OXFORD Contents UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford o x 2 6 D P Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Bangkok Buenos Aires Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kolkata Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi ^ Sao Paulo Shanghai Taipei Tokyo Toronto Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States - - by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © Michael Freeden 2003 The moral rights of the author have been asserted List of illustrations ix Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published as a Very Short Introduction 2003 i Should ideologies be ill-reputed? 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, Overcoming illusions: how ideologies came to stay 12 without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate 3 reprographics rights organizations. Enquiries concerning reproduction Ideology at the crossroads of theory 31 - .. -v. outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above •A4 The struggle over political language 45 You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer Thinking about politics: the new boys on the block 67 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available The clash of the Titans: the macro-ideologies 78 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data 7 Segments and modules: the micro-ideologies 94 Data* available ISBN 978-0-19-280281-1 8 Discursive realities and surrealities 103 7 9 10 8 6 •9 Stimuli and responses: seeing and feeling ideology 114 Typeset by RefmeCatch Ltd, Bungay, Suffolk Printed in Great Britain by 10 Conclusion: why politics can't do without ideology 122 Ashford Colour Press Ltd, Gosport, Hampshire References and further reading 129 Index 135 List of illustrations Yd . 1 "Congratulations! What 6 Mare Controller of the got you here is your Universe, fresco, total lack of commitment 1934 (detail), by to any ideology" Diego Rivera 28 by Schwadron, © 2003 Bank of Mexico, April 1983 3 Diego Rivera & Frida Kahlo Museums Trust, Photo © Punch Ltd. • © Museum of the Palace of Fine Arts, Mexico/Corbis 2 Camera obscura, 1685 4 Private collection/Bridgeman 7 This is the Road, 1950, •. 1 -till Ui .dwito ^ri r Art Library cartoon by David Low 36 3 Karl Mannheim 16 © Evening Standard © Luchterhand 8 Marx and Engels get 4 Antonio Gramsci 22 hopelessly lost on a MI fjt*>* •'• has iiutp.ii& © Farabolofoto, Milan ramble, cartoon by Martin Rowson 59 V&t .\:ji;siaiibm>'3 5 Louis Althusser 26 © Martin Rowson. From © Hulton-Deutsch M. Rowson and K. Killane, Collection/Corbis ' , ,;.; - Scenes from the Lives of the Great Socialists, Grapheme Publications, London, 1983 % 9 Concentric Rinds, ,. 1953, by M. C. Escher 63 , © 2003 Cordon Art B.V., Baarn, The Netherlands. ' " All rights reserved. 10 Ideologies alter cases, 13 A Nazi Nuremberg ' ' 1947, cartoon by rally, still from Leni David Low 80 Riefenstahl's Triumph © Evening Standard/Centre of the Will, 1934 116 for the Study of Cartoons & The Kobal Collection Caricature, University of Kent, Canterbury 14 The First of May, 1920, Bolshevik poster by 11 The Re-thinker, 1953, N. M. Kochergin 118 : I'.r'li .« cartoon by David Low 85 © The Guardian 12 The American Declaration of Independence, . j; 9, Ideology is a word that evokes strong emotional responses. On one 4 July 1776 107 occasion, after I had finished a lecture that emphasized the ubiquity U.S. National Archives and •'5,,wiwi'U'laWj.i•»,«»v.\ of political ideologies, a man at the back of the audience got up, Records Administration raised himself to his full height and, in a mixture of affrontedness The publisher and the author apologize for any errors or omissions and disdain, said: 'Are you suggesting, Sir, that I am an ideologist?' in the above list. If contacted they will be pleased to rectify these at When people hear the word 'ideology', they often associate it with the earliest opportunity. 'isms' such as communism, fascism, or anarchism. All these words do denote ideologies, but a note of caution must be sounded. An 'ism' is a slightly familiar faintly derogatory term — in the United States even 'liberalism' is tainted with that brush. It suggests that artificially constructed sets of ideas, somewhat removed from everyday life, are manipulated by the powers that be - and the powers that want to be. They attempt to control the world of politics and to force us into a rut of doctrinaire thinking and conduct. But not every 'ism' is an ideology (consider 'optimism' or 'witticism'), and not every ideology is dropped from a great height on an unwilling society, crushing its actually held views and convictions and used as a weapon against non-believers. The response I shall give my perplexed man at the back in the course of this short book is the one put by Moliere in the mouth of M. Jourdain, who discovered to his delight that he had been speaking prose all his life. We #1 tad: produce, disseminate, and consume ideologies all our lives, whether we are aware of it or not. So, yes, we are all ideologists in that we have understandings of the political environment of which we are part, and have views about the merits and failings of that environment. • •• » Imagine yourself walking in a city. Upon turning the corner you confront a large group of people acting excitedly, waving banners and shouting slogans, surrounded by uniformed men trying to contain the movement of the group. Someone talks through a microphone and the crowd cheers. Your immediate reaction is to decode that situation quickly. Should you flee or join, or should you perhaps ignore it? The problem lies in the decoding. Fortunately, most of us, consciously or not, possess a map that locates the event we are observing and interprets it for us. If you are an anarchist, the map might say: 'Here is a spontaneous expression