Improvised Music after 1950: Afrological and Eurological Perspectives Author(s): George E. Lewis Source: Black Music Research Journal, Vol. 16, No. 1, (Spring, 1996), pp. 91-122 Published by: Center for Black Music Research - Columbia College Chicago and University of Illinois Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/779379 Accessed: 23/07/2008 16:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cbmr. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org IMPROVISEDM USIC AFTER 1950: AFROLOGICALA ND EUROLOGICALP ERSPECTIVES GEORGEE. LEWIS Since the early 1950s controversy over the nature and function of im- provisation in musical expression has occupied considerable attention among improvisers, composers, performers, and theorists active in that sociomusical art world that has constructed itself in terms of an assumed high-culture bond between selected sectors of the European and Ameri- can musical landscapes. Prior to 1950 the work of many composers oper- ating in this art world tended to be completely notated, using a well- known, European-derived system. After 1950 composers began to experiment with open forms and with more personally expressive sys- tems of notation. Moreover, these composers began to designate salient aspects of a composition as performer-supplied rather than composer- specified, thereby renewing an interest in the generation of musical struc- ture in real time as a formal aspect of a composed work. After a gap of nearly one hundred and fifty years, during which real- time generation of musical structure had been nearly eliminated from the musical activity of this Western or "pan-European" tradition, the postwar putative heirs to this tradition have promulgated renewed investigation of real-time forms of musicality, including a direct confrontation with the role of improvisation. This ongoing reappraisal of improvisation may be due in no small measure to musical and social events taking place in quite a different sector of the overall musical landscape. In particular, the anointing, since the early 1950s, of various forms of "jazz," the African- American musical constellation most commonly associated with the ex- GEORGEE. LEWISP, rofessoro f Music in the CriticalS tudies/ExperimentalP racticesp ro- gram at the University of California,S an Diego, is an improviser-trombonistc, omposer, performer,a nd computer-installationa rtist.L ewis is a 25-yearm ember of the Association for the Advancemento f CreativeM usicians.H e has presentedh is interdisciplinaryc ompo- sitions in many countriesa roundt he world and on more than ninety sound recordings. 91 92 BMR Journal ploration of improvisation in both Europe and America, as a form of "art" has in all likelihood been a salient stimulating factor in this reevaluation of the possibilities of improvisation. Already active in the 1940s, a group of radical young black American improvisers, for the most part lacking access to economic and political re- sources often taken for granted in high-culture musical circles, nonethe- less posed potent challenges to Wester notions of structure, form, com- munication, and expression. These improvisers, while cognizant of Western musical tradition, located and centered their modes of musical expression within a stream emanating largely from African and African- American cultural and social history. The international influence and dis- semination of their music, dubbed "bebop," as well as the strong influ- ences coming from later forms of "jazz," has resulted in the emergence of new sites for transnational, transcultural improvisative musical activity. In particular, a strong circumstantial case can be made for the proposi- tion that the emergence of these new, vigorous, and highly influential improvisative forms provided an impetus for musical workers in other traditions, particularly European and American composers active in the construction of a transnational European-based tradition, to come to grips with some of the implications of musical improvisation. This con- frontation, however, took place amid an ongoing narrative of dismissal, on the part of many of these composers, of the tenets of African-Ameri- can improvisative forms. Moreover, texts documenting the musical products of the American version of the move to incorporate real-time music-making into compo- sition often present this activity as a part of "American music since 1945," a construct almost invariably theorized as emanating almost exclusively from a generally venerated stream of European cultural, social, and in- tellectual history-the "Western tradition." In such texts, an attempted erasure or denial of the impact of African-American forms on the real- time work of European and Euro-American composers is commonly as- serted. This denial itself, however, drew the outlines of a space where impro- visation as a theoretical construct could clearly be viewed as a site not only for music-theoretical contention but for social and cultural competi- tion between