Indigenous agroforestry practices in the Cordillera 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 1.1 Title of practice or experience Indigenous agroforestry practices in the Cordillera, Philippines 1.2 Category of practice/experience and brief description Agroforestry management has become a key term in environmental con- servation. The wealth of knowledge among forest dwellers gives an insight into the centuries of practice and experience that are embedded in the cultures of indigenous peoples and other forest dwellers. This knowledge, however, has been eroded with inappropriate development initiatives being imposed on indigenous and rural communities. Environmental management, as part of the indigenous peoples’ daily life, includes the management of available resources. For the indigenous peoples of the Cordillera, Philippines, this, in the main, is the forest since most of the habitat of the Cordillera indigenous peoples is in the forests. 1.3 Name of person or institution responsible for the practice or experience Selected villages in the provinces of the Cordillera region, Philippines I .4 Name and position of key or relevant persons or officials involved The practices described here started centuries ago, were developed over generations, and are still being practiced by the indigenous people of the Cordillera. The practitioners of woodlot management are clans, families or individuals. Thus, it is difficult to name any particular individual involved in the practices. However, the Montanosa Research and Development Center (MRDC), which is based in Sagada, Mountain Province, can be contacted for INDIGENOUS AGROFORESTRY PRACTICES IN THE CORDILLERA 99 exposure to villages where these kinds of agroforestry practices exist. Mathew Tauli is the Executive Director of MRDC. 1.5 Details of institution (a) Address: Makamkamlis, Sagada, Mountain Province, Philippines 1.6 Name of person and/or institution conducting the research Bernice A. See, Researcher, Tebtebba Foundation, Inc. (Indigenous People’s International Center for Policy Research and Education) Gigi Sarfati, Researcher, Tebtebba Foundation 1.7 Details of research person/institution (a) Address: Rm. 3B Agpaoa Compound, 11 1 Upper General Luna Road, 2600 Baguio City, Philippines (b) Telephone:++ (63) (74) 444 7703 ++ (c) Fax: (63) (74) 443 9459 (d) E-Mail: [email protected] 2. THE PROBLEM OR SITUATION BEING ADDRESSED BY THE PRACTICE/INNOVATIVE EXPERIENCE Agroforestry has been defined as “a collective name of land-use systems and technologies where woody perennials (trees, shrubs, palms, bamboos, etc.) are deliberately used in the same land management unit as agricultural crops and/or animals either in some form of spatial arrangement or temporal sequence.” (Lasco, 1986) There is no word for “agroforestry” in the Cordillera region of the Philip- pine archipelago. But the land and forest are part of the life of the indigenous peoples of the region. And they have practiced systems that nurture the land and forest for centuries. For the Igorots of the Cordillera, the forests are more than just sources of wood, lumber, and exotic plant and animal species; the land is life itself. It is the source of their food, it is their wealth, it is the playground and training ground of their children, it is their home. They must nurture the land and the forests so it shall remain capable of nurturing them. Religious and traditional beliefs, practices and rituals have evolved out of the people’s relationship with the land and the forest. Socio-political institu- tions also play a significant role in the control, use and management of lands, 100 PART 11: INDIGENOUSA ND TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES in addition to determining a tribe or clan’s territorial boundaries. The land and the forest play an important role not only in the economic aspect of their life, but also in the development of their culture and religion, their socio-political systems and their community in general. “Igorot” is the collective term used to refer to the indigenous peoples in the Cordillera region of the northern Philippines. These include the Bontocs, Kalingas and Apayaos; the Ibalois, Kankanais, Isnegs and the Ifugaos (though the Ifugaos simply prefer to be called Ifugaos). The region is presently divided into five provinces, namely, Kalinga Apayao, Mountain Province, Abra, Ifugao and Benguet. The region is so named because it is a cord of mountains that form the backbone of the northern part of Luzon, the Gran Cordillera, the highest and largest mountain range in the Philippines. It is characterized by steep terrain and some of the high peaks in the Philippines. There are three main types of forests found in the Cordillera. These are the dipterocarp, the Benguet pine and mossy forests. These forests make the Cordillera a rich source of hardwood, pine products, pulp, and a wide variety of plant and animal species. The dipterocarp forest of Apayao (an area covered by the province of Kalinga Apayao in the Cordillera region) is thickly vegetated with natural timber forest species like the apitong (Dipterocarpus grandiflorus), white lauan (Shorea contorta), red lauan (Shorea negrosensis), yakal (Shorea astylosa), tangile (Shorea polysperma), mayapis (Shorea palosapis) and guijo (Shorea guiso) (Viray, 1992). The people use this for building houses