of popular will, "Congratulations! What got you here is your total lack of an example of the direct action we need to take in order to wrest the commitment to any ideology." control of the political away from elites that oppress and dictate. Power must be located in the people; governments act in their own 1. A reward or an ironic comment? interests that are contrary to the people's will.' If you are a conservative, the map may say: 'Here is a potentially dangerous might mean. Every interpretation, each ideology, is one such event. A collection of individuals are about to engage in violence in instance of imposing a pattern - some form of structure or order to attain aims that they have failed, or would fail, to achieve organization - on how we read (and misread) political facts, through the political process. This illegitimate and illegal conduct events, occurrences, actions, on how we see images and hear voices. must be contained by a strong police grip on the situation. They Ideological maps do not represent an objective, external reality. need to be dispersed and, if aggressive, arrested and brought to The patterns we impose, or adopt from others, do not have to account.' And if you are a liberal, it may say: 'Well-done! We should be sophisticated, but without a pattern we remain clueless and be proud of ourselves. This is a perfect illustration of the pluralist uncomprehending, on the receiving end of ostensibly random and open nature of our society. We appreciate the importance of bits of information without rhyme or reason. dissent; in fact, we encourage it through instances of free speech and free association such as the demonstration we are witnessing.' Why, then, is there so much suspicion and distrust of ideologies? Why are they considered to be at the very least alien caricatures, if Ideologies, as we shall see, map the political and social worlds for not oppressive ideational straitjackets, that need to be debunked us. We simply cannot do without them because we cannot act and dismantled to protect a society against brainwashing and without making sense of the worlds we inhabit. Making sense, let it dreaming false dreams? There has rarely been a word in political be said, does not always mean making good or right sense. But language that has attracted such misunderstanding and ideologies will often contain a lot of common sense. At any rate, opprobrium. We need to clear away some debris in order to political facts never speak for themselves. Through our diverse appreciate that, to the contrary, there are very few words that refer ideologies, we provide competing interpretations of what the facts to such an important and central feature of political life. In discussing ideologies, this book will mainly refer to political possibility of studying society with the precise tools characteristic of ideologies and will argue that ideologies are political devices. a natural science. Our post-positivist age does not accept that the When ideology is used in other senses - such as the ideology of range of human thought and imagination can be given the accuracy the impressionists or of Jane Austen - the word is borrowed or and permanence that these earlier codifiers of knowledge had generalized to indicate the much vaguer notion of the cultural ideas anticipated. But one residue needs to be taken seriously. Destutt de guiding the field or steering the practitioner in question. One Tracy's intentions reflect the need that current scholars perceive for problem with the term 'ideology' is that too many of its users have a professional and dedicated approach to the study of ideology. shied away from injecting it with a reasonably precise, useful, and Having, then, paid homage to the originator of the word, and illuminating meaning. * acknowledging the task ahead, we first proceed to the early and still influential developers of the product, Karl Marx and Friedrich The initial coiner of the term 'ideology', Antoine Destutt de Tracy, Engels, who took a very different line. smt-MSt:) l.>?ty. I/gtosfj writing in the aftermath of the French Revolution, intended to create a proper branch of study concerned with ideas. He sought to The Marxist takeover establish ideals of thought and action on an empirically verifiable vt basis, from which both the criticism of ideas and a science of ideas In The German Ideology, Marx and Engels reacted to the prevailing g" would emerge. That enterprise was very much in line with the German cultural and philosophical fashions they had experienced. E positivist movement in 19th-century France, which held out the The spiritual and romantic nature of German idealist thought, they S o contended, was fuelled by erroneous conceptions. One of these » THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERA 0BSCURA VI attributed independent existence to ideas, thought, and g" consciousness when attempting to exchange illusory thought for ^ correct thought. But in so doing, argued Marx and Engels, German c philosophers merely fought against phrases rather than coming to & terms with the real world. Philosophy thus concealed reality, and adopted the form of what Marx and Engels called an ideology. They maintained that 'in all ideology men and their circumstances appear upside-down as in a camera obscura'. By that analogy they meant that ideology was an inverted mirror-image of the material world, further distorted by the fact that the material world was itself subject to dehumanizing social relations under capitalism. The role of ideology was to smooth over those contradictions by making them appear as necessary, normal, and congruous. That way social unity could be maintained and enhanced. Ideology was a 5. Johann Ztilm. Keflex box camera obscura, 168$ sublimation - in its various guises such as morality, religion, and metaphysics - of