IRSH52(2007),pp.407–444DOI:10.1017/S0020859007003057 #2007InternationaalInstituutvoorSocialeGeschiedenis Italian Anarchism as a Transnational Movement, 1885–1915 Davide Turcato Summary: Analyses of anarchism emphasizing cyclical patterns of advances and retreatsinadequatelyexplainhowanarchismsustaineditselfovertime.Theyfostera picture of powerlessness before repression and cyclical reappearances as if by spontaneous germination, thus lending themselves to interpretations, such as Hobsbawm’smillenarianism,thatidentifydiscontinuity,spontaneism,andlackof organization as features of anarchism, and ultimately supporting charges of ineffectiveness and irrationalism. A narrow framework of analysis of national scope is responsible for such explanatory inadequacy. This article illustrates the transnational dimension of Italian anarchism, by analysing its presence in the United States and worldwide, with special emphasis on the anarchist press. A transnational analysis reveals new forms of integration, continuity, and organiza- tion, based on the mobility of militants, resources, and ideas across the Atlantic OceanandMediterraneanSea.Intimesofrepression,seemingentrancesandexitsof anarchismontheItalianstageoftencorrespondedtoshiftsofinitiativeacrossthe Italian border. Transnationalism was a built-in characteristic that supported insurrectionarytacticsbyenhancingtheopaquenessoftheirpreparation.Together, insurrectionism,organizationalopaqueness,andtransnationalismhelpprovidingan alternativetotheadvance-and-retreatpatternofexplanation. INTRODUCTION In The Many-Headed Hydra, Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker tell the lost history of proletarian resistance to rising capitalism around the Atlantic in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. They claim that this history has remained hidden, and argue that: [:::] the historic invisibility of many of the book’s subjects owes much to the repressionoriginallyvisiteduponthem[:::].Italsoowesmuchtotheviolenceof abstractioninthewritingofhistory,theseverityofhistorythathaslongbeenthe captive of the nation-state, which remains in most studies the largely unquestionedframeworkofanalysis.1 1. PeterLinebaughandMarcusRediker,TheMany-HeadedHydra:Sailors,Slaves,Commoners andtheHiddenHistoryoftheRevolutionaryAtlantic(Boston,MA,2000),p.7. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859007003057 Published online by Cambridge University Press 408 DavideTurcato A similar claim could be made about the history of anarchism. Analogous to the revolutionary Atlantic, what remains hardly visible about anarchism is partly due to repression. This is indeed true in the immediate sense of ‘‘the violence of the stake, the chopping block, the gallows’’ etc., referred to by Linebaugh and Rediker. In addition, repression affected anarchism by making it opaque, in the same sense in which E.P. Thompson’s The Making of the English Working Class called Luddites ‘‘the opaque society’’. Much of Thompson’s discussion of the Luddites’cloudedsourcesequallyappliestotheanarchistmovementofa century later. On the one hand, those who had direct knowledge of the movement – the anarchiststhemselves – were necessarily secretiveabout it. Anarchist sources tend to be reliable, but typically reticent. On the other hand,police and journalisticsourcesaremorereadilyavailable, but they are unreliable and distorted. As for police spies and informers, they often tended togive authorities what these expectedto hear.Linebaugh’s and Rediker’s second claim, about ‘‘the violence of abstraction in the writingofhistory’’,straightforwardlyappliestoanarchism,too.Theuseof analyticframeworksofnationalscopepreventedhistoriansfromgrasping relevantaspectsofanarchism.Questioningsuchframeworksinthecaseof Italian anarchism is the purpose of this article.2 For some scholars, the history of Italian anarchism appears to follow a cyclicalpatternofadvancesandretreats,withoutbreaksofrevoltfollowed by periods of quiescence and then resurgences. Thus Nunzio Pernicone identifiestheperiodsofresurgencewiththeyears1884–1885,1889–1891, 1892–1894,and1897–1898,commenting:‘‘asifthemovementwaslocked in a vicious cycle of advance and retreat, every anarchist revival triggered or coincided with a new wave of government repression [:::] that eradicated all that had been accomplished’’. Similar patterns are found in other countries of strong anarchist presence, such as Spain. For example, E.J. Hobsbawm thus summarizes sixty years of history of Andalusian anarchism within a paragraph: Themovementcollapsedinthelater1870s[:::]revivedagaininthelater1880s,to collapse again [:::]. In 1892 there was another outburst [:::]. In the early 1900s anotherrevivaloccurred[:::].Afteranotherperiodofquiescencethegreatestof the hitherto recorded mass movements was set off, it is said, by news of the Russian Revolution [:::]. The Republic (1931–1936) saw the last of the great revivals[:::]. Thusgoesthepatternofanarchistmovementsthatseemtodisappearinthe wave of arrests, exiles, shut-down of periodicals, and disbandment of groups after each struggle’s onset, only to resurface years later in a new cycleofagitations.Thehistoriographicalproblemofthismodelisthatthis 2. E.P.Thompson,TheMakingoftheEnglishWorkingClass,rev.edn(Harmondsworth,repr. 1974),pp.529–542. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859007003057 Published online by Cambridge University Press Transnational Italian Anarchism, 1885–1915 409 alternation of appearances and disappearances fosters interpretations identifying discontinuity, spontaneism, and lack of organization as inherent to anarchism.3 Suchcharacteristicshaveprovidedgroundforpositinganunbridgeable gap between anarchist ends and means, which has in turn backed up charges of ineffectiveness, and ultimately of irrationalism, as E.J. Hobsbawm’s interpretation of anarchism as millenarian illustrates. For Hobsbawm, a millenarian movement is characterized, firstly, by revolu- tionism,i.e.‘‘aprofoundandtotalrejectionofthepresent,evilworld,anda passionate longing for another and better one’’; secondly, by ‘‘a fairly standardized ‘ideology’ of the chiliastic type’’; and, thirdly, by ‘‘a fundamental vagueness about the actual way in which the new society will be brought about’’. Abstract revolutionism and unconcern for practical means, and hence for empirical issues in general, entail that anarchism be not only irrational, but also unchanging. As Jerome Mintz notes, in Hobsbawm’s book ‘‘attitudes and beliefs of 1903–1905, 1918– 1920,1933,and1936arelumpedtogetherorconsideredinterchangeable’’. Inturn,thisallegedimmutabilityisHobsbawm’sgroundforextendinghis historical condemnation from Andalusian anarchism to anarchism in general, and from the past to the future as well, concluding that: [:::]classicalanarchismisthusaformofpeasantmovementalmostincapableof effectiveadaptationtomodernconditions,thoughitistheiroutcome[:::].And thusthehistoryofanarchism,almostaloneamongmodernsocialmovements,is oneofunrelievedfailure;andunlesssomeunforeseenhistoricalchangesoccur,it is likely to go down in the books with the Anabaptists and the rest of the prophetswho,thoughnotunarmed,didnotknowwhattodowiththeirarms, andweredefeatedforever.4 Unfortunately, the millenarian interpretation, which has become standardformanywriters,hidesmorethanitreveals.Itessentiallyinsists thatanarchismresultsfromspontaneous combustion, asitwere,which is not helpful in political or historical analysis. Accounts of anarchism as archaic,incapableofadaptation,andultimatelydoomedareunhelpfulfor understanding what made the movement last. Emphasis on anarchism’s immutability and detachment from empirical reality conceals the histor- ian’s own detachment from the evolving empirical reality of anarchism. However, other historians have started to change this picture, trying instead to understand in more positive terms how anarchism functioned and sustained itself over time. For example, Hobsbawm’s millenarianism 3. Nunzio Pernicone, Italian Anarchism, 1864–1892 (Princeton, NJ, 1993), p. 7; E.J. Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th and 20thCenturies(Manchester,1959),pp.78–79. 4. Ibid. pp. 57–58, 92; JeromeR. Mintz, The Anarchists of Casas Viejas (Chicago, IL [etc.], 1982),p.271. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859007003057 Published online by Cambridge University Press 410 DavideTurcato was questioned by Temma Kaplan, who sought to show that Andalusian anarchism was ‘‘a rational, not a millenarian response to a specific social configuration’’,andthat‘‘bydistinguishingamongformsofoppression,it demonstrates that even exploited people have political options from among which they choose’’.5 Many historians of Italian anarchism have likewise resisted the millenarian approach. Furthermore, Italian anarchist emigration has been well-known and illustrated in several works. However, such works have usually studied Italian anarchism in specific countries – as Leonardo Bettini’s essays on Brazil, Egypt, and the United States – or have limited themselvestooccasionallyfollowingtheanarchist‘‘knightserrant’’abroad for the sake of