and for furnish- ings inside their homes. The soil in the Apayao area of the Cordillera region is generally fertile. The abundance of vegetation in the area proves this. Various moss species are also found in some areas and the proliferation of ferns indicates a high content of nitrogen, phosphorous and potassium compounds. Other minor forest prod- ucts, non-timber forest products and medicinal plants are also abundant in the area. In addition, there are scattered species of orchids and ornamental plants. Rattan, pandan, palms like ubod, anahaw and taraw, as well as different bam- boo species are also abundant. The indigenous people utilize these for weav- ing baskets and other native handicrafts which they use in their homes and as containers for the seeds and other crops (usually tubers) which they gather from their farms. The mossy forests of the Cordillera are characterized by stunted tree veg- etation usually covered with mosses, lichens, liverworts, epiphytic herbs and ferns, rattans, pandanus, strange bottle-shaped myrmecodias as well as shrubs and climbers of many different families (Viray, 1992). Though oak species and mosses are the dominant vegetation in this type of forest, rare orchids, INDIGENOUS AGROFORESTRY PRACTICES IN THE CORDILLERA 101 wild food and medicinal plants also abound. The faunal composition in mossy forests includes the Philippine deer (Cervus sp.), the wild pig (Sus celebensis),t ree shrews (Tupaia sp. and Urogale sp.) and ground shrews (Suncus sp. and Crocidura sp.). It has been reported that in Mt. Polis (also called Mt. Amuyao), a mossy forest located at the pro- vincial boundary of the Mountain Province and Ifugao, both within the Cordillera region, wild deer, monkeys and wild pigs can still be sighted in certain areas. Some people also believe that this particular forest serves as a transit area for migratory birds (Estigoy, 1995). Meanwhile, pine trees grow well in the high plateaus of the Cordillera mountains. The Benguet pine (Pinus insularis) is the only pine species in the region (Viray, 1992). The natural pine stands, which are valuable sources of fuel called saling because of their resin content, are generally quite open and subject to frequent fires. The wildlife present in Cordillera’s pine forests in- cludes rats of the genera Crateromys and Phloemys. Avian species like Zosterops, Dicaeum, Neotarinia, Pyrrhula, Loxia and Erythrura can also be found here. The geophysical feature of the region gives it a climate that is the coldest in the country, especially from November to February. There are two marked seasons - dry and wet. The dry and wet seasons vary by province, but gener- ally, the dry season starts in about November and lasts up to April. After- wards, summer rains come to start the wet season. From July to October, typhoons occur. Observations in recent years have shown some shifting in the arrival and occurrence of typhoons and even of the wet and dry seasons. Lo- cal sources claim that these changes could be effects of the region’s slowly disappearing forests. In the past, some government agencies have blamed the people’s slash- and-burn (kaingin) farming for the destruction of the forests. But the people claim otherwise. They say they have been practicing their indigenous systems of farming for centuries and have maintained the richness of the forest. Mean- while, local sources said, the government has been granting not only logging concessions to foreigners and the rich Filipino elite but also mining privileges to different foreign corporations. These, they say, along with other so-called development projects imposed upon the people in the region, are the reasons behind the loss of the Cordillera’s rich forests. 3. DESCRIPTION OF THE PRACTICE/INNOVATIVE EXPERIENCE AND ITS MAIN FEATURES Among the different indigenous peoples in the Cordillera, several varia- tions of agroforestry management and development have evolved. The settle- 102 PART II: INDIGENOUS AND TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES ment patterns, climate, socio-political organization of the settlements and the vegetation in the area have something to do with the variations. But all the community groups have developed a system of caring for the land and forests. This occurrence is rooted in their common concept of land. Indigenous concepts The people view themselves as stewards or caretakers of the land. “The land was considered free to anyone who was willing to till or develop it. They did not ‘own’ the land as it was not to be ‘owned’ but to be treasured and drawn life sustenance from ...” The indigenous peoples could not, would not, recognize claims of ownership based on pieces of paper and deeds of titles. “How,” a famed tribal leader and martyr had once said, “can man own some- thing which will outlive him?” (Angelo and Reyes, 1987). “Ownership of the land, of the trees which grow from it, of the wealth in its bowels, or of the grains and tubers it could be impregnated with, was a temporary gift of the gods and nature to whoever of them would till or dig, extract or harvest the same for their needs.” It was within this “matrix of meaning” that the indigenous peoples of the Cordillera recognized “owner- ship’’ of the land by those who use the land. And it is within this context that they cared for the land as they used it (Angelo and Reyes, 1987). The