Bol. Mus. Para. Emílio Goeldi. Cienc. Hum., Belém, v. 10, n. 2, p. 371-393, maio-ago. 2015 inflectional morphology restructuring in ache – discussing grammatical change and language contact in tupí-guaraní subgroup – 1 Reestruturação de morfologia flexional em achê – discutindo mudança gramatical e contato linguístico no subgrupo – 1 da família tupí-guaraní Eva-Maria rößler instituto de Estudos da Linguagem - iEL, UniCAMP, Campinas, são Paulo, Brazil Abstract: this paper deals with mechanisms of grammatical change in Ache, focusing on inflection. Ache contains restricted functional morphology when compared to most tupí-Guaraní languages. Although erosion of inflection is attested in linear historical developments within this genetic context; the degree of inflectional erosion observed in Ache is exceptional. Ache lacks all tG prefixes, consequently, processes linked to person-number agreement, such as person hierarchy effects, are unattested. Ache enclitics for tense-aspect-mood marking (tAM) appear to be more similar to other tG languages. However, given closer examination, also for tAM considerable restructuring is revealed. Besides describing erosion and retention patterns of inflection, it is exemplified how Ache copes with the overall functional restructuring by generating innovative syntactic patterns and novel lexical items. inspired by subclasses of inflection given in roberts and Bresnan (2008), it becomes evident that inherent inflection (i.e. tAM) is far more stable in Ache than so-called contextual inflection (i.e. person, case); a characteristic result of contact induced grammar change. thus, this study of inflectional restructuring contributes strong evidence for the long-standing hypothesis that Ache is a tG contact language (dietrich, 1990; rodrigues, 2000; rößler, 2008). Keywords: Morphosyntax. inflection. Grammatical Change. Language Contact. Ache. tupí-Guaraní. Resumo: Este artigo lida com mudanças gramaticais em achê, focando na morfologia de flexão. Achê contém paradigmas funcionais restritos quando comparado com outras línguas tupi-guarani. Embora a erosão de flexão seja atestada como desenvolvimento histórico linear neste contexto genético; o grau de erosão de flexão observada em achê é excepcional. Achê carece de todos os prefixos de línguas tG, consequentemente, os processos ligados ao concordância, como efeitos de hierarquia de pessoa, não são encontrados. Enclíticos do achê, principalmente a marcação de tempo-aspecto-modo (tAM) parecem ser mais semelhante a outras línguas tG. no entanto, a partir de estudos mais detalhados, encontra-se também reestruturações consideráveis nos sistema de tAM. Além de descrever padrões de erosão e de retenção de flexão, mostra-se como o achê lida com re-estruturações funcionais, gerando padrões sintáticos e itens lexicais novos. inspirado pelas subclasses de flexão dada em roberts e Bresnan (2008), torna-se evidente que flexão inerente (ou seja, tAM) é mais estável em achê do que flexão contextual (pessoa, caso); o que constata um resultado característico de mudança gramatical induzida por contato. Assim, este estudo sobre reestruturação flexional contribui novas evidência a favor da hipótese que Ache é uma lingua tG de contato (dietrich, 1990; rodrigues, 2000; rößler, 2008). Palavras-chave: Morfossintaxe. flexão. Mudança Gramatical. Contato Linguístico. Achê. Línguas tupí-Guaraní. rÖßLEr, E. M. inflectional morphology restructuring in ache – discussing grammatical change and language contact in tupí-guaraní subgroup – 1. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, v. 10, n. 2, p. 371-393, maio-ago. 2015. doi: http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1590/1981-81222015000200009. Autor para correspondência: Eva-Maria rößler. rua ruberlei Boareto da silva, 1250, Barão Geraldo, 13083-715 Campinas, sP, Brazil. E–mail: [email protected]. recebido em 21/04/2014 Aprovado em 03/09/2015 371 inflectional morphology restructuring in ache iNTRoDUCTioN this paper examines grammatical change in Ache, a relatively understudied member of the tupí-Guaraní (tG) family, when compared to closely related varieties from the Guaraní cluster1. Ache is a highly endangered language, fluently spoken by not more than 250 people in eastern Paraguay. tG specialists have long claimed that Ache differs with regard to typical grammar patterns within the language family, especially concerning its morphosyntax (dietrich, 1990, 2011; Jensen, 1990, 1998; rodrigues, 2000; rößler, 2008). in this paper, i focus on the restricted number of functional elements that encode inflection in order (i) to describe morphological erosion encountered in Ache