chronological continuity – as Pier Carlo Masini’s two- volumehistoryofItaliananarchism,whichremainsthemostcomprehen- sive book on the subject.6 In either case, a national perspective persisted, focusing on either Italy or receiving countries. As a result, the picture of Italian anarchism as powerless before repression, but nevertheless reappearing as if by spontaneous germination, has not been adequately challenged,evenbyhistorianswhodidnotsubscribetoit.Thus,CarlLevy aptly remarks that anarchist exile ‘‘created hidden organizational and financialmobilizationnetworks,whichexplainstoagreatextentwhythe movement could suddenly snap back to life in Italy after years of torpidity’’.Still,heacknowledgesthat‘‘thehistoryofItaliananarchismin exilehasyettobewritten’’.Hisstatement,madein1989,stillholdstoday.7 In fact, the seeming appearances and disappearances of the Italian anarchistmovement – anditsassociatedtraitsofdiscontinuityandlackof organization – are the fault of the historian, not ofthe movement,which had more continuities and organizational resources than analyses of national scope can reveal. The movement did not vanish: it just moved from one sphere to another and historians missed it when it moved from the piazza they were looking at. In fact, Italian anarchism was a transnational movement stretching around the Atlantic Ocean and the MediterraneanSea.LikeLinebaugh’sandRediker’srebelliousproletariat, Italian anarchism was a many-headed hydra, not a phoenix that died and was reborn anew. Accordingly, by extending the analysis of Italian anarchism to the transnational level, more complex patterns of how anarchists organized and provided continuity to their movement are revealed.Themovement’sseemingentrancesandexitsontheItalianstage in fact correspond to shifts of initiative from the Italian territory to the 5. TemmaKaplan,AnarchistsofAndalusia1868–1903(Princeton,NJ,1977),pp.10–11. 6. LeonardoBettini,Bibliografiadell’anarchismo,2vols(Florence,1976);PierCarloMasini, Storiadeglianarchiciitaliani.DaBakuninaMalatesta(Milan,1969);idem,Storiadeglianarchici italianinell’epocadegliattentati(Milan,1981). 7. Carl Levy, ‘‘Italian Anarchism, 1870–1926’’, in David Goodway (ed.), For Anarchism: History,Theory,andPractice(London[etc.],1989),pp.25–78,43–44. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859007003057 Published online by Cambridge University Press Transnational Italian Anarchism, 1885–1915 411 movement’s transnational segment, especially when the hydra was beheaded in Italy. Thus, the analysis of transnational scope reveals forms of continuity and organization unavailable to analyses of national scope, andbybroadeningourperspectiveontheanarchistmovementitcompels us to look for more sophisticated interpretations of the movement’s dynamics. SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY One problem of studying the history of anarchism is that continuity can seldom be traced through formal institutions. Anarchist organizations shaped up more often as networks of militants than as formal organiza- tions. In a formal organization, such as political parties, an impersonal structure exists, with roles in which actors are mutually substitutable. Actors may change while the structure persists. Continuity can be most naturally followed through an organization’s unchanging structure. Conversely, a network has no such impersonal structure, though actors maypersistovertime.Iwilltacklethisproblemintwoways:byfocusing on the anarchist press, the most universal and visible institution of anarchistmovements;andbyanchoringthestudyoftheItalianmovement tothelifeandactivityofaprominentfiguresuchasErricoMalatesta.Iwill look at Italian anarchism in the United States and worldwide, combining qualitative methods – concerning individuals, groups and newspapers, such as La Questione Sociale of Paterson – and quantitative methods concerning the anarchist press. Periodicalsplayedacentralroleintheanarchistmovement,farbeyond theirspecificfunction.BeforereturningtoItalyfromhisLondonexilein 1913 to direct the newspaper Volonta` in Ancona, Malatesta wrote to a comrade: ‘‘I attribute the greatest importance to the success of the newspaper, not only for the propaganda it will be able to carry out, but also because it will be useful as a means, and a cover, for work of a more practical nature.’’ An 1898 article about organization in L’Agitazione of Ancona, another of Malatesta’s periodicals, referred to periodicals as fulfilling the function of correspondence committees.8 Indeed, one often encounterstheideaofanarchistperiodicalsasorgans,even – orespecially – when no formal organization existed. Thus, around 1897–1898 L’Agitazione and L’Avvenire Sociale of Messina were respectively con- sidered the organs of the two currents of Italian anarchism, the organizationist and the anti-organizationist. Likewise, in 1902–1903 Italian anarchists across the United States extensively debated about the 8. Errico Malatesta to Luigi Bertoni, London, 12 June 1913, Errico Malatesta, Epistolario: Lettereediteeinedite,1873–1932,RosariaBertolucci(ed.)(Avenza,1984),p.92;‘‘Questionidi tattica’’,L’Agitazione(Ancona),3February1898. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859007003057 Published online by Cambridge University Press 412 DavideTurcato bestlocationfortheirorgan,afteraproposaltomoveLaQuestioneSociale from Paterson to Barre had been made. Eventually a new periodical, Cronaca Sovversiva, was created in Barre instead, taking over the role of ItaliananarchistorganintheUnitedStates.Foraperiodicaltobeanorgan meant that contributions tended to converge on it, while smaller period- icals would often cease publication voluntarily, to let their resources converge on major ones, as Il Pensiero Anarchico of Rome did in 1913, when Volonta` was founded.9 Ontheroleofthepressindisseminatingideas,Kropotkinremarkedin 1899thatsocialisticliteraturehadneverbeenrichinbooks,whileitsmain force lay in pamphlets and newspapers. If one wants to understand how workersacceptsocialistideals – heargued – ‘‘thereremainsnothingbutto take collections of papers and read them all through [:::]. Quite a new worldofsocialrelationsandmethodsofthoughtandactionisrevealedby this reading, which gives an insight into what cannot be found anywhere else’’.10 WithrespecttoItaliananarchism,sufficetomentionthatitsmost fundamental and long-standing debate, about organization, includes no originalcontributioninbookform,nordoesthecopiousoutputofErrico Malatesta and Luigi Galleani, the respective leading figures of the organizationist and anti-organizationist currents. The anarchist press was a vehicle of ideas not only nationally, but also internationally, as the historian Max Nettlau vividly relates: For a long time the anarchist ideas were constantly discussed in many papers everywhere, and some of these, like the Temps Nouveaux, Le Libertaire and L’Anarchie(Paris),LeReveil–Risveglio(Geneva),IlPensiero(Rome),Freedom (London), Der Sozialist (by Gustav Landauer) and Freie Arbeiter (Berlin), De VrijeSocialist(byDomelaNieuwenhuis,Holland),RevistaBlancaandTierray Libertad(Spain),FreeSociety,MotherEarth,ElDespertar,CronacaSovversiva, QuestioneSociale(UnitedStates),LaProtesta(ArgentineRepublic),andmany others were published regularly for many years and became centers of discussion. There was besides a constant exchange of ideas from country to countrybytranslationsofquestionsofmorethanlocalinterest.Inthiswayevery good pamphlet became very soon known internationally, and this sphere of intellectualexchangerangedfromPortugaltoChinaandNewZealand,andfrom CanadatoChileandPeru.Thismadeeveryformalorganization,howeverloose andinformalitwas,reallyunnecessary[:::].11 This exchange was favoured by the transnational scope of each linguistic segment of the movement: by living in different countries and knowing different languages, militants were able to provide translations and 9. ‘‘Agli anarchici degli Stati Uniti’’, La Questione Sociale (Paterson) [hereafter LQS], 13 December1902;Volonta` (Ancona),13July1913. 10. P.Kropotkin,MemoirsofaRevolutionist(NewYork,1968),p.275. 11. ErricoMalatesta:TheBiographyofanAnarchist.ACondensedSketchofMalatestafromthe BookWrittenbyMaxNettlau(NewYork,1924),pp.58–59. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859007003057 Published online by Cambridge University Press Transnational Italian Anarchism, 1885–1915 413 correspondences from everywhere to newspapers in their own language. Ina study ofItalian anarchism in London,Pietro Di Paola mentions that special sections of newspapers were even dedicated to exchanging coded messages. Furthermore, the exile condition helped Italian anarchists to enrich their ideas with first-hand acquaintance with trade unions and capitalist developments in other countries, as Carl Levy argued about Malatesta’s London exile.12 In sum, the various functions taken up by theanarchist press make ita goodmirrorofthemovement.Certainly,differentperiodicalscouldhave different functions and readerships. Malatesta’s L’Agitazione and L’Asso- ciazioneareacaseinpoint.TheformerwasprintedinItalyandaddresseda wider audience than just