land, forests, rivers and other natural resources were held in common by the tribe or indigenous inhabitants of a specific area. Certain irrigated rice fields and woodlots, meanwhile, could be “owned” privately by kinship groups. But these types of “ownership”, especially of the woodlots, were more indi- cations of responsibility than of ownership as understood by Westerners. For instance, those who “owned” woodlots had the social responsibility to safe- guard and nurture the woodlots. Other people who wanted to access the re- sources (wood for fuel, etc.) within that woodlot could do so, but with permis- sion from the owner, who is expected to guide that person through the process and inform him about which branches of what tree could be cut and which could not. The one who was granted permission, on the other hand, also has the obligation to take care of the woodlot, as he has benefited from it. He must contribute to nurturing the woodlot by clearing or weeding a certain area within the woodlot before he leaves. No exchange of cash takes place, only of obli- gations and responsibilities to the land that commonly provides for them. Weaver (1979) listed several requirements for a viable agroforestry sys- tem, which include the conservation of soil and water; crop diversification to reduce the risks of plague and infestation; and an emphasis on crops with low fertility requirements. Sajise (1979) mentioned several ecological guidelines for agroforestry development in the Philippines. He stated that the system INDIGENOUS AGROFORESTRY PRACTICES IN THE CORDILLERA 103 should not only be productive but also be protective. It should prevent soil erosion and maintain genetic diversity and stabilize the hydrologic character and microclimate of the area. He added that the system must also attempt to utilize more biologically-sustainable inputs and indigenous resources instead of fossil-based fuel and external inputs. Similarly, Riategui (1979) enumerated several natural principles on which an integrated agricultural, livestock and forestry production system should be based. First is the principle of diversification of species in a single unit area. Riategui observed this to be a general rule in nature. Things grow in a diversi- fied, mixed or combined way, he said. Another is the principle of restoration of soil fertility. This, he said, is accomplished by the continual accumulation of organic matter in the surface of the soil and by the recirculation of nutrients between the soil and the forest. Many of the indigenous people of the Cordillera were unable to study in academic institutions, and most are unable to articulate their beliefs and prac- tices in a language considered “scientific” by many scholars and scientists. But they have, through the ages, admirably adhered to these very same re- quirements and guidelines. Most of the guidelines and principles they hold are in their own language and are based on ages of experience, on their cus- toms, traditions and spiritual beliefs. The main economic activity of the people is wet rice terrace or pond field farming. The terraces are their main source of food. But they also engage in swidden farming as an additional source and to ensure food supply in case of terrace damage. Aside from these, the people also use the forest as an impor- tant source of lumber, fuel, water and additional food. According to the peo- ple, the forests also protect their surroundings, especially their pond fields, from erosion. Their traditional knowledge and systems evolved through centuries of practice, repeated and developed by each generation and, in turn, sustaining and developing each generation. Their deep understanding of the interrela- tionship of natural forces and how man can maximize its use without destroy- ing it, has sustained not just a family or a clan but whole communities; and not just for years but for centuries. Academic scholars claim these practices are not scientific. But for the indigenous people, the question is not whether a practice can be considered scientific or not. The question is whether it works or not. The rice terraces of Ifugao The province of Ifugao is characterized by rugged mountains, massive forests and rivers, and by gently rolling hills and plateaus. It is bounded on the 104 PART II: INDIGENOUS AND TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES north by the Mountain Province and on the west by Benguet. The Mt. Polis range separates the provinces of Benguet and the Mountain Province from Ifugao. On its southwest stands Mt. Pulog, the second highest mountain in the entire country. Ten municipalities comprise the province, one of which is Banaue, the most popular because of the famed Banaue Rice Terraces. The rice terraces of Ifugao have been called by many as the “Eighth Won- der of the World” not only because of their scenic beauty, but also because of the incredible skill and ingenuity with which they have been built by genera- tions of indigenous people. They are farmers, engineers, artists and ecologists rolled into one. Building rice terraces is not only labor-intensive, it also requires an in- depth understanding of the different natural forces at work in a mountainous terrain where one wants to plant agricultural crops. “In building a terrace, first, the farmer has to look for a place where the slope is not so steep, where