when compared to more typical tG grammars and (ii) to discuss possible mechanisms underlying this morphological restructuring considering current contact linguistic theory (Bakker, 2003; roberts; Bresnan, 2008). Crucially, it is not only loss but also retention of tG typical inflection that will be relevant for the presented argument. the analysis follows a comparative approach to morphosyntactic description. Ache data will be contrasted with multi-variational, synchronic data from the Guaraní cluster, including Paraguayan Guaraní and indigenous varieties such as Ava-Guaraní, Mbyá-Guaraní, and Paĩ-tavỹterã/Kaiowá2. All language data from Ache and Guaraní varieties presented here has been collected for the purpose of this research, if not indicated otherwise for a specific data set. the comparative data on Ache dialects and Guaraní varieties have been compiled via parallel elicitation. the method implies the collection of not only similar, but, in fact, exactly parallel, controlled and semi- controlled data sets in order to enhance comparability and foster a reliable identification of language contact effects characteristic for Ache grammar as well as distinguish them from grammatical effects of linear historical change patterns in tG subgroup-1. the parallel Guaraní data is suitable for comparison for three main reasons. first, the Guaraní languages are the closest geographic tG-neighbors to Ache. second, the Guaraní varieties are close genetic relatives of Ache, all belonging to and, in fact, forming large parts of tG subgroup–1 (rodrigues, 1985). third, most of the Guaraní varieties are considered conservative tG languages. therefore, they are taken here to delimit typical grammar and historical change patterns for this specific genetic context. the overall type of grammatical change studied in this paper is exemplified in (1-2). Paraguayan Guaraní has several types of affixes and clitics, encoding case, agreement, relational/linking functions or tense-aspect-mood marking (morphemes in boldface). Members of the tG family and, therefore, also Guaraní are consistently considered agglutinative languages with mildly polysynthetic tendencies (tonhauser, 2006, p. 130). in example (2) the more isolating surface of Ache is evident: there is no agreement or relational marking. More specifically, all typical tG prefixation is absent from Ache grammar. some affixes have lost their grammatical function and became part of Ache lexical stems via morpheme boundary reanalysis. the only functional morpheme left in (2) is the locative marker =pe [LoC], a postposition roughly translatable as ‘in, at, within, on’. note that in Ache, mainly the encoding of grammatical relations is almost entirely left to syntax. 1 Guaraní cluster refers to a conjunction of closely related Guaraní languages from tG subgroup-1, such as Paraguayan Guaraní, Mbyá- Guaraní, Avá-Guaraní/Chiripá, nhandeva (Brasil), Paĩ–tavỹterã/Kaiowá and Chaco Guaraní, all spoken in Paraguay, Bolivia, northern Argentina and southern Brazil. Guaraní cluster languages are structurally similar. However, more and more micro-variation in the lexicon and morphosyntax has been discovered throughout the here presented comparative research. not included in the Guaraní cluster are most likely contact varieties of tG subgroup-1, such as Ache and tapiéte/Ñandeva. 2 throughout the text mainly data from the first two languages will be displayed given the limitation of space. However, if not indicated otherwise, the data is taken to represent as well the functioning of parallel structures in Mbyá and Paĩ – tavỹterã/Kaiowá. data from all four Guaraní varieties have been considered in the course of this research. 372 Bol. Mus. Para. Emílio Goeldi. Cienc. Hum., Belém, v. 10, n. 2, p. 371-393, maio-ago. 2015 (1) Paraguayan Guaraní che–jarý–i i–guaiguĩ eterei=ma ha’e o–vy’a o–guata–vo villa=re 1SG –old woman–DiM 3PS –old very=CoMPL 3sG 3PS –likes 3PS –walk–ASP village=LoC B B A A ‘My grandmother is very old and she likes to walk around the village.’ (2) Ache – Ñacunday dialect cho djary djwei buchã go wata ury chupa=pe 1sG grandmother old very dEM walk happy village=LoC ‘My grandmother is very old and she likes to walk around the village.’ for decades, tG specialists have identified Ache as part of a restricted group of tG languages that display irregular grammatical features. other exceptional languages are Kokama/Kokamilla, omagwa, nheengatu, Xetá or sirionó/Yuki (Cabral, 1995; Cruz, 2011; dietrich, 1990; Jensen, 1990, 1998; Michael, 2014; rodrigues, 2000; Vallejos Yopán, 2010). data from those languages has often been left aside in reconstruction work on proto-tupí-Guaraní (PtG) to avoid cluttering an otherwise rather homogenous picture of tG morphosyntax. the Ache grammatical patterns, as pointed out by Aryon rodrigues (2000, p. 07), “require special explanations.” Ache has consistently been identified as a tG language affected by outside influence or language contact: A few languages in the family show alternations significant enough to justify the hypothesis that they are spoken by people who were originally non-tupí (rodrigues 1985, p. 42-43). i do not consider myself qualified to discuss changes in such languages as Guayaki [Ache], sirionó and Cocama, because i am not familiar with the outside influences that affected them [Jensen 1998, p. 577 and note 3]. Guayaki [Ache] and Cocama may be members of the tupi-Guarani language family, but these languages are to such an extent mixed up with features atypical of tupi-Guarani languages that they must haven been taken over by people who were originally speakers of languages belonging to other language stocks, or they must have been extensively influenced by such speakers. [dietrich 1990, p. 115]. starting from such more general claims of tG specialists, i will delimit the debate to a more specific hypothesis of Ache language genesis. i assume an emergence scenario in which high numbers of non-native (non-tG) speakers acquired the tG lexicon and grammar in an incomplete fashion. i further assume that the most likely target language of this second language acquisition process was a (or more than one) historical variety of Guaraní, given (i) their geographic as well as genetic proximity and (ii) the wide distribution of Guaraní throughout the relevant region in pre-colonial times (Melià, 1995; rodrigues, 2000). in fact, Guaraní is the predominant language up until today. since 1992 it is one of two national languages of Paraguay. i suggest, that Ache solidified at some point before colonization as the native language of a specific, small and delimited speaker group (see footnote 5). Crucially, modern contact linguistic theory assumes that incomplete acquisition of a target language by, to a large extent, adult second language learners is in no way confined to the emergence of classical pidgins or creoles (Holm, 2000, 2008; Mufwene, 2008). Given the current state of research on Ache, no clear conclusion can be drawn about the exact type of language contact that shaped it. it is difficult to identify non-tG languages that may have been involved in the emergence scenario as relevant substrates. Many languages of the region have disappeared long before comprehensive documentation. 373 inflectional morphology restructuring in ache these aspects of the hypothesized contact scenario must be left to further research3. the debate presented here will limit itself to the observation of grammatical aspects and a comparison of Ache to Guaraní languages that are – by hypothesis – synchronic descendants of the main lexical and grammatical source involved in Ache genesis. i suggest that this comparison may provide us with strong evidence for confirming the status of Ache as a tG contact language. this paper is structured as follows: first, i briefly discuss some theoretical assumptions underlying my work on grammatical change, language contact and inflectional restructuring. second, as little has been published on the Ache language and latest accounts date back to the 1980s, some basic facts on the speaker group and their history are provided. third, i introduce the relative morphological poverty of the Ache grammar and describe specific sets of inflectional morphology. details regarding the continuity and discontinuity in tense-aspect-mood (tAM) morphology, differential object case marking (doM) and verbal agreement will be provided. furthermore, inflectional morphology retention, reinterpretation and erosion are debated in the light of current research on diachronic grammatical change and language contact (roberts; Bresnan, 2008). And finally, i summarize the current findings and point to future research on the Ache language and aspects of language contact within the tG family. GRAMMATiCAL CHANGE AND LANGUAGE CoNTACT theory based predictions on grammatical modifications resulting from language contact focused for a long time on indo- European data. only very few indigenous languages have been taken up in contact linguistic research (see Epps, 2009; Muysken, 2008, p. 211-226; seifart, 2012; for relevant discussion). recently, theorists have pointed to the fact that processes of language contact occurred ‘throughout [all of] human history’ and thus anywhere in the world (Muysken, 2008, p. 189). regarding the effect of