musicians representing improvisative and compositional modes of musical discourse. The theoretical and practical positions taken with regard to improvisation in this post-1950 Euro-American tradition exhibit broad areas of both confluence and contrast with those emerging from musical art worlds strongly influenced by African-American im- provisative musics. This essay attempts to historically and philosophically deconstruct as- Lewis * Improvised Music After 1950 93 pects of the musical belief systems that ground African-American and European (including European-American) real-time music-making, ana- lyzing the articulation and resolution of both musical and what were once called "extramusical" issues. This analysis adopts as critical tools two complementary connotative adjectives, "Afrological" and "Eurolog- ical." These terms refer metaphorically to musical belief systems and be- havior which, in my view, exemplify particular kinds of musical "logic." At the same time, these terms are intended to historicize the particulari- ty of perspective characteristic of two systems that have evolved in such divergent cultural environments. Improvisative musical utterance, like any music, may be interpreted with reference to historical and cultural contexts. The history of sanc- tions, segregation, and slavery, imposed upon African Americans by the dominant white American culture, has undoubtedly influenced the evo- lution of a sociomusical belief system that differs in critical respects from that which has emerged from the dominant culture itself. Commentary on improvisation since 1950 has often centered around several key issues, the articulation of which differs markedly according to the cultural back- ground of the commentators-even when two informants, each ground- ed in a different system of belief, are ostensibly discussing the same music. Thus, my construction of "Afrological" and "Eurological" systems of improvisative musicality refers to social and cultural location and is the- orized here as historically emergent rather than ethnically essential, thereby accounting for the reality of transcultural and transracial com- munication among improvisers. For example, African-American music, like any music, can be performed by a person of any "race" without los- ing its character as historically Afrological, just as a performance of Kar- natic vocal music by Terry Riley does not transform the raga into a Euro- logical music form. My constructions make no attempt to delineate ethnicity or race, although they are designed to ensure that the reality of the ethnic or racial component of a historically emergent sociomusical group must be faced squarely and honestly. In developing a hermeneutics of improvisative music, the study of two major American postwar real-time traditions is key. These traditions are exemplified by the two towering figures of 1950s American experimental musics-Charlie "Bird" Parker and John Cage. The work of these two crucially important music-makers has had important implications not only within their respective traditions but intertraditionally as well. The compositions of both artists are widely influential, but I would submit 94 BMR Journal that it is their real-time work that has had the widest impact upon world musical culture. The musics made by these two artists, and by their suc- cessors, may be seen as exemplifying two very different conceptions of real-time music-making. These differences encompass not only music but areas once thought of as "extra-musical," including race and ethnicity, class, and social and political philosophy. Bird In the musical domain, improvisation is neither a style of music nor a body of musical techniques. Structure, meaning, and context in musical improvisation arise from the domain-specific analysis, generation, ma- nipulation, and transformation of sonic symbols. Jazz, a largely impro- visative musical form, has long been explicitly and fundamentally con- cerned with these and other structural issues. For African-American improvisers, however, sonic symbolism is often constructed with a view toward social instrumentality as well as form. New improvisative and compositional styles are often identified with ideals of race advancement and, more importantly, as resistive ripostes to perceived opposition to black social expression and economic advancement by the dominant white American culture. Ebullient, incisive, and transgressive, the so-called "bebop" movement brought this theme of resistance to international attention. Influencing musicality worldwide, the movement posed both implicit and explicit challenges to Western notions of structure, form, and expression. In the United States, the challenge of bop, as exemplified by the work of Char- lie "Bird" Parker, Dizzy Gillespie, Thelonious Monk, Bud Powell, and Kenny "Klook" Clarke, obliged the dominant European-American cul- ture to come to grips, if not to terms, with Afrological aesthetics. Bop improvisers, like earlier generations of jazz