there is enough water supply, where earth materials are available and the soil is fertile; and where there is enough space for future expansion of the genera- tions to come. In olden times, one also had to consider the security and defense of the land in choosing a location” (Angelo and Reyes, 1987). A location that meets all these requirements is not easy to find. And when found, the indigenous farmers face the more difficult task of “engineering the forces of the earth” and organizing themselves for the momentous task of shaping the mountains for their survival. If the people are unable to find a location near a water source for the irrigation of their fields, they construct additional irrigation canals, sometimes several kilometers long, from the wa- ter source to the pond fields. These canals are likewise used as vehicles for transporting the soil and stones they need for the construction of the stone- walls. More often though, the large stones are carried up the mountains manu- ally from the riverbed below the mountains. The people cut a level area into the hill and build a stonewall to retain the soil. They set aside the topsoil and fill the foundation with levels of sand and gravel of varying coarseness. Clay is used to cement or line the walls and make the terrace waterproof. More earth materials are filled in while the stone- wall is built up to the appropriate height. The terrace is then filled with the topsoil (Bever, 1955; Conklin, 1980). The terrace builder also considers the type and quality of the stones to be used in building the stonewall. Not any stone would do, and not any shape would fit. In addition to this, the builder must also remember to put jutting stones at the right places to serve as climbing steps most needed while tending the farm. But most important, he must find a way for the water to pass evenly throughout all the levels of the terraces. In relation to water flow, the builder also sees to it that the terraces do not disturb the contour of the mountain. INDIGENOUS AGROFORESTRY PRACTICES IN THE CORDILLERA 105 Otherwise, a landslide could occur and bury the pond fields, destroying all that has been accomplished (Angelo and Reyes, 1987). After the construction of the terrace, its maintenance becomes a periodic task. The retaining stonewalls have to be cleaned. Weeds that weaken and crumble the walls are removed (Angelo and Reyes, 1987). The same is done for the waterways or canals which provide water to the paddy. After heavy rains or a typhoon, and also after the harvest period, repairs are done on the rice terraces. The Ifugao system of forest management The Ifugaos practice a system they call rnuyong or pinugo. The muyong or pinugo is the Ifugao version of the woodlot. Many say the practice is as old as the rice terraces. It is, so far, the most studied agroforestry practice in the Cordillera. From the muyong, the family or clan gets its fuel, lumber for housing and woodcarving, and some food. Nowadays, cash crops and fruit-bearing trees planted in the muyong have also become an additional source of income for the people. In addition to these, the Ifugaos also claim the muyong is the best preventive measure against soil erosion. But the most important role of the muyong is that of a watershed. In one Ifugao community that was studied, “the maintenance of the muyung was directly related to ricefield cultivation, such that the primary responsibil- ity of the ricefield owners was to maintain a certain muyung from where their irrigation comes” (Montanosa Research and Development Center, 1992). The people usually choose to develop a certain portion of the mountains that is located just above their rice terraces, near their settlement. And because it is near a settlement, it is easily guarded and taken care of, while conveniently supplying their terraces with the much-needed irrigation. The muyong may seem like a wild forest to the untrained eye, but it is actually a carefully managed resource, either communally, by a clan or family or even individually (Montanosa Research and Development Center, 1992). The borders of the muyong or pinugo are delineated not by fences but by neat squares or rows of tall trees, natural terrain features, and occasionally-cleared stretches of low-grown plants (Cordillera Schools Group Series, Volume I, 1987). The size of a muyong or pinugo ranges from a few hundred square meters to around five hectares. The size as well as its quality varies, depend- ing on the size of the rice terrace or pond field of its owners. It is most often an area that used to be a swidden farm. After four or five years of use as a swidden farm, the Ifugaos allow trees and other plant species to regenerate themselves. Afterwards, the area is cleared of weeds and other undesirable plant species that hamper the growth of the more important plant and tree varieties. 