contact on language systems, it is assumed across frameworks that “…the process of creating a new language (…) involves cross-language compromise and, therefore, tends to eliminate unshared hard-to-learn features, such as inflectional morphology and complex syntactic structures” (thomason, 1997, p. 76). the restructuring of functional morphology – the core of discussion in this paper – proved to be one central impact of language contact phenomena, especially in the case of pidginisation and creolisation. Muysken (2008, p. 188) suggests that: “In fact the restructuring of the functional category system of a language may be taken as criterial for the process of creolisation.” However, given the current state of research, clear distinctions between pidgins, creoles, vernaculars and other commonly assumed contact language types remain hard to establish for south American indigenous languages. therefore, an exact classification of Ache is beyond the scope of this paper and must be left for future research. the more general term contact language (CL) will be sufficient here in order to refer to exceptional tG varieties such as Ache. According to most contact linguistic theory, it is assumed that grammatical change triggered by language contact arises due to reliance on linguistic universals, convergence of elements of source and substrate features, as well as due to relexification. the degree to which each of these processes implements grammatical innovation in a given CL depends on extra-linguistic factors, that is, historical and sociolinguistic circumstances acting out during CL genesis (Muysken, 2008, p. 190). for a better understanding of contact phenomena within the tG language family, it is relevant that grammatical change triggered by language contact must be seen as cognizant of the typological nature of the involved source language(s), as suggested in roberts and Bresnan (2008, p. 271). 3 some suggestions have been made by anthropologist Branislava susnik (1960, 1961) on possible contact between tG-speakers and members of Gê groups that may have led to Ache language genesis. 374 Bol. Mus. Para. Emílio Goeldi. Cienc. Hum., Belém, v. 10, n. 2, p. 371-393, maio-ago. 2015 furthermore, inflectional restructuring often builds on asymmetries at least partly found in linear historical change of the respective source languages. What seems to set language contact phenomena apart from linear linguistic transmission is more often the degree of grammatical restructuring rather than its overall type of grammatical change. in what follows, it will become conspicuously clear that Ache grammar diverges from better-known tG systems exactly along the expected lines given in contact linguistic theory. Ache lacks, for instance, the complex agreement marking system for s-split cross-referencing in intransitive and person hierarchy marking (1>2>3 or 1/2>3) in transitive contexts. However, it is not just any type of tG inflectional morphology that eroded completely in Ache. A possible explanation may be provided in roberts and Bresnan (2008). the authors not only give evidence for the existence of inflectional morphology in CLs but also discuss more detailed “patterns in retention of inflectional morphology across contact languages that experienced processes of structural reduction in their genesis” (roberts; Bresnan, 2008, p. 271). this paper focuses on the comparative description of morphosyntactic data sets related to inflectional morphology erosion and restructuring in Ache when compared to the better-studied Guarani language cluster. Historical, that is language external factors, which may have triggered Ache grammatical change, are noted when possible. However, a thorough study of those factors must be left to further, differently designed research on the Ache language and speaker group (see Michael, 2014). THE ACHE LANGUAGE oF EASTERN PARAGUAY Before arriving at language data, some background information on language and speech community are in order. the Ache language is currently spoken by close to 250 fluent speakers and 1800 semi speakers in Eastern Paraguay (estimates by ALsP 2013)4. six Ache communities are located in the departments of Canindeyú, Alto Parana, Caaguasú and Caazapá. four varieties have survived: the northern Ache, Ñacunday Ache (southern), Yvytyruzu, and Ache Ua dialects. the latter dialect is virtually extinct, as there are only 5 speakers left, all around 80 years of age. the map (figure 1) shows the locations of the six main communities (dots) and indicates (grey areas) the original homeland of the Ache nomadic subgroups up until the first half of the twentieth century. for the next