improvisers, used "heads," or precomposed melodic material, as starting points for a piece. Bop heads, however, as Gridley (1994, 165) points out, "resembled little or nothing that the average listener had heard before." In a further ab- straction, bebop improvisers felt no obligation to use the melodic mater- ial of the "head" as material for improvisational transformation. Instead, the underlying harmonic sequence, usually subjected to extensive re- working by the improvisers, became the basis for improvisation. Often this harmonic material was appropriated from the popular show tunes of the day, linking this music with earlier jazz styles. The musicians often "signified on" the tunes, replacing the melodic line with another, then naming the new piece in an ironic signifying riff on Tm Pan Alley as well as upon the dominant culture that produced it. Lewis * Improvised Music After 1950 95 Bebop raised the stakes in the game of cultural thrust and parry to a new level of intensity, providing models of both individual and collective creativity that were adopted and extended during later periods in impro- vised music. The outlines of this model are well described by Walton (1972, 95), who characterizes bebop as requiring "concentrated listening, allowing an expansion of self through identification with the symbolic communication of the performer." Moreover, through extensive improvi- sation, each performance of a given bebop "piece" could become unique, different in many respects from the last. Even in many strains of Afrolog- ical improvisative practice today, the generative and interactional aspects of how the roles of both improviser and listener are constructed carries distinct traces of the attitudes promulgated by bebop improvisers. Bebop's challenge to the dominant culture was not limited to musical concerns; in fact, bebop musicians challenged traditional notions of intra- and extra-musicality. The composer and improviser Anthony Braxton (1985, 124) comments that "bebop had to do with understanding the real- ness of black people's actual position in America." Frank Kofsky (1970, 270-271) quotes Langston Hughes's blues signifyin' on bebop's origins in "the police beating Negroes' heads ... that old club says, 'BOP! BOP!... BE-BOP! ... That's where Be-Bop came from, beaten right out of some Negro's head into them horns." In Blues People, Amiri Baraka (then LeRoi Jones) asserts that bebop "had more than an accidental implication of social upheaval associated with it" (Jones 1963, 188). For the bebop musicians this upheaval had a great deal to do with the assertion of self-determination with regard to their role as musical artists. While jazz has always existed in the inter- stices between Western definitions of concert music and entertainment, between the commercial and the experimental, challenging the assigned role of the jazz musician as entertainer created new possibilities for the construction of an African-American improvisative musicality that could define itself as explicitly experimental. This radical redefinition was viewed as a direct challenge, by exten- sion, to the entire social order as it applied to blacks in 1940s apartheid America: "The young Negro musician of the forties began to realize that merely by being a Negro in America, one was a nonconformist" (Jones 1963, 188). Indeed, the musicians were often called "crazy"-an appella- tion often assigned to oppositional forces, either by the dominant order itself or by members of an oppressed group who, however onerous their present situation, are fearful of the consequences of change. 96 BMR Journal Cage In his essay exploring improvisation, the theorist Carl Dahlhaus pro- vides us with five defining characteristics of a musical work that, in his view, must be present for the work to be considered a composition. These characteristics are interconnected in a kind of logically daisy-chained sen- tence, which I will present in exploded form. According to Dahlhaus, a composition is, first, an individually com- plete structure in itself ("ein in sich geschlossenes, individuelles Gebilde"). Second, this structure must be fully worked-out ("ausgear- beitet"). Third and fourth, it is fixed in written form ("schriftlich fixiert") in order to be performed ("um aufgefiihrt zu werden"). Finally, what is worked-out and notated must constitute the essential part of the aesthet- ic object that is constituted in the consciousness of the listener' (Dahlhaus 1979, 10-11). That these five characteristics identify the very notion of composition as European in nature is asserted by Dahlhaus at several points. The di- alectic between composition and notation, according to Dahlhaus, is crit- ical to the notion of composition itself. Compositions that are worked-out without being notated, in Dahlhaus's view, are neither compositions nor improvisations (21). Dahlhaus, however, does not present his own view about just what such a hybrid might be called or how, given his defini- tional stance, the nature