, seem oflittle significance, take on new levels historians have tended to point to their theological differences and assume this of meaning when placed alongside Baxter. By way of illustration, it is some time was a sufficient explanation for the divergence between them.38 That is not an now since I was struck by one of those rare moments of scholarly inspiration. unreasonable assumption, since the two men certainly differed over ecclesiology I was reading Owen's 1646 sermon to Parliament in which he applauded the and soteriology. But it does not adequately account for the animosity between liberation of England from Laudian bondage and urged Parliament to ignore them. There are two main reasons for saying this. First, Baxter was entirely capable those who looked about them and saw only sects, errors and heresy, only the of warm relations with people who shared precisely the same disagreements with weeds among the corn.36 It occurred to me then that he was describing Baxter in him as he had with Owen. Second, both men began the 1640s in much the same perfect detail, even though the two had never met. That moment was the genesis theological territory. Both were close to Antinomian in their Calvinism and of this book. It set me thinking on a long course of contrasts between Owen both were Presbyterians.39 So we need to identify the factors that served to drive and Baxter and it prompted me to consider in much more detail a passage that I them apart. This first question, therefore, helps to account for much of the shape of the book. Chapter 1 draws out their contrasting experiences of the first civil 33 J. William Black, Reformation Pastors:R ichard Baxter and the Ideal of the Reformed war. I argue that these profoundly shaping experiences had the effect of placing Pastor( Bletchley: Paternoster, 2004). Black is determined to argue that Baxter gained his vision for parish discipline from Martin Bucer (see, for instance, p. 168). His book is haunted by the lack of explicit evidence for chat connection. It seems highly implausible that Baxter had something 37 Three of the more obvious places where Owen and Baxter have been juxtaposed are Ely to say and chose not to say it, especially when he was prepared to make links with Bucer on other Bates, 'Baxter and Owen: TheN ationalR eview 15 ( 1862): 95-120; Alan C. Clifford, Atonementa nd issues (p. 101). I join John Morrill (foreword, p. xiv) in wishing that Black had maintained only a JustificationE: nglishE vangelicalT heology1 640-1790 - An Evaluation (O xford: Clarendon Press, consonance between Baxter's views and Bucer's. 1990) ; and Trueman, Claimso f Truth,A ppendix 2, 241-5. There is also Gavin McGrath's PhD thesis, 34 Hans Boersma, A Hot Pepper Corn: Richard Baxter's Doctrine of Justification in Its 'Puritans and the Human Will: Voluntarism Within Mid-Seventeenth Century English Puritanism Seventeenth-Century Context of Controversy (Zoetmeer: Uitgeverij Boekencentrum, 1993). as Seen in tl1'W orks of Richard Baxter and John Owen: Durham, 1989. The focus in all this is largely J.I. Packer, The Redemptiona nd Restorationo f Man in the Thoughto f Richard Baxter (Carlisle: on their theological differences. Paternoster Press, 2003 ). 38 For detailed evidence for this claim, see Tim Cooper, 'Why Did Richard Baxter and 35 Murray A. Capill, Preaching With Spiritual Vigour:I ncluding Lessonsf rom the Life John Owen Diverge? The Impact of the First Civil War',journalo f EcclesiasticaHl istory 61 ( 2010): and Practiceo f Richard Baxter (Fearn: Mentor, 2003); Timothy Beougher, Richard Baxter and 497-500. ConversionA: Studyo f theP uritanC oncepot fB ecominIgI Christtan(F earnM: entor2, 007). 39 Again,f or further detail,s ec ibid., 500-502. 36 Owen,V uiono/FrttMtrey(l646):i %r4t,vlll.27-8. ef John Owen, Richard Baxter and the Fonnation Nonconfarmity Introduction 11 chem in different worlds before they had even met. There were, one might different ways) than in, say, 1659 or, more to the point, 1664, when he began aays, upralapsarian forces at work, establishing consequences before their first to write his autobiography. For this reason I have tried to observe the data on fallingo ut. In particular, they were propelled out of the first civil war pursuing the relationship in their exact context with only minimal reliance on Baxter's contrasting soteriological agendas, which I seek to uncover in Chapter 2. Owen autobiography, the Reliquiae Baxterianae. 1oughtt o preserve the gains that the godly forces had achieved in the Laudian All this is to uncover the reasons for the differences between the two men, defeatb y preventing any sort of reversion to any doctrine (like Arminianism or but the very real commonalities between Owen and Baxter must also be kept in Socinianism) that put human free will in the driving seat of personal salvation. mind,40 again for two reasons. First, even though Baxter observed in 1670 that Baxter,o n the other hand, still recovering from his traumatic war experience, 'all our business with each other had been contradiction: 41 it would misread their advertisedhi s own homemade blend of soteriology that guarded any inclination relationship to see only the differences and disagreements or to convey that there co make God alone the engineer of salvation without any conceptual space for could be no co-operation between them. Second, it was the commonalities that humana ctivity and responsibility. In Chapter 3 we examine the first point of made the differences so important and potentially damaging. The disagreement contactb etween the two men. It was not as inevitable as it at first may seem, and between Owen and Baxter was so strong only because they shared so much. therei s more than a touch of the accidental about it. Here we will begin to assess For example, despite the labels they were inclined to throw around, both men cheq uestion of blame and complicity. Despite Baxter's well-earned reputation shared a common Calvinist heritage and there was much common ground in for startinga nd sustaining controversy, he may be rather more innocent in the their theology of salvation. In fact, both men said at different times that the beginning of things than we have been led to believe. From there we move into differences between them, at least in the issues under debate, were slight. This cheq uestion of personality - this was in large measure a clash of personality, made them allies of a sort, though each found the other unreliable and obstructive. and it is possible to distil the precise factors provoking that clash. In Chapters They provide a specific instance of a common pattern within the history of 5 and 6 we consider the competing positions and agendas revealed in the Christianity: those who are closest to each other often have the most violent contributions of Owen and Baxter towards a permanent religious settlement disputes. Ann Hughes saw this at work in mid-1640s intra-Puritan controversy: and godly unity in Interregnum England. Chapter 7 returns to the question of 'the heretic "other" is someone you know; the error is something you have soteriology by examining the renewed dispute between chem in 1655. Chapter worried about'.42 Judith Maltby puts that a little more colourfully. 'It is worth 8 assesses the fateful events of 1659: the downfall of Richard Cromwell and remembering: she says, 'that most violence is precisely domestic violence'.43 Thus Owen's alleged part in it. I suggest that we need to see 1659 - not 1660 - as the the central question of this book is essentially the same question that William decisive turning point in Baxter's career and the moment at which his already Haller asks of the Puritan movement as a whole: 'how and why did they come to strained relationship with Owen passed the point of no return. The implications differ'? 'What was there in their common religious experience which led them, of this are drawn out in the final chapter, which briefly surveys the relationship the more earnestly they strove after understanding and agreement, deeper and between Owen and Baxter during the Restoration period. deeper into disagreement and confusion?'44 For this reason, the contest between My intention is to maintain some sort of chronological flow at the same Owen and Baxter will look a lot like sibling rivalry. Such rivalry is especially time as distinguishing the different strata in their disagreements. By considering experience, agenda, personality and rheological differences over salvation and 40 I would like to acknowledge one of the anonymous readers of my original book proposal the Church we begin to glimpse the complex, underlying, shifting forces chat who rightly made the point that, for all the contrasts, the similarities between Owen and Baxter combined to produce the cracks on the surface. For this reason I have been careful should not be overlooked. to track their relationship in 'real time'. We cannot take the pronouncements of 41 Re!.B ax., iii.61. any person from different phases of their life and expect them always to cohere, 42 Ann Hughes, Gangraena and the Strugglef or the English Revolution ( Oxford: Oxford ignoring the pressures of change and circumstance. So also I have resisted the University.Press, 2004), 78. See also, pp. 80 and 81. urge to pluck evidence for the strain in this relationship from different periods. 43 Judith Maltby, 'Suffering and Surviving: The Civil Wars, the Commonwealth and the For instance, what Baxter said about Owen in, say, 1654 - the year in which Formation of ''Anglicanism~ 1642-60', in Religion in Revolutionary England, ed. Christopher Durston and Judith Maltby (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006), 167. they first met - emerged out of his sense of their relationship at that time, and 44 William Haller, 'The Word of God in the Westminster Assembly; Church History 18 that sense may well be different (e ither better or worse, or better or worse in (1949): 200. 12 John Owen, Richard Baxter and the Formation ofN onconformity Introduction 13 intense because there is a vying for attention from the same set of authorities. 'Cromwell's mouthpiece'.48 Ruth Spalding sees him as 'the presiding genius of And the faults seen in a friend or acquaintance are not nearly so grating as the the Cromwellian church'.49 It may well be chat Philip Nye's enduring leadership same faults in one who shares the same house and genes. Just so, in accounting has been overshadowed in these comments, not to mention the likes of Thomas for the strain in the relationship between Owen and Baxter the commonalities Goodwin, but there is no disputing Owen's influence, especially after the are, strangely enough, nearly as important as the differences. Eventually, Baxter Restoration when he became the leading figure among the Congregationalists. wondered aloud at the bitterness with which Owen claimed to believe exactly Baxter, we will find, was rather too idiosyncratic to be acclaimed the leader of the same things. any movement, let alone the Presbyterians; and his autobiography, his literary output and his surviving correspondence may have served to exaggerate his importance in the historiography. Even so, again there can be no doubting his On the Second ~estion influence. From the mid-1650s on he was an essential player in any negotiations over church settlement up to the Glorious Revolution. In May 1654 his friend All of this is a truly fascinating story in itself, one that reveals much that is new and fellow minister, John Humfrey, was concerned by what he thought was about the two men, but the import extends far beyond just them. So the second undue adulation, 'seeing wee are so ready to make an !doll of you'.50 After the question seeks to measure the effect of the strain in their relationship on the Restoration one of his critics, Thomas Delaune, labelled him 'the Goliaho f your development of nonconformity. In other words, why did it matter? party'.51 For John Coffey, Baxter 'became the epitome of moderate Puritanism'.s2 It mattered for two main reasons. First, Owen and Baxter were both extremely influential leading figures within the two central streams of orthodox 48 Blair Worden, 'Toleration and the Cromwellian Protectorate'. in Persecutiona nd J.I. nonconformity. Packer is possibly the most ambitious when he sums up Toleration: Papers Read at the Twenty-SecondS ummer Meeting and the Twenty-Third Winter Owen as a 'Puritan colossus and perhaps the best theologian England ever Meeting ofth e EcclesiasticaHl istoricalS ociety,e d. W.J. Sheils, Studies in Church History Series, vol. produced'.45 With noticeably cooler detachment, R.A. Beddard calls Owen 21 ( Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1984), 205, 207; and TheR ump Parliament 1648-1653 ( Cambridge: one of the two 'ayatollahs of lndependency'; 46 a contemporary critic, George Cambridge University Press, 1974), 69. For similar claims, see J.C. Davis, 'Cromwell's Religion'. Vernon, picked him for the 'Atlas of Jndependency' and 'the Prince, the in Oliver Cromwella nd the English Revolution, ed. John Morrill (London: Longman, 1990 ), 206; Andrew R. Murphy, Consciencea nd Community: Revisiting Tolerationa nd ReligiousD issent in Oracle,t he Metropolitano f Independency,t he Achitophelo f Oliver Cromwell4.7 Early Modern England and America (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, BlairW orden describes Owen as 'the architect of the Cromwellian Church', 2001 ), 120; Jeffrey R. Collins, TheA llegianceo fT homasH obbes( O xford: Oxford University Press, 'politically the most influential clergyman of the 1650s' and almost certainly 2005), 23 l; and Nigel Smith, '"And if God was One of Us": Paul Best, John Biddle, and Anti Trinitarian Heresy in Seventeenth-Century England'. in Heresy, Literature and Politicsi n Early Modern English Culture, ed. David Loewenstein and John Marshall (Cambridge: Cambridge 4~ See Packer's foreword to Kay, Trinitarian Spirituality, xiii. Stephen P. Westcott repeats University Press, 2006), 172. Vivian de Sola Pinto lists Owen among 'the group of Independent this claim in the introduction to his recent translation of Owen's Latin work, Biblical Theology: divines who really became the leaders of the Church under the Protectorate'. in Peter Sterry: TheH istory of Theologyfr om Adam to Christ (Grand Rapids, MI: Soli Deo Gloria Publications, Platonist and Puritan (C ambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1934), 20. 2009), xvii. 49 Ruth Spalding, ed., 'Ihe Diary ofB ulstrode Whitelocke 1605-1675 (Oxford: Oxford 46 R.A. Beddard, 'Restoration Oxford and the Remaking of the Protestant Establishment', University Press, 1990), 227, note l. in TheH istory of the Universityo f Oxford, vol. 4, ed. Nicholas Tyacke (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 50 John Humfreyto Baxter, 11 May 1654: DWL MSBCi .193v (CCRB #179). 1997), 812. 51 Thomas Delaune, Truth Defended: Or,a TripleA nswer to the Late TriumviratesO pposition 47 [George Vernon], A Letter to a Friend Concernings ome of Dr. Owen'sP rinciplesa nd on their 'IhreeP amphlets,v iz. Mr. Baxter'sR eview,M r. Wills his Censure,M r Whiston'sP ostscriptto Practices( 1670), 36, 58. Achitophel was the adviser to Absalom during Absalom's revolt against his Essay (1677), 4. The image was hardly flattering. Goliath was the Philistine giant defeated by his father King David (2 Samuel 15-19). According to the biblical narrative his advice was David (see 1 Samuel 17). received as if it came from God. He lost a debate, however, with Hushai the Archite, who was 52 John Coffey, 'A Ticklish Business: Defining Heresy and Orthodoxy in the Puritan David's 'mole' in Absalom's court during the rebellion, and subsequently killed himself in shame. Revolution', in Heresy, Literature and Politics in Early Modern English Culture, ed. David Anthony Wood quoted Vernon in AthenAeO xoniensesA: n Ex,ut Historyo f all the Writersa nd Loewenstein and John Marshall (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 125. Neil Bishopws hoh aveh ad theirE ducationJ nt h, ...U nivmity of Ox.ford.fro..m.1 500 to theA uthor'sD eath Keeblea lso says that afi:er 1660 'Baxter emerges as the pre-eminent champion not only of the Jn /695, 2nd c:dn (London: Knaploc.k, Mldwlnccr and Ton1on, 1721), 11.740. nonconformists, but of the Puritan tradition: in Richard Baxter, 18. 14 John Owen, Richard Baxter and the Formation of Nonconformity Introduction 15 For Mark Goldie, he was 'the undisputed doyen of Restoration Presbyterianism' conflict between the Presbyterians and the Congregationalists. Her focus is on and 'the figure who towered over Restoration Puritanism'.53 Therefore, both Thomas Edwards and his notorious Gangraenab ut both are set within a broader Owen and Baxter were clearly very significant leadership figures. Theirs is context that is sketched with subtlety and generosity. She explicitly departs possibly the most important relationship within seventeenth-century English from the main patterns within the prevailing historiograph y since the 1960s, nonconformity. 54 If it was strained beyond repair, that matters. At the very which are 'based on boxes, linear developments, or factions'. There has been 'a least, it hindered any capacity to develop compromise and agreement between drive to fie people into hard and fast categories'. Or there has been 'a search for the two main Puritan parties. Moreover, their influence did not end with their a clearly defined turning point, the time when once and for all religious and deaths; it continued to affect nonconformity and later Evangelicalism, even to political divisions emerged, party alignments were fixed, or adversary politics the present day. And if that is true, the differences between them ( and between sprang into life'. Or the third alternative 'is to see politics in terms of shifting their respective admirers) continue to matter. factions, based on practical matters such as patronage connections or regional The second reason why their relationship matters is that it illustrates in interests'. Such simplifications will not do. Adequately comprehending complex elaborate detail the kinds of strains and tensions that were at work also within events in such momentous times as the mid-l 640s 'requires a more sophisticated the broader movement, since the same issues chat divided Owen and Baxter understanding of political identities, both individual and collective, as more also worked to complicate the relationship between the Presbyterians and fragmentary, contradictory, and contingent than dominant modes of analysis Congregationalists more generally. That is why I have given so much space imply'.57 Indeed it does. To use other language, after all the lumping it is time to elucidating in detail the steady deterioration of their relationship and the for some splitting.58 That is, I would like to move past the casual use of opposing reasons for it; and that is why the focus falls so heavily on just these two figures. labels and to open up space to observe the endlessly nuanced complexities of If we can develop a fully rounded appreciation of why they fell out we will then what were many different shifting and overlapping positions within the Puritan be much better placed to understand why the distinct parties within Restoration movement. We need to pay due attention to the varieties of difference and nonconformity ended up being 'at one another's throats'.55 This may well be proximity; to see that ideas never exist in. an impersonal and abstract vacuum, putting the situation too harshly,56 but there is no denying that broad divisions divorced from mundane factors as personality and circumstance; and to register existed within nonconformity that proved in the end to be permanent. The that positions and former realities can shift over time, for better or worse. I hope same was true of Owen and Baxter. Their failure to see eye to eye, despite-their this book does justice to these imperatives. proximity, was mirrored in this much broader failure. Understand one and we The second historiographical trajectory relates to the Restoration period. will better understand the other. Mark Goldie led the editorial team that produced a critical edition, in seven I will return to this point shortly, but first I would like co locate this project in volumes, of the Entring Book of Roger Morrice. The first volume, written by the space between two not-unrelated recent historiographical trajectories. First, Goldie himself, is a superb introduction to the Restoration context particularly I would like to follow the lead set by Ann Hughes in her study of the mid-l 640s as it relates to Roger Morrice and his chronicle of events covering the years from 1677 and 1691. Goldie demonstrate s a similar subtlety and sympathy ~~ Mark Goldie, gen. ed., The Entring Book of Roger Morrice 1677-1691, vol. 1, Roger to Hughes, if in a different context. In other words, he avoids the 'boxes' and Morriu and the Puritan Whigs (Woodbridge : The Boydell Press, 2007), 251, 225. Roger Thomas the 'linear developments'. He does not see the eventual outcome of toleration also points co 'the fact that the Presbyterians found in Baxter their acknowledged leader: in 'The and denominationalism as fixed or inevitable. He discerns just how close the Rise of the Reconcilers: in The English Presbyterians: From Elizabethan Puritanism to Modern Presbyterians were to the Church from which they had been forced to depart: Unitarianism,e d. C. Gordon Bolam et al. (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd, 1968), 71. s4 For recognition of this possibility, see Carl Trueman, 'Lewis Bayly (d .1631) and Richard the differences between them 'were sometimes scarcely perceptible', while their Baxter (1615-1691 ); in The Pietest Theologians: An Introductiont o Theology in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, ed. Carter Lindberg {Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2005), 55. s7 Hughes, Gangraena, 330. See also, Avihu Zakai, 'Religious Toleration and Its Enemies: s5 John Spurr, 'From Puritanism co Dissent', in The Culture ofE nglish Puritanism, 1560- The Independent Divines and the Issue of Toleration During the English Civil War: Albion 21 1700, ed. Christopher Durston and Jacqueline Eales {Houndmills: Macmillan Press, 1996), 256. (1989): 5-7; Davis, 'Cromwell's Religion', 184; and J.C. Davis, 'Religion and the Struggle for s6 More recently John Spurr has emphasised the unity alongside the disagreement within Freedom in the English Revolution', HistoricaJl ournal 3 5 ( 1992): 511-12, 530. the movementi,n 'Religionin RestoratioEn nglandI:n A Comp11nioton StuArtB ritain,e d. Barry 58 Sec J.H.H cxter, On Historians:R eappraisalso f Some of the Makers ofM odern History Coward{ MaldenM, A: BlackwelPl ubll1hlng2,0 03)4, 21,425,427. {London: Collins, 1979), 242-3. 16 John Owen, Richard Baxter and the Formation of Nonconformity Introduction 17 affinities with the tolerationist Congregationalists may have been overstated.59 of the "Puritan Revolution", a revolution which failed'.64 Christopher Durston Furthermore, he is inclined to accept that a narrow band of churchmen and similarly concludes that the Puritan agenda to reform the Church calendar, parliamentarians maintained their dominance in the Church of England to religious rites and social morals was, despite some isolated and limited the detriment of those moderates.60 And he is acutely aware of che Restoration instances of success, a 'dismal failure'. Both local officials and the populace, he period's essential continuity with the pre-Restoration past.61 argues, resented the changes and impositions.65 In the same vein, Derek Hirst concludes that the 'signs of parochial involvement in the work of reformation Puritan politics was continuou s in the sense that religious and political are lacking'.66 John Morrill contends that the official efforts to implement this convictions formed in the reign of Charles I and hardened in the Civil War 'negative, sterile' agenda 'have been shown largely to have failed'.67 But this continued to structure ways of thinking and acting. They were convictions that view appears to be changing. More recently, Morrill offered a far more positive revolved around conceiving of politics as a godly calling and as the practical assessment than his earlier one. Oliver Cromwell, he says, 'had reason to be means of achieving 'further reformation'. It was continuous also in the sense that proud of the church he established, a radically Erastian church, a partnership the personnel remained largely the same. The Puritan Whigs of the 1680s were of his providentially validated civil authority and the aspirations of the godly in good measure still the men and women of the Civil War era: they shared a in each local community'. '[l]t is a major achievement.'68 Other historians have common experience and memory, and by and large took the same stands in every also qualified this earlier verdict of failure. Elliot Vernon explicitly modifies climacteric from the 1640s onwards.62 Hirst's view by emphasizing the evidence for some success in the Presbyterian concern to reform parish structures so as to bring parishioners to a lively faith, The' bonds of piety and personal friendship', he concludes, 'remained strong'. especially through catechizing.69 Bernard Capp offers a case study of the county So coo did the animosities. Again to use different language, Goldie's approach is of Middlesex to show 'the energy and drive of the Puritan Reformers, sustained 'horizontal' rather than 'vertical'.63 Notwithstanding the different 'personnel' in throughout the Interregnum, and the co-operation they secured from many view, I hope a similar perspective will be evident in this book. ordinary citizens'. Those citizens might have had their own quite different reasons TheI nterregnum is positioned between these two trajectories - the period of for co-operation, and there was considerable popular hostility, but there is no 'godlyr ule'. The verdict of historians has been generally negative. In a collection of essays focused on the development of nonconformity, Anne Whiteman puts it bluntly:'t he birth of Dissent must also be regarded as the direct consequence 64 Anne Whiteman, 'The Restoration of the Church of England: in From Uniformity to Unity 1662-1962, ed. Geoffrey F.N uttall and Owen Chadwick (London: SPCK, 1962), 22. ~Y Goldie, Entring Book of Roger Morrice, i.225-8. I do not want to suggest that Goldie 65 See Christopher Durston, 'Puritan Rule and the Failure of Cultural Revolution', in ls alone in this view. John Spurr, for one, also presents a similar perspective, especially in 'From The Culture of English Puritanism, 1560-1700, ed. Christopher Durston and Jacqueline Eales Puritanismto Dissent'. 234-65. (Houndmills: Macmillan Press, 1996), 210-33. 60 See also, Mark Goldie, 'The Theory of Religious Intolerance in Restoration England'. in 66 Derek Hirst, 'The Failure of Godly Rule in the English Republic'. Past and Present 132 FromP ersecutionto Toleration:T he GloriousR evolutiona nd Religion in England, ed. O.P. Grell,J.I. (1991): 46. Israel and N. Tyacke (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 331-68. 67 John Morrill, 'The Church in England 1642-1649', in Reactions to the English Civil 61 Again, this is not a unique view. Tim Harris, for example, questions whether there was Wtir 1642-1649, ed. John Morrill (London: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1982 ), 113, 114. This essay a 'fundamental watershed' at the Restoration, in 'Introduction: Revising the Restoration'. in was republished in The Nature of the English Revolution:E ssaysb yJ ohn Morrill, ed. John Morrill TheP oliticso f Religion in RestorationE ngland, ed. Tim Harris, Paul Seaward and Mark Goldie (London: Longman, 1993), 148-75. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), 2, 6. Neil Keeble also emphasizes continuity, in The Literary 68 John Morrill, 'The Puritan Revolution', in The CambridgeC ompaniont o Puritanism, ed. Culture of Nonconformity in Later Seventeenth-Century England (Athens, GA: University of John Coffey and Paul CH . Lim (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 82-3. Claire Georgia Press, 1987), 39-40. Cross says a similar thing in 'The Church in England 1646-1660!,i n TheI nterregnum: The Quest 62 Goldie, Entring Booleo f RogerM orrlce,i .149. for Settlement 1646-1660, ed. G.E. Aylmer (London: Macmillan Press, 1972), 99. 63 Sec ibid., i.278: and, behind that, PatrickC olllnaon, 'The Early Dilaencing Tradition'. in 69 Elliot Vernon, 'A Ministry of the Gospel: The Presbyterians During the English GodlyP eople:E ssayso n English Prot111Ant•unmd Purlunum,e d. Patrick Colllnaon (London: The Revolution: in Religion in RevolutionaryE ngland, ed. Christopher Durston and Judith Maltby HamblcdonP reas1, 983), 527. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006), 11S -36.