approximately 20 years, the Ache people were systematically forced into either settlement or slave labor, leading to drastic cultural change. today, the Ache have almost completely abandoned their traditional hunter-gatherer lifestyle and switched to small-scale farming. Younger Ache seem especially prone to language loss. the central reason is that around 90% of Paraguay’s Atlantic forest have literally disappeared in the second half of the 20th century and with it Ache forest life – the main domain of language use. We have very little historical information on the Ache language up until consistent contact between the Ache people and Paraguayan society in the first half of the 20th century. some rare pieces of earlier information on the Ache group, found in 18th century Jesuit publications, are therefore all the more exciting5. Apparently, the grammatical differences 4 AdoP/ALsP is a language documentation project on Ache within the doBes Program (dokumentation bedrohter sprachen). its corpus and data collections can be accessed at: www.mpi.nl/dobes/ache (rößler; Hauck; thompson, 2010). 5 this publication is a summary of reports from Jesuits missionaries from the 17th and 18th century, that was published in 1873–1874 by Padre Lozano. Anthropologists attest that: “during that time, various groups of Ache (called ‘Guayagui’) were reported to live in the forests west of the Paraná river between the Guaira falls on the north and the dense strip of Jesuit missions in the south near Encarnación. they were first contacted along the Acaray river by Padre Jose de insuarralde in the 1630s and 1640s. some Ache bands still lived in the headwaters of Acaray river when they were contacted in 1972–1973; thus these groups had inhabited the same general area for at least 350 years. descriptions from the 1600s differ little from those in the twentieth century” (Hill; Hurtado, 1996, p. 45). thus, the existence of the Ache people and their particular language is registered since the 17th century by Jesuit missionaries, who were often times trained grammarians and thus very much aware of the linguistic landscape surrounding them. Given this type of historical information, i assume that it was not during colonization that the Ache language emerged as distinctive member of the tG language family. 375 inflectional morphology restructuring in ache between Ache and Guaraní discussed here already attracted the attention of the spanish chroniclers. Early on Jesuits notice phenomena that current linguists refer to as inflectional morphology erosion within the Ache grammar system: [the Ache] language although different from Guarani, and which is spoken with a certain tone, as if they were singing, can be easily understood by the Guaranien natives. (...) Almost everyone thinks that this is a nation originating from some fugitive group of the Guarani, and this is based on the fact that their language is a corruption of Guaraní, differing only in that it lacks the initial prefixes used in that language [Lozano 1874, p. 415-421, translated in Hill; Hurtado 1996, p. 45-47]. figure 1. Ache Communities in Eastern Paraguay (AdoP/ALsP, A. Madroño 2013). 376 Bol. Mus. Para. Emílio Goeldi. Cienc. Hum., Belém, v. 10, n. 2, p. 371-393, maio-ago. 2015 the expression corruption of Guaraní, cited by Lozano, resembles classical colonial references to new emerging contact varieties of large-scale colonial languages throughout many parts of the new World. these early accounts indicate the existence of the Ache language as early as the 17th century (see footnote 5). However, they give no evidence for sustained contact between the Jesuit missions and Ache nomadic groups. these shreds of information from Jesuit sources provide an incomplete picture of Ache language history. More extensive research on these and similar colonial documents may substantially enrich our understanding of synchronic linguistic data. RELATiVE MoRPHoLoGiCAL PoVERTY oF ACHE in general, Ache is characterized by the intense loss of functional dependent morphology when compared to typical tG morphosyntactic patterns. Guaraní contains a wide range of prefixes, suffixes, and clitics while Ache grammar retains only a restricted subset of those functional elements. not only the number of markers but also allomorphic variation is diminished. As mentioned earlier, Ache is the only tG language that lacks left periphery marking of lexical stems altogether. Ache grammar retains around 20 functional formatives, suffixes and postpositional clitics, listed in the table 1 below. the elements signal functions such as tense-aspect-mood, negation, locatives, focus, differential object