of such music might be accounted for theoreti- cally. Recognizing that his definition excludes much non-European music, Dahlhaus consoles the reader with the thought that some things simply are what they are: "A historian who hesitates to describe a piece of non- European music as composition gives, by so doing, no understanding that he values it any the less"2 (22). In any event, given the explicitly par- ticularist nature of Dahlhaus's theory, characterizing it as prototypically Eurological should present no great analytical obstacles. The work of John Cage presents an explicit challenge to this fixed no- tion of composition. Like Bird, the activity of Cage and his associates, such as Christian Wolff, David Tudor, Morton Feldman, and Earle Brown, had profound and wide-ranging influence not only in the musical, liter- ary, and visual domains but socially and culturally as well. The musical and theoretical work of these composers can be credited with radically re- constructing Eurological composition; the trenchancy of this reconstruc- tion involved in large measure the resurrection of Eurological modes of 1. Das Ausgearbeitete und Notierte den essentiellen Teil des asthetischen Gegenstandes ausmacht, der sich im BewuS3tsein des Horers konstituiert. 2. Ein Historiker, der zogert, ein Stuck auLereuropaische Musik als Komposition zu beze- ichnen, gibt dadurch keineswegs zu erkennen, da1i er es gering schatzt. Lewis * Improvised Music After 1950 97 real-time musical discourse, often approaching an explicitly impro- visative sensibility. Along with his associates, Cage was responsible for the entrance into musical history of the term "indeterminacy." Cage's essay on indetermi- nacy from Silence (Cage 1961, 35-40) presents examples of "indetermi- nate" elements in European music from the last two centuries, from Karl- heinz Stockhausen's Klavierstiick XI to J. S. Bach's Art of the Fugue. According to Cage, Bach's non-specification of timbre and amplitude characteristics identifies these elements not as absent but simply as non- determined but necessary material, to be realized by a performer. The construction as indeterminate of non-specified elements in the Bach work allows "the possibility of a unique overtone structure and decibel range for each performance" (35). The performer's function in this case is "com- parable to that of someone filling in color where outlines are given" (35). Later descriptions of indeterminacy, such as that advanced by Elliott Schwartz and Daniel Godfrey (1993) in their survey text on "music since 1945," define a musical factor as indeterminate "if it is dictated by chance and operates without any links to other factors" (92). Cage's own initial definition of indeterminacy, however, did not necessarily include the use of chance as a salient factor. In Silence, Cage (1961, 35) provides several methods, unranked as to preference, by which the performer may realize the indeterminate aspects of the Art of the Fugue: "feeling his way, fol- lowing the dictates of his ego ... following his taste ... employing some operation exterior to his mind: tables of random numbers ... or chance operations, identifying there with no matter what eventuality." Another of Cage's lasting contributions to both compositional and im- provisative method is the radical use of these "chance operations." The 1951 Music of Changes was composed by Cage using the ancient Chinese oracular method known as the I Ching, or Booko f Changes,t o generate mu- sical material within parameters chosen by the composer. The object of the use of the I Ching, as described by the composer himself in explaining his compositional process for the Music of Changes, is the creation of "a musical composition the continuity of which is free of individual taste and memory (psychology) and also of the literature and 'traditions' of the art" (Cage 1961, 59). In this regard, Cage consistently maintains that "sounds are to come into their own, rather than being exploited to ex- press sentiments or ideas of order" (69). Cage, though perhaps not the first to promulgate the concept of the ex- perimental in music, did provide, in his important manifesto, Silence, sev- eral working definitions for the term "experimental music." The com- poser has written that "an experimental action is one the outcome of which is not foreseen" and is "necessarily unique" (39). Cage's notion of 98 BMR Journal spontaneity and uniqueness was informed by his studies of Zen and in particular by his attendance at Daisetz Suzuki's early 1950s lectures on that subject in New York City (Revill 1992, 108-110). That this view of music would have social implications was fully rec- ognized by Cage himself. Indeed, Cage's social and philosophical views form a prominent part of the literature about him. In the Kostelanetz in- terviews from 1987, Cage explicitly addresses his own essential anar- chism at several points (Kostelanetz 1987, 266). Connecting his view of sound to his anarchism, the composer expresses his need for "a music in which not only are sounds just sounds but in which people are just peo- ple, not subject, that is, to laws established by any one of them, even if he is 'the composer' or 'the conductor.'