material life. In addition, ideology was 2. A camera obscura. disseminated by those who specialized in the mental activity of sublimation: priests offering 'salvation' were an early example of 9 5 that 'emancipation' from the real world. That dissemination could which they circulated; for example, people worshipped money be an act of deliberate manipulation, but it could also - especially rather than respecting the genuine productive processes that for Engels - be an unconscious, or self-deceptive, process. Ideology generated wealth. Here - a tendency evident in his later work, was one manifestation of the pernicious effects of the division of especially Capital - Marx focused on the actual capitalist practices labour. In this case, the division of labour caused human thought to from which ideology emanated, rather than on the distorted ideas be abstracted from the material world, producing instead pure of philosophers and ideologists. Understandably, a major mission of theory, or ethics, or philosophy. what later became known as Marxism was to unmask and demystify the dissimulative nature of ideology. The critical exposition of Marx and Engels added to that view of ideology a further ideology would expose the false aspirations of its promoters, and dimension, which was to be highly influential. They associated install instead a set of wholesome social practices that provided the ideology and class, asserting that the ideas of the ruling class were empirical basis of true social consciousness. the ruling ideas. Ideological illusions were an instrument in the hands of the rulers, through the state, and were employed to We can see a rather persuasive picture of ideology emerging from exercise control and domination; indeed, to 'manufacture history' the Marxist approach. Ideology was the product of a number of according to their interests. Moreover, the filtering of interests basic, if unhealthy, causes. One was the need for simplified and through a container - ideology - permitted them, and ideology easily marketable accounts of the world around us. A second was itself, to be represented as if they were truth-claims that possessed the desire of some individuals and groups for power and control universal, rational validity. That representation assisted the over others. A third was a growing tendency to break up human wielders of ideology in forging the myth of a unified political activity into separate compartments - the division of labour - and community, through illusory laws, cultural direction, and 'verbal to alienate thought and action from each other. Ideology reinforced macnnprarlinor' oil 4-I10+ <mA i+ l^orvh cn/^ioti^e in a ctnt^ nf io-nnrnnrp anrl snfTprinp" till Lliai, Ct-Aiva 11 XVl^j^L .11 iv^li- 1.1 V..J 111 Li 1.1 i i^iiu i i~i« w*, ... ^. . . ~ - - --n. One might justifiably conclude that Marxism accorded ideas The controllers of human conduct and thought even convinced considerable power, and so it did - to ideas that appeared in the the members of the subservient class - the proletariat - that the form of ideology. But for Marx such concentrated power was wrong, dominant bourgeois ideology was theirs as well. An exploited as it blocked the possibility of human emancipation. All these worker actually believed that it was a good idea to get up in the features appear in a much more sophisticated manner in Marx's morning and work 14 hours for a pittance in her employer's factory, own writings, but it is broadly in these forms that they have been because she had internalized the ideological view that such subsequently replicated in vulgarized yet influential views of dehumanizing work was an inevitable part of the industrial order, ideology. that it was a free act on her part, that markets gave everyone an equal chance, and that earning one's keep by renting out one's Before lining up to praise or blame the Marxist theory of ideology, labour to others was central to one's sense of dignity. Ideology thus we need to ask ourselves: what has to hold for those arguments to concentrated on external appearances, not on a real understanding make sense? First, they depend on the crucial distinction between of what was essential. The abnormal became normal through true consciousness and distorted or false beliefs. In order to claim ideological sleight of hand and through fetishizing (bestowing a that our understanding of the (political) world is based on an sacred and mystifying status on) commodities and the markets in illusion, we must be confident that non-illusory knowledge is , attainable. Marx believed that truth would emerge once distortion ideology. For many Marxists, though not for all, as we shall see, was removed; in other words, that true human and material ideology is part of a 'superstructure' that has no intrinsic value. As relations were both a default position that was obscured by social a result, their approach to ideology has discouraged any interest in and ideological distortions and a scientifically anticipated outcome the nature and permutations of the concealing smokescreen. Marx's of future social development. That truth could be conclusively quasi-messianic conviction that a socialist, undistorted society excavated (it was certainly not discovered through revelation or would prevail meant that present defects were worth deploring, not intuition, in which Marx didn't believe) was a non-negotiable exploring. It is as if a student of political institutions decided that assumption. For that Very reason, as we shall see, Marx's critics it was a waste of time to study the House of Commons because its labelled this fundamental assertion itself an ideological belief, thus debates exhibit inferior political practice: they display loutish turning the tables on Marx. But the existence of social truths may behaviour, competitive antagonism, