Japan’s Relations with Muslim Asia B. Bryan Barber Japan’s Relations with Muslim Asia B. Bryan Barber Japan’s Relations with Muslim Asia B. Bryan Barber Mohsin and Fauzia Jaffer Center for Muslim World Studies Miami, FL, USA ISBN 978-3-030-34279-1 ISBN 978-3-030-34280-7 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34280-7 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: © Alex Linch / shutterstock.com This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland A cknowledgments When Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzō announced he would visit Tehran in June 2019 to mediate between the US and Iran, there appeared to be a collective realization around the world of why this made sense. Until then, few gave substantial consideration to Tokyo’s positioning between Washington and Tehran, which it has maintained for decades, or its vested interest to see the tension eased. Abe’s visit was not a success. Rather, his visit coincided with mine attacks on two petrochemical tankers in the Persian Gulf, one of which was Japanese-owned. Washington blamed Tehran. Tehran denied it. Tokyo refrained from supporting the Americans’ claim. Tensions only worsened. Regardless of the outcome of these events, Japan remains in this pre- carious position of maintaining an alliance with the US, specifically, and peerage with the West, in general, while also deeply engaged with various Muslim states in Asia on many levels. This book establishes the foundation to that collective realization moment in June 2019 leading up to Abe’s visit. Much is written on Islam and the West, Islam and China, and Islam and Russia. Much is also written on Japan and the West, Japan and China, and Japan and Russia. There is a significant gap in the literature, however, that is Japan, as a great power, and its interactions with the Muslim World. I wrote this book principally to fill this gap, and demonstrate there is a fascinating and complex relationship. It was a privilege to work with the team at Palgrave Macmillan who showed great enthusiasm for my project and efficiency in each step of the process. Notably, it was a pleasure to work with International Relations and Security Studies Executive Editor Anca Pusca and Editorial Assistant v vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Katelyn Zingg in New York. My appreciation extends to unnamed readers from Palgrave Macmillan as well. I also want to thank many scholars and practitioners in Japan who generously shared their information and per- spectives which helped sharpen this project along the way. They include Usuki Akira, Miyata Osamu, Sorimachi Masayuki, Yagi Masanori, Oscar Gomez, Nukii Mari, and others who I failed to record. The Consulate General of Japan in Miami was instrumental in providing a network of connections, including some aforementioned individuals. My gratitude extends to Steven Heine, Thomas Breslin, and Ronald Cox who kindly read earlier versions of this book, and provided insightful comments. I am deeply appreciative to the Mohsin and Fauzia Jaffer Center for Muslim World Studies at Florida International University, whose generous financial support not only made possible my research trips, but also facili- tated gatherings of scholars eager to broaden dialogue on Islam and global affairs. Through the Jaffer Center, I was provided terrific opportunities to present this work and discuss it with scholars of Islam who had insightful perspectives and showed a keen interest. This book bears the mark of hours of fascinating exchanges with the Director of the Jaffer Center, Mohiaddin Mesbahi. He mentored and encouraged this project from the very beginning, throughout its various incarnations, and I am deeply indebted to him. He is the scholar and mentor who I continuously try to emulate. Lastly, this book would not have been possible without the steadfast support of my family. I was fortunate to be born into a family where hard work, pursuit of personal interests, and great ambition were the highest values. Then, I married into one, as well. My mother, Kristi Bode, is not only an eagle-eyed proofreader, but also an endless source of tenacity. My wife, Eriko Barber, epitomizes patience, and had to deal with me away from home quite often. To Eriko, I fear my research appeared as some strange obsession over her country’s interactions with Islam, but she always provided patience and support. My son, Will Barber, also had to endure while I sought to fill this crucial gap in literature. I am pleased to see my pursuits have not turned him off to studying maps and learning about the world. Despite the copious amounts of consideration and feedback I have received, any errors or shortcomings in this book are, of course, mine, and mine alone. October 2019 n n ote on Ames This book uses Asian nomenclature, whereby the surname is placed before the given name for Japanese and Chinese names, which is the increasing stylistic practice in American media, follows the recommendation of the Chicago Manual of Style, and was explicitly stated in a request by Japan’s Minister of Foreign Affairs in May 2019. Authors and editors with East Asian names are listed in the bibliography in this format without a comma between. Japanese names always include macrons on long vowels, unless an author did not use macrons for the author’s own name in an English- language work. The Hepburn system is used for Romanizing Japanese names and words. vii c ontents 1 B ridging Two Asias 1 2 Discovery and Identity 25 3 Access to Energy 53 4 Access to Markets 81 5 Development and Aid 119 6 Democratization and Human Rights 149 7 Sanctions and Interventions 185 8 Conclusions 221 Index 239 ix A bbreviAtions BRI Belt Road Initiative CPTPP Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (replaced TPP after US exit in 2017) DAC Development Assistance Committee DPJ Democratic Party of Japan (1998–2016) FDI foreign direct investment FGT Flying Geese Theory JCPOA Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (the Iran nuclear deal) JETRO Japan External Trade Organization JIIA Japan Institute of International Affairs LDP Liberal Democratic Party (Japan) LNG liquified natural gas MITI Ministry of International Trade and Industry (Japan) (reformed into METI in 2001) MOFA Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Japan) ODA official development assistance P5+1 UN Security Council’s five permanent members plus Germany R&D research and development SDF Self-Defense Forces (Japan) TPP Trans-Pacific Partnership xi l f ist of igures Fig. 2.1 Reactionary relations between Islam and Japan 29 Fig. 4.1 Flying geese theory model: transition of dominant economy sector 87 Fig. 4.2 Flying geese theory model: transition of state competitiveness in individual sector 87 Fig. 6.1 Abe’s framing of “Asian Values,” at shared values and democracy in Asia symposium, Tokyo, January 2016 151 Fig. 8.1 Evidence of values-based diplomacy and level of democratization 223 xiii