... Freedom of movement is basic to both this art and this society" (257). Cage's notion of social instrumentality, however, does not connect this very American notion of freedom-perhaps reminiscent of the frontier myth-to any kind of struggle that might be required in order to obtain it. The composer denies the utility of protest, maintaining that "my no- tion of how to proceed in a society to bring change is not to protest the thing that is evil, but rather to let it die its own death.... Protests about these things, contrary to what has been said, will give it the kind of life that a fire is given when you fan it, and that it would be best to ignore it, put your attention elsewhere, take actions of another kind of positive na- ture" (Kostelanetz 1987, 265-266). In terms of social location, composers such as Cage and Feldman lo- cated their work as an integral part of a sociomusical art world that ex- plicitly bonded with the intellectual and musical traditions of Europe. The members of this art world, while critiquing aspects of contemporary European culture, were explicitly concerned with continuing to develop this "Western" tradition on the American continent. The composer's "History of Experimental Music in the United States" (Cage 1961, 67-75) identifies as relevant to his concerns both European and American com- posers and artists, including the European Dada movement, composers such as Debussy and Varese, and later European experimentalists such as Pierre Boulez, Karlheinz Stockhausen, Luigi Nono, and Luciano Berio. Among the American composers that Cage mentions as being part of America's "rich history" of music are Leo Ornstein, Dane Rudhyar, Lou Harrison, Harry Partch, and Virgil Thomson. Though these and other composers do earn criticism, the only indige- nous music that receives sharp denunciation from Cage is the African- American music that he frequently refers to as "hot jazz." Criticizing the expression of Henry Cowell's interest in this and other American indige- nous traditions, Cage appropriates the then-current conventional wis- Lewis * Improvised Music After 1950 99 dom about the opposition between "jazz" music and "serious" music: "Jazz per se derives from serious music. And when serious music derives from it, the situation becomes rather silly" (Cage 1961, 72). We may regard as more rhetorical device than historical fact Cage's brief account of the origins of jazz. In any event, despite such declarations as "the world is one world now" (Cage 1961, 75) or "when I think of a good future it certainly has music in it but it doesn't have one kind ... it has all kinds" (Kostelanetz 1987, 257), it is clear that Cage has drawn very specific boundaries, not only as to which musics are relevant to his own musicality but as to which musics suit his own taste. The Cageian ten- dency is to confront this contradiction through the use of terms that es- sentially exnominate or disguise his likes and dislikes as such: "some music ... which would not be useful to me at all might be very useful to someone else" (Kostelanetz 1987, 257). The composer does, however, make allowance for the fact that others may draw different boundaries: "I can get along perfectly well without any jazz at all; and yet I notice that many, many people have a great need for it. Who am I to say that their need is pointless?" (Kostelanetz 1987, 257). This basic reference to freedom of choice, however, can hardly be ex- trapolated to argue that Cage is characterizing himself as possessing a culturally diverse musical sensibility. Rather, the composer is reaffirming a relatively mundane truism concerning the diversity of personal taste, while simultaneously making clear that, for him, a "need for jazz" would indeed be pointless. Exnomination Despite Cage's disavowal of jazz, however, the historical timeline shows that Cage's radical emphasis upon spontaneity and uniqueness- not generally found in either American or European music before Cage- arrives some eight to ten years after the innovations of bebop. And it is certain that bebop, a native American music with a strong base in New York City, was well known to what has come to be known as the "New York School" of artists and musicians of which Cage and Feldman were part. In the case of visual artists from that social circle, such as Jackson Pollock and Franz Kline, the connection with jazz has been remarked upon in a number of essays (see Mandeles 1981, 139). The composer Anthony Braxton's pithy statement concerning the dis- avowal of Afrological forms by the art world that nurtured Cage's work advances the essential issue directly: "Both aleatory and indeterminism are words which have been coined ... to bypass the word improvisation and as such the influence of non-white sensibility" (Braxton 1985, 366).