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219 Pages·2016·7.054 MB·English
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IMISCOE Research Series Ferruccio Pastore Irene Ponzo Editors Inter-group Relations and Migrant Integration in European Cities Changing Neighbourhoods IMISCOE Research Series This series is the offi cial book series of IMISCOE, the largest network of excellence on migration and diversity in the world. It comprises publications which present empirical and theoretical research on different aspects of international migration. The authors are all specialists, and the publications a rich source of information for researchers and others involved in international migration studies. The series is published under the editorial supervision of the IMISCOE Editorial Committee which includes leading scholars from all over Europe. The series, which contains more than eighty titles already, is internationally peer reviewed which ensures that the book published in this series continue to present excellent academic standards and scholarly quality. Most of the books are available open access. For information on how to submit a book proposal, please visit: http://www. imiscoe.org/publications/how-to-submit-a-book-proposal. More information about this series at h ttp://www.springer.com/series/13502 Ferruccio Pastore • Irene Ponzo Editors Inter-group Relations and Migrant Integration in European Cities Changing Neighbourhoods “Co-funded by the European Union” Editors Ferruccio Pastore Irene Ponzo FIERI FIERI Torino , Italy Torino , Italy The original project ‘Concordia Discors. Understanding Confl ict and Integration Outcomes of Inter-Group Relations and Integration Policies in Selected Neighbourhoods of Five European Cities’ has been funded with support from the European Commission. This publication refl ects the views only of the authors, and the European Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. ISSN 2364-4087 ISSN 2364-4095 (electronic) IMISCOE Research Series ISBN 978-3-319-23095-5 ISBN 978-3-319-23096-2 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-23096-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2015956203 Springer Cham Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and the Author(s) 2016 . This book is published open access. Open Access This book is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution- Noncommercial 2.5 License ( h ttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.5/ ) which permits any noncommercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The images or other third party material in this book are included in the work’s Creative Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in the credit line; if such material is not included in the work’s Creative Commons license and the respective action is not permitted by statutory regulation, users will need to obtain permission from the license holder to duplicate, adapt or reproduce the material. This work is subject to copyright. All commercial rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifi cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfi lms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifi c statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. T he publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Printed on acid-free paper S pringer International Publishing AG Switzerland is part of Springer Science+Business Media (www.springer.com) Contents Introduction .................................................................................................... 1 Ferruccio Pastore and Irene Ponzo They’ve Got Their Wine Bars, We’ve Got Our Pubs’: Housing, Diversity and Community in Two South London Neighbourhoods ............................................................................... 19 Ole Jensen and Ben Gidley Rise and Resolution of Ethnic Conflicts in Nuremberg Neighbourhoods ............................................................................................. 39 Claudia Köhler Comfortably Invisible: The Life of Chinese Migrants Around ‘The Four Tigers Market’ in Budapest .......................................... 69 Boglárka Szalai and Krisztina La-Torre Inter-Group Perceptions and Representations in Two Barcelona Neighbourhoods: Poble Sec and Sagrada Família Compared ................................................................... 89 Ricard Morén-Alegret Albert Mas and Dawid Wladyka Turin in Transition: Shifting Boundaries in Two Post-Industrial Neighbourhoods ................................................................... 123 Pietro Cingolani News Media and Immigration in the EU: Where and How the Local Dimension Matters ........................................... 151 Andrea Pogliano v vi Contents Boundaries, Barriers and Bridges: Comparative Findings from European Neighbourhoods .................................................. 177 Ferruccio Pastore and Irene Ponzo Annex 1: The Investigated Urban Contexts. Comparative Tables ....................................................................................... 201 Annex 2: Methodological Annex ................................................................... 213 Introduction Ferruccio Pastore and Irene Ponzo 1 Tackling the Dilemma of Local Variations in Ethnic Confl ict and Integration This is a book about social change in European cities as brought about by interna- tional migration. Among the many aspects of such long and complex waves of transformations what interests us in particular is how relations are structured and how they evolve in different and increasingly diverse local societies. The main research questions addressed in this book are thus the following ones: why do origin- based categories emerge much more clearly and powerfully as practical and symbolical boundaries in certain local contexts rather than in others within the same national and regional space or even within the same city? How much do urban con- texts count in shaping inter-group relations and specifi cally in making ethnic cate- gories more or less salient? G iven the fact that central aspects of our research questions, such as relations between the majority population, immigrants and their descendants and the salience of ethnic boundaries are generally considered to be key dimensions of integration processes though with a different emphasis in American and European literature (Gans 1 992; Portes and Zhou 1993; Massey 1995; Esser 2001; Entzinger and Biezeveld 2 003 ; Alba and Nee 2 003 ; Zincone 2 009 ), this is also meant to be a vol- ume on immigrant integration in European cities. Since ethnic tensions and confl ict have been a major concern in the urban poli- cies of several European cities over the last two decades, we pay special attention to these dynamics in our understanding of integration. Specifi cally, though we agree Ferruccio Pastore is the author of Sects. 1 and 4 , Irene Ponzo of Sects. 