anarchists or militants. In contrast, Malatesta himselfremarkedthataperiodicalpublishedabroadlikethelatterwasill- suited for mass propaganda, being more useful for the exchange of ideas and information among militants.13 Such a periodical could be produced byarelativelysmallgroup,andstillbeinfluentialwithouthavingabroad and committed local readership. Thus, press distribution cannot be mechanically translated into a numerical estimate of the militants’ distribution. Still, a correlation between press distribution and move- ment’s strength existed, as Enzo Santarelli’s study of anarchism in Italy confirmsbycorrelatingthedistributionofnewspapersin1890–1898with an estimate of the size of each region’s movement in 1897–1898. Indeed, the foremost regional movements, in the Marches, Tuscany, Emilia- Romagna, and Sicily, were those with more than one newspaper.14 Moreover, both kinds of periodicals – those with a relatively large local readership, and those addressing remote readers – are relevant for the purposeofstudyinganarchisttransnationalism:theformerbypointingto areas of numerically strong presence, and the latter by speaking to the movement’s transnational disposition. Inadditiontousingthepress,Igiveunityandcontinuitytomyanalysis byusingthelifeandactivityofakeyfigure,suchasErricoMalatesta,asa commonthread.Incontrasttotheabsenceofformalinstitutions,astrong persistence of individuals is observed in the Italian anarchist network, providingahandletostudycontinuity.Ifwelookattheanarchistnetwork informaltermsasasetofnodes(i.e.itsmilitantsandgroups),andoflinks between such nodes (i.e. contacts, correspondence, resource exchanges, etc.),thebestresearchsubjectwouldbethemostdenselyandcontinuously connectednode,whoseweboflinkswouldcomenearesttoanimageofthe 12. PietroDiPaola,‘‘ItalianAnarchistsinLondon,1870–1914’’,(Ph.D.,GoldsmithsCollege, UniversityofLondon,2004),p.157;CarlLevy,‘‘MalatestainExile’’,AnnalidellaFondazione LuigiEinaudi,15(1981),pp.245–280. 13. ‘‘Ainostricorrispondenti’’,L’Associazione(Nice),16October1889. 14. EnzoSantarelli,‘‘L’AnarchismeenItalie’’,LeMouvementSocial(Paris),no.83(1973),pp. 135–166,139. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859007003057 Published online by Cambridge University Press 414 DavideTurcato Figure1.London,14May1912.ErricoMalatestainfrontoftheBowStreetMagistrates’Court andPoliceStation,waitingtobetriedinthe‘‘OldBailey’’,theCentralCriminalCourt,ona criminallibelcharge.Malatestawasawardedathree-monthprisonsentenceandrecommended forexpulsionasanundesirablealien,afterhehadlivedinLondonformostofthelastquarterofa century, during which the Metropolitan Police kept a tight watch on him. However, the expulsionorderwasquashedasaresultofanenergeticprotestcampaignculminatinginmass demonstrations in Trafalgar Square and supported by radical newspapers such as the Daily HeraldandtheManchesterGuardian. IISHCollection https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859007003057 Published online by Cambridge University Press Transnational Italian Anarchism, 1885–1915 415 entirenetwork.Insocialnetworksparlance,thiswouldamounttousingan egocentricnetworkmethod,whichstudiesasocialnetworkstartingfroma specific, arbitrary node, and following this node’s links. Though my evidence will be anecdotal, without using any formal model, Malatesta is undoubtedly the historical figure that most closely approximates such a theoretical ideal. Malatesta’sprominenceinItaliananarchismneednotbebelaboured.In brief,MalatestawasatthecenterofmostmajorupheavalsinItalybetween 1870and1930,thoughlivingmostlyabroad:theinternationalistinsurrec- tionaryattemptsof1874and1877,the1Mayagitationsof1891,theSicily andLunigianarevoltsof1893–1894,thebreadriotsof1898,the1914Red Week, and the 1919–1920 red biennium. Obviously, Malatesta was not a deusexmachinathatmadethingshappen,butinsteadhewasintegralpart ofamovement.Hisperiodicals’influenceisillustratedbythefactthatan Englishlanguagelistofthirty-oneall-timeanarchistjournalsofhistorical significance includes six edited by Malatesta.15 Most importantly, Malatesta well represents the movement’s transnational segment, as even a cursory glance at his life shows: he was in Egypt in 1878 and 1882; in 1885–1889 he lived in Argentina and Uruguay; in 1899 he escaped from ItalytoTunisia;in1899–1900hewasintheUnitedStates;andformostof the three decades from the 1890s to the 1910s he lived in London. By covering the entire area of Italian anarchist transnationalism, Malatesta’s life truly epitomizes our topic. Malatesta’s influence on Italian anarchism directly illustrates the importance of the transnational segment, of which he was part, for the movement in the homeland. Most importantly, his relevance in both the movement in the homeland and the transnational segment makes him a key link in the relation between those two halves of the anarchist network: by illustrating the contacts of comrades abroad with Malatesta, one indirectly illustrates their contacts with the movement in Italy. In sum, in using Malatesta as a thread, I remain interested in the anarchist network as a whole. Thus, Malatesta’s representativeness of that network does not reside in his being an average militant, from which generalizations are drawn, but, on the contrary, in his exceptionality, or even uniqueness. His contacts’ scope and continuity and his prominence in the movement make his set of links more representative of the entire network than anyone else’s. Finally, an explanation about the concept of transnationalism is necessary. The concept has been widely used in anthropological and historical studies about migration and diasporas, taking on various, complex connotations, depending on one’s focus on sending versus 15. Paul Nursey-Bray (ed.), Anarchist Thinkers and Thought: An Annotated Bibliography (Westport,CT,1992). https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859007003057 Published online by Cambridge University Press 416 DavideTurcato receivingcountries,andonone’sinterpretationoftheunderlyingconcept of ‘‘nation’’, which has often been associated with nationalism, nation- building, and the nation-state. For example, Benedict Anderson defines nation as ‘‘an imagined political community’’, thus linking it to the existence of nationalist projects aiming at creating sovereign states. Analogously, transnationalism has been defined as some kind of border- crossing nationalism. Thus, in Nations Unbound, Basch, Schiller, and Szanton Blanc argue that migration, along with the steady rootedness of migrant populations innation-states, challenges the traditionalconflation of geographic space and social identity, and posit the concepts of ‘‘deterritorialized nation-states’’ as transnational projects. In the same vein, Schiller and Fouron define ‘‘long-distance nationalism’’ as an ideology aiming at constituting transnational nation-states, such that emigrants permanently settled abroad continue to be part of their homeland’s body politic. These authors discriminate between long- distance nationalism and diaspora, as the former applies only when a diasporic population begins to organize to obtain its own state. Others, like the scholar of Italian diaspora Donna Gabaccia and her associates, have comparatively studied the relationship between migrants and receiving countries, but in doing so they have still focused on nation- building, by studying how labour migration contributed to multi-ethnic states.16 Some concept of nationhood must certainly be posited for Italian anarchists, too, if nothing else, because of their mutual identification as Italians. This consisted in their sharing common origins, language, and culture. Like long-distance nationalists, they shared a political project concerning the nation-state of their country of origin. However, their relationship to nationalism, nation-building, and nation-states was the exact reverse of long-distance nationalists. Their ideology was not nationalist, but anti-nationalist, and their project was not to uphold or build the nation-state, but to abolish it. The commitment of Italian anarchists – wherever they were – to political struggle in their territorial homelandexpressedasortofdivisionoflabour,asitwere,inainherently cosmopolitan global movement opposed to all borders. Both long-distance nationalism and anarchism challenge the territori- ality of the nation-state with their border crossing, but in opposite ways. Long-distance nationalism calls for transnational nation states and 16. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism(London,1983),pp.14–16;LindaBasch,NinaGlickSchiller,andCristinaSzanton Blanc, Nations Unbound: Transnational Projects, Postcolonial Predicaments, and Deterritor- ializedNation-States(Langhorne,PA,1994);NinaGlickSchillerandGeorgesEugeneFouron, GeorgesWokeUpLaughing:Long-DistanceNationalismandtheSearchforHome(Durham, NC?[etc.],2001),pp.17–24;DonnaR.GabacciaandFraserM.Ottanelli(eds),ItalianWorkers oftheWorld:LaborMigrationandtheFormationofMultiethnicStates(Urbana,IL,2001). https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859007003057 Published online by Cambridge University Press