106 PART II: INDIGENOUS AND TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES Fruit-bearing trees, like varieties of oranges, or betel nuts, coffee and ba- nana, are then planted in the area. Other trees that can be sources of lumber are also planted. Examples of these are the galiagiwon tree which is used for house posts, the hawili tree, for beams, the strong bakkuwog tree for flooring and walls, and the polayon, which is a fast-growing tree used for ceilings and for firewood (Cordillera Schools Group Series, Volume I, 1987). Other hard- wood species that can be found in muyongs or pinugos are molave, lauan, dapdap, yakal and yemane. Robusta coffee and other cash crops are also planted. These data clearly show how the Ifugaos maintain plant diversity in man- aging their muyong. They have very specific ideas on tree-crop combination, which they base on the economic value of the trees, plants and crops, as well as on their religious uses (Codamon, 1990). Furthermore, the species tradi- tionally planted in the muyong also serve to prevent soil erosion and maintain soil fertility. Not just anyone is allowed entry into a muyong. Ifugao customary laws open the cultivation of the muyong to clan members only, as the muyong is considered to be clan- or family-owned. And only members of the family or clan which owns the muyong or pinugo can access its resources freely. Other members of the community which want to use the resources of a pinugo will first have to secure the permission of the head of the family or clan which owns it. Oftentimes, non-members of the clan are allowed to cut only branches of trees. But during times of need, like the death of a member of the village, access to lumber that is to be used to make the coffin of the deceased is granted. If granted permission to enter the muyong, there is an unspoken under- standing that one has the obligation to perform tasks that help maintain the muyong or pinugo. The person granted permission usually cleans up the place of debris, cuts weeds or any undesirable species that hampers the growth of the more valued plants and trees. Tribal leaders say “the pinugo or muyong practice is a result of the strict act of tribal laws designed to guarantee protection of the forest environment” (Angelo and Reyes, 1987). Stealing firewood, for instance, from another per- son’s pinugo is prohibited. The act is considered a most serious crime. A study conducted by the Montanosa Research and Development Center has found that, “fire is recognized as a major controlling factor to muyung development.” The indigenous people are careful to guard the muyong from fires. Strict penalties, such as the multa (heavy fines), are imposed on those responsible for the fire getting into the muyong. It is also said that violations of the law pertaining to the use and management of the pinugo or muyong were punished accordingly: a fine of two chickens as the minimum penalty; a pig or carabao as the medium penalty; and an entire ricefield and ostracism as INDIGENOUS AGROFORESTRY PRACTICES IN THE CORDILLERA 107 the maximum penalty. It was added, though, that the people seldom broke these laws because each understood the need for maintaining the forest cover (Ibid.) In the past, before the introduction of the cash economy in the Cordillera, commercialization of the products that could be taken from the muyong was prohibited. This practice served to prevent the depletion of the muyong’s re- sources and helped fruit-bearing trees reproduce naturally. But at present, es- pecially in areas where fruit trees abound, cash crops and fruits from the trees have become an additional source of income for the family or clan which owns the muyong (Codamon, 1990). To prevent the depletion of the muyong’s resources, the management and care of the area is given more time and atten- tion. Eudes Enkiwe (1996), a native of Mayoyao, Ifugao and a pinugo practi- tioner-owner, listed some of the following indigenous techniques for the man- agement and care of the muyong or pinugo. An interview with another native of Ifugao, as well as several other secondary materials, also claimed these techniques were being used by the people of Ifugao, though they used differ- ent terms for the methods: (a) Underbrushing: The pinugo is frequently underbrushed, especially during the dry season, or as the need arises, in order to get rid of the prolific rono (Miscanthus chinenses), shrubs and other species of grass which com- pete for nutrient intake and prevent or control the growth of tree wildings. According to pinugo owners, a pinugo that is constantly cleaned and main- tained also deters illegal cutters from entering it because a well-tended pinugo explicitly implies ownership of the area. Thus, this method is also a way of protecting the pinugo or muyong owners’ interests. (b) Thinning Thinning activities are employed on heavily populated or overcrowded portions of the pinugo through the cutting of mature trees, less robust or unhealthy trees and overcrowded coppice of cut trees. This method gives the favored trees (trees they value highly for lumber and fruit-bearing trees) the chance to grow faster and better. (c) Replenishment of sparsely populated areas: Sparsely populated ar- eas of the pinugo are replenished by planting other tree species, especially the premium ones taken from adjacent areas or from communal forests farther away from the settlement. (d) Removal of poisonous trees, shrubs and climbing vines: Trees, shrubs and vines that have poisonous leaves, fruits, sap and hair are cut down and prevented from reproducing. This is done to protect its owners from be- ing poisoned. (e) Pruning: The owners of a pinugo also employ pruning. Excess branches of young and maturing trees are removed to facilitate their perfect growth and help the tree stem to straighten as it grows to maturity. Excess