2 and 3 . F. Pastore (*) • I. Ponzo FIERI , Torino , Italy e-mail: ferruccio.pastore@fi eri.it; ponzo@fi eri.it © The Author(s) 2016 1 F. Pastore, I. Ponzo (eds.), Inter-group Relations and Migrant Integration in European Cities, IMISCOE Research Series, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-23096-2_1 2 F. Pastore and I. Ponzo that positive relations and loss in salience of ethnic boundaries are crucial aspects of successful integration, we understand the latter not as a rigid state of peaceful coex- istence conceptually opposed to confl ict but as a dynamic achievement, a process that implies ongoing negotiations on the idea of ‘us’, whereby re-negotiation is pos- sible. Accordingly the research project upon which this book is based is titled ‘Concordia Discors’,1 an expression originating in the epistles of the Latin poet Horace, now paradigmatic of a dynamic state of ‘discordant harmony’. Actually, the idea that confl ict is part of the dynamic process of social change that integration entails has belonged to the sociology of migration since the very beginning. The school of urban ecology of the University of Chicago, which began to deal with immigration in the early 1920s as part of an analysis of urban transformations, maintained that confl ict does not necessarily have negative implications but, on the contrary, is an important step of the integration process through which groups become aware of their identity and their specifi c needs, and are able to make claims in terms of access to resources and rights (Park and Burgess 1921) . However, in distinction to the Chicago school, here the function of confl ict in the process of integration is not taken for granted or located within a staged path. We started from the assumption that confl ict does not always progressively disappear and sometimes breaks out, even suddenly. Confl ict can sometimes be an opportunity to know each other, to cross and eventually change group boundaries thereby enlarging the con- cept of ‘us’. At other times it makes such boundaries neater and more impermeable. Like all societal phenomena, integration varies through time and space. The degree of integration between individuals or groups is unquestionably affected by the course of time and by the succession of generations. But it is also deeply 1 The research project ‘Concordia Discors’, funded by the EU’s European Integration Fund, was aimed at investigating the dynamics of integration through the analysis of inter-group relations at neighbourhood level in fi ve European cities. In each city, a research partner was in charge of car- rying out the empirical fi eldwork: the Forum of International and European Research on Immigration (FIERI) in Turin, the European Forum of Migration Studies (efms) of the University of Bamberg in Nuremberg, the Migration Research Group of Autonomous University of Barcelona’s Geography Department in Barcelona, the Centre on Migration, Policy and Society (COMPAS) of the University of Oxford in London and the Social Research Institute TARKI in Budapest. Finally, the Brussels-based European Policy Centre (EPC) was involved in the project with specifi c tasks of dissemination of research fi ndings and networking with decision-makers and civil society organizations at EU level. The project lasted from December 2011 until October 2012. For further details see: w ww.concordiadiscors.eu . Specifi c funding from the private foundation Compagnia di San Paolo allowed FIERI to expand the project to include two additional Italian cities, Milan and Genoa, which in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s constituted, together with Turin, the Italian ‘industrial triangle’, a massive basin of internal labour migration which is still one of the main destinations of foreign migration nowadays. The cases of Genoa and Milan are only analyzed here with a specifi c focus on media in the chapter by A. Pogliano. More detailed analyses for these two cities are provided in another book edited by Ferruccio Pastore and Irene Ponzo in 2012 (Pastore and Ponzo 2 012 ). Introduction 3 infl uenced by the particularities of place,2 as clearly integration is powerfully shaped by the specifi cities of the economic, political and spatial context in which the encounter occurs. However, problems arise when one tries to be more specifi c in determining the respective infl uence of different geographic scales on integration processes. Throughout the 1990s, immigration scholars in Europe focused on the nation state as the key level for understanding processes and policies of immigrant integra- tion (Brubaker 1992 ; Castles and Miller 2 003 ; Schnapper 1 992 ; Soysal 1 994 ; Zincone 1 991 ; Böhning 1 984 ; Heckmann and Schnapper 2 003 ). In the mid-1990s this focus on the national level started to shift, following a growing scientifi c and political awareness of the fact that most immigrants live in cities and their integra- tion takes place primarily at the local level. Since then, empirical migration studies have increasingly been focusing on the city level. This is in line with broader trends which have been making cities ever more crucial to understanding social and political phenomena, especially since the crisis of Fordism at the end of the 1970s opened the way to economic restructuring and new forms of governance (Kazepov 2 005 ). The increasing complexity of soci- ety and social demands has indeed made it more diffi cult for central governments to impose rules from the top, thus fostering a ‘hyperlocalisation of the social’, i.e. the relegation of the treatment of complex social problems – including the integration of minorities – to the local sphere (Body-Gendrot and Martiniello 2 000 ). However, not only states but also contemporary cities have proved to be too internally fragmented and heterogeneous to be investigated as undifferentiated units: suburban nineteenth century working-class neighbourhoods are very different from inner gentrifi ed districts, social housing areas built in the 1960s are hardly comparable to more recent business city centres and so on. From our standpoint, this means that the integration outlook may vary signifi - cantly from one place to another, even within short distances. As Wallman ( 2003 , 2 005 ) highlights, in any city there are areas where diversity leads to private and public benefi ts and to sustainable development, while in others it may bring about social tensions, segregation and economic stagnation. Neighbourhoods do indeed play a decisive role within each city as high-visibility testing grounds of integration, i.e. as concrete contexts where integration ‘succeeds’ or ‘fails’, ‘microcosms at the epicentre of larger problems’ (Body-Gendrot and Martiniello 2 000 , p. 2). In positive terms, despite globalization, neighbourhoods as a social arena perform an important however specialized role as, for instance, the site of routinized practice and ‘repair work’ for everyday life and a source of social identity in addition to other functions (Forrest and Kearns 2 001; Guest and Wierzbicki 1 999; Henning and Lieberg 1 996 ). Given these assumptions, we believe that it is time to go beyond not only meth- odological nationalism (Wimmer and Glick Schiller 2 002 ), but also what could be 2 If ‘space’ is understood as a generic abstraction, ‘place’ is linked to the specifi c actions and expe- riences of individuals. As we explain in detail in the fi nal chapter, places exist not only as physical entities but also as a result of people’s different experiences (Buttiner 1976; Pred 1 984 ; Tuan 1 977 ).

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