marking and interrogatives. While in Guaraní especially the verbal domain is morphologically quite complex, verbal inflection is largely eroded within the Ache grammar system. no person-number agreement, relational/linking prefixes, or valency markers; reflexive, passives, reciprocals or causative prefixes, can be attested in Ache. Also, nominalization patterns described for tG and Guaraní lack virtually any functionally productive reflex in Ache. the only category-indicating device attested is =gi [dEt]; for now best described as a determiner which is not clearly derivable from tG material. Ache simple lexical items, in their majority disyllabic forms cognate to Guaraní vocabulary, are usually introduced into syntax without any category specific morphology (see dietrich, 2015 on the Ache lexicon). An in-depth discussion of all these markers is beyond the intended scope of this paper. in the following sections, continuities and discontinuities in tense-aspect-mood, differential object case marking and person-number agreement are discussed in more detail. table 1. functional Markers of Ache – instances of Morphological Erosion. –a AG (participle) =pa PErf (tAM) =ba int (interrogative) =pe LoC (case) =bu Cond (tAM) =pe doM (case) =dji/=ri LoC (case) =py/=by PA (participle) =ga foC (contrastive focus) =rã fUt (tAM) =gi dEt (determiner) =re PAs (tAM) =llã nEG (negation) =rõ foC (focus) =ku int (interrogative) –ty/–dy HAB (tAM) =ma CoMPL (tAM) –wã fin (tAM) –mi diM (tAM) =we PAs (tAM) 1 =na iMP (tAM) –we WE (functionally empty) 2 377 inflectional morphology restructuring in ache TENSE-ASPECT-MooD MARKiNG iN ACHE in Guaraní, tense-aspect-mood (tAM) are expressed via suffixes or enclitics, and a number of temporal adverbs. distinct morphemes are employed in the verbal and nominal domains. the data in examples (3-6) features the nominal future oriented modal –rã [fUt ] and the nominal past marker –kue [PAs ]. it is rather uncontroversial for n n all four Guaraní varieties that these markers are never used to mark tAM directly on verbal stems (see thomas, 2012, 2014 for a relevant analysis of Mbyá data). (3) Paraguayan Guaraní (4) Paraguayan Guaraní che–r–embireko–rã che–r–embireko–kue 1sG–r–wife–FUT 1sG–r–wife–PAS A N A N ‘my future wife/my fiancé’ ‘my ex–wife’ (5) Paraguayan Guaraní (6) Paraguayan Guaraní che–r–oga–rã che–r–oga–kue 1sG–r–house–FUT 1sG–r–house–PAS A N A N ‘my future house’ ‘my ex–house’ furthermore Guaraní contains the past time adverb kuri; alongside aspect markers, such as –ta [Pros ] or =ma V [CoMPL] (dietrich, 2011; thomas, 2012b, 2014; tonhauser, 2006). With exception of =ma [CoMPL], these elements are restricted to the verbal domain in all four languages out of the Guaraní cluster (7-10). tAM markers –rã [fUt ] n or –kue [PAs ] are never found directly attached to verbal roots, as illustrated in (7/9). n (7) Paraguayan Guaraní (8) Paraguayan Guaraní *che ro–h–echa–kue (che) ro–h–echa kuri 1sG ½–r–see–PAS 1sG ½–r–see ADV A N A (SiMPLE PAST) [intended: ‘i saw you.’] ‘i saw you.’ (9) Paraguayan Guaraní (10) Paraguayan Guaraní *che ro–h–echa–rã (che) ro–h–echa–ta 1sG ½sG–r–see–FUT 1sG ½sG–r–see–PRoS N V [intended: ‘i will see you.’] ‘i will see you’ it is not the goal of this paper to debate the exact classification and analysis of these elements in Guaraní, but rather to observe continuities and discontinuities of these structures within Ache grammar. in Ache cognates of the upper nominal tAM markers –rã and –kue are clearly retained, while the verbal marker –ta [Pros ] or adverbials such as V kuri are not6. the cognates of Guaraní nominal tAM are applied in Ache to nominal (11), stative intransitive (12), active 6 the –ta [Pros ] morpheme is used by younger Ache, often semi speakers of their language; it is recognized by Ache speakers as a V recent borrowing from Guaraní. 378 Bol. Mus. Para. Emílio Goeldi. Cienc. Hum., Belém, v. 10, n. 2, p. 371-393, maio-ago. 2015 intransitive (13) as well as transitive predicates (14). Hence, they are no longer restricted to a specific lexical category. Additionally, in Ache the past marker =we is phonologically equal to the morpheme –we ; which is historically derivable 1 2 from the Guaraní nominalizer –va’e [nLZ], exemplified in (17)7. (11) Ache – Ñacunday dialect (12) Ache – Ñacunday dialect krey=we gogi puku=rã 1 sun=PAS dEM tall=FUT ‘there was sun/there was light.’ ‘this one will be tall.’ (13) Ache – northern dialect (14) Ache – northern dialect cho wata=we=ma Cho prawo–we=rã cho tey=pe 1 2 1sG walk=PAS=CoMPL 1sG love–WE=fUt 1sG son=doM ‘i was already walking/ i had already walked.’ ‘i will love my son.’ in addition, (15) shows that these elements may occur independently on verbal predication and on nouns in argument function. Hence, no temporal agreement is required between predicates and their arguments8. (15) Ache – northern dialect Carlos wechã=we=ma idja breko=rã nPr see=PAS=CoMPL 3sG wife=FUT ‘Carlos saw (past) his fiancé (future wife).’ to complete the comparison, example (16) attests one more time that in Guaraní –rã [fUt ] renders a construction n ungrammatical when directly attached to a verbal stem. instead, a structure like in (17) is used in Guaraní languages. the morpheme –rã [fUt ] must co-occur with –va’e/–va [nLZ]; the nominalizer restricted to relative clauses (see footnote 7). n it is yet unclear, whether or not –va’e/–va [nLZ] retains its grammatical function in matrix structures (see thomas, 2014, for a preliminary analysis of equivalent Mbyá data). (16) Paraguayan Guaraní (17) Paraguayan Guaraní *Carlos o–japo–rã h–oga–rã Carlos o–japo–va’e–rã h–oga–rã nPr 3Ps–make–FUT r–house–fUt nPr 3Ps–make–nLZ–FUT r–house–fUt A n n A N n ‘Carlos will build a future-house.’ ‘Carlos will build a future-house.’ 7 this detail is not further discussed here, but it is important to show that not all markers with the phonologically shape of –we are past temporal marking devices in Ache. the enclitic historically related to the nominalizer in relative constructions is glossed as WE, as it is for now analyzed as empty in function, a support morpheme; it should be subject to future research. the hypothesis is that both items from Guaraní: va’e [nLZ] and –kwe [PAs ] turned into –we. in cases were they are expected to co-occur, one is eliminated by a phonological N rule; that is –we +we is banned. 2 1 8 this is true for both Ache and languages from the Guaraní cluster. 379 inflectional morphology restructuring in ache As mentioned above, future time reference on Guaraní verbs is frequently expressed via the verbal aspectual enclitic =ta [Pros ] yielding a prospective interpretation. V (18) Paraguayan Guaraní Carlos o–japo=ta h–oga–rã nPr 3PsA–make=PRoS r–house–fUt V n ‘Carlos will build a future–house’. Given this tAM data, one can conclude that Ache enclitics such as =rã and =we retained their original future or 1 past interpretation, but their category dependency has been altered as result of grammatical change. in Guaraní the elements –rã and –kue, although limited to a specific lexical category, are more flexible when it comes to the syntactic function of the tAM marked nouns. they can occur in both argument and predicative function, as shown in the following data from Ava-Guaraní: (19) Ava-Guaraní (20) Ava-Guaraní che–r–oga–rã che–r–embireko–rã 1sG–r–house–FUT 1sG–r–wife–FUT B N B N (a) ‘my future house’. (non-predicative) (a) ‘my future wife’. (non-predicative) (b) ‘i will have / own a house’. (predicative) (b) ‘i will have a wife / get married.’ (predicative) As pointed out earlier, Ache does not contain functionally active cognates of most tG derivational markers, especially when it comes to root nominalization. Mostly bare lexical stems are inserted into their syntactic slots. Here, i entertain the hypothesis that the latter feature of Guaraní grammar, namely the occurrence of nominal temporal markers within de-verbal nominal predication, may have facilitated reanalysis in the Ache tAM marking system. in a scenario of this kind, it was first and foremost the syntactic context of these morphemes that was ‘extended’ to all available predication types. the loss of lexical category constraints on tAM morphology is, thus, a side effect of morphosyntactic reanalysis in the realm of nominalization patterns. one more aspect of grammatical change within the tAM system of Ache is associated to the question of how the language copes with the lack of a wider range of tG specific tAM markers and temporal adverbs. Languages out of the Guaraní cluster exhibit the cross-linguistically rare phenomenon of tAM stacking mainly in nominal structures (nordlinger; sadler, 2004; tonhauser, 2006, 2007). the term temporal morpheme stacking refers to a scoped sequence of several tense-aspect-mood markers attached to a single root. this is a way to encode morphologically complex temporal notions, like in English expressions such as ‘future ex-husband’ or ‘former future president’. However, the following examples show that tAM stacking is highly restricted in Guaraní. the contrast between (21) and (22) demonstrates that only one stacking order of the two nominal tAM markers is possible in Guaraní, namely the [fUt +PAs ] order which yields a counterfactual interpretation. the opposite n n order [PAs +fUt ] renders the example ungrammatical. n n 380