/ IQBAL, JINNAH, AND PAKISTAN: / THE VISION AND THE REALITY Edited by C.M. Naim Contributors Manvooruddin Ahmed Saleem M.M. Qureshi Barbara Metcalf Fazlur Rahman Sheila McDonough Anwar H. Syed Lawrence Ziring Foreign and Comparative Studies / South Asian Series, No. Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs Syracuse University Copyright 1979 by MAXWELL SCHOOL OF CITIZENSHIP AND PUBLIC AFFAIRS SYRACUSE UNIVERSITY, SYRACUSE, NEW YORK, U.S.A. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Main entry under title: Iqbal, Jinnah, and Pakistan. (Foreign and comparative studies: South Asian Series; no. 5) Papers presented at a conference organized by the Muslim Studies Subcommittee of the Committee on Southern Asian Studies, University of Chicago, in April 1977. 1. Iqbal, Muhammad, Sir, 1877-1938— Political and social views— Congresses. 2. Jinnah, Mahomed All, 1876-1948— Political and social views — Congresses. 3. Pakistan— Politics and govern­ ment— Congresses. I. Naim, C. M. II. Ahmed, Manvooruddln. III. Chicago. University. Committee on Southern Aslan Studies. Muslim Studies Sub­ committee. IV. Series- DS481.I65I69 954.9*042*0922 79-25477 ISBN 0-915984-81-4 a>t. M2.1 'TCc'Z PREFACE When Pakistan came into existence in August 1947, the man who is said to have envisioned it had been dead nine years. Barely a year later death also took the man credited with giving the vision its concrete shape* But Pakistan continues to exist, though not with the geo- graphical boundaries it originally claimed. In the en­ suing years since 1947, controversies and speculations have continued to rage concerning the exact nature of the visionary ideal of Iqbal, the geo-political nation that Jinnah sought and obtained, and the inter-relation- ships between the two. The discussion is not merely ac­ ademic, for its conclusions directly effect the hopes and prospects of tne people who now constitute the na­ tion of Pakistan— and even of those who now call them­ selves Bangladeshi— and who must continuously strive to give their polity a just and stable form* In April 1977, the Muslim Studies Subcommittee of the Committee on Southern Asian Studies, University of Chicago, organized a small conference to observe the birth centenaries of Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938), the poet-philosopner, and Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948) , the Quaid-i-Azam of Pakistan. The theme of the meeting was "Iqbal, Jinnah and Pakistan: The Vision & the Real­ ity." Five papers were presented on that occasion which have now been edited for publication. Professor Ahmad's paper deals with the definitions of 'nationalism1 and • communalism' in the public statements of Iqbal and Jin­ nah, implying a harmony of thought which is popularly believed to have existed between the two. Professor Uureshi's paper, on the other hand, suggests a more sym­ biotic relationship, as he brings out their differences in 'personalities, perceptions, and politics.1 Profes­ sor McDonough has sought to introduce a necessary cor­ rective in the debate over Iqbal's concept of iv 'nationalism,' by delineating the importance of the con­ cept of 'change' in Iqbal's thought and the rarely-recog- nized self-critical attitude that underlay his thinking. Professor Metcalf, in her brief paper, sketches for us the importance of placing any discussion of 'ideology' within its specific time and place, that changes in the nature of the political arena are as important as the changes in the vocabulary and rhetoric of the political debate. Professor Ziring's paper deals with the post- 1947 developments in Pakistan and provides a useful sum­ mary description of the 'Reality' to highlight the prob­ lems with the 'Vision.' To these five papers we have added a prefatory note by Professor Fazlur Rahman, who was a discussant at the conference, and an abridged version of an article by Professor Anwar H. Syed. Professor Syed is also con­ cerned with tne questions of 'nationalism* and 'commun- aiism* in the thought of Iqbal and Jinnah, and comes to some interesting— 'revisionist'?— conclusions concerning the issue that has confounded Pakistani policy for a long time: must Pakistan be an Islamic state? An Afterword by the editor concludes the substantive part of the book. To supplement the discussion in various papers and make it easy for the reader to consult the original documents, we nave included appendices of the complete texts of (1) tne 193i> Presidential Address by Iqbal, (2) the 1940 'Pakistan' Resolution passed in an open session by the All India Muslim League, envision­ ing "Independent States," (3) the 1946 resolution pas­ sed by a convention of Muslim League legislators, envi­ sioning "Pakistan Zones" and a single "Independent State," (4) the 1947 speech by Jinnah in the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. The editor is grateful to the Foreign and Compara­ tive Studies Program of the Maxwell Scnool of Citizen- snip and Public Affairs, Syracuse university, and its V Director, Professor Susan S. Wadley, for accepting this collection for publication in their South Asian Series* Thanks are also due the Committee on Southern Asian Studies of the University of Chicago for their help in organizing the original conference and getting the papers ready for publication* Finally, grateful appre­ ciation should be expressed to the authors who instint- ingly cooperated with the editor and made this book possible* C* M. Naim Chicago August 28, 1979 CONTENTS PREFACE IQBAL, THE VISIONARY; JINNAH, THE TECHNICIAN AND PAKISTAN, THE REALITY Fazlur Rahman 1* IQBAL AND JINNAH: PERSONALITIES, PERCEPTIONS AND POLITICS Saleem M.M. Qureshi 2. IQBAL AND JINNAH ON THE "TWO-NATIONS* THEORY Manvooruddin Ahmed 3. IQBAL AND JINNAH ON ISSUES OF NATIONHOOD AND NATIONALISM Anwar H* Syed 4. METAPHORS OF CHANGE IN THE EARLY IQBAL Sheila McDonough 5. IQBAL: IDEOLOGY IN SEARCH OF AN AUDIENCE Barbara Metcalf 6. THE PHASES OF PAKISTAN'S POLITICAL HISTORY Lawrence Ziring AFTERWORD C. M. Naim APPENDICES I IQBAL'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS OF 1930 II THE RESOLUTION PASSED BY THE ALL INDIA MUSLIM LEAGUE, 1940 III THE RESOLUTION PASSED BY THE MUSLIM LEAGUE LEGISLATORS, 1946 IV JINNAH*S SPEECH IN THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY OF PAKISTAN, 1947 NOTES ON THE CONTRIBUTORS I I ! i i i IQBAL, THE VISIONARY; JINNAH, THE TECHNICIAN; AND PAKISTAN, THE REALITY Fazlur Rahman Ever since the conversion of Muhammad Iqbal, some­ time durinq his study stay in Europe, from territorial nationalism to Islam, he considered certain values of ethical orientation as crucial both to the survival and development of mankind, values which, in his view, con­ stituted the essence of Islam. We have deliberately used the word "orientation" to dispel any notion that one can find ready-made specific moral imperatives in Iqbal; these are rather to be formulated for specific conditions, by those who would accept his orientation, under the impact of that orientation. It is the "grand design" of this orientation which will determine the ethical value of particular injunctions that are action- specific, for without this orientation no injunction has any real life, let alone ethical meaninq (and, of course, he knew the Ten Commandments very wellJ). Iqbal came to formulate this orientation after a thorough acquaintance with not only the thought-classics of the Muslim East and the West but also with the actual state of affairs in the Muslim East and the West. So far as the realm of thought is concerned, he remained until the end of his life an admirer of the West and of the Muslim East, except for such currents of thought as he considered to be negative towards this spatio-tempo­ ral world in tne interest of some "higher" spirituality. But it was at the level of actualities that he passed harsh judgments on both the Muslim East and the West. The criterion for these judgments was his principle of 1 ishq. This term, which literally means "absorbing love" and which he took over from Sufism, appears to mean, in his usage, a creative forward movement, where 2 forward movement rules out backward or stationary mo­ tion, while the term creative ensures that the movement is meaningful and purposeful and reaches higher planes of spiritual and moral being for men. Now, while Iqbal found the Muslim world as somnolent and stationary and hence devoid of *lshq, he found the west alive and mov­ ing, but this movement of the West was not only not mean­ ingful and purposeful for man, it was positively harmful and, indeed, destructive. The West was inventive, but not creative in the sense of Iqbal's 1ishq. If one compares Iqbal's critique of the contempor­ ary Muslim community and that of the contemporary West, the result is interesting. The rigidity and immobility of the former ought to draw a much more severe criticism from him than the latter which has at least some motion. And this is, indeed, the case in one sense. For, while addressing the Muslim, Iqbal invites him to perform something new, even if it be a sin! But Iqbal patently knows and recurrently acknowledges that the West is do­ ing something new, in fact, it is always up to something new. Sheila McDonough has pointed out in her paper in­ cluded elsewhere in this book, that in 1910, Iqbal wrote of the Muslims that the meaning of their contemporary existence was no more than something evidentiary (cf. the Qur'an, 2, 143), for they had become irrelevant to the current of history. A Muslim is one who directs history in a certain ethical direction, he cannot be a plaything of historical forces. But Iqbal was convinced that, in their role as "witnesses on mankind" at least, the existence of Muslims was necessary for the world. Later, he said: Although we [Muslims] are coiled up on ourselves like a bud. Should we perish, this whole garden [of the world] must perish In this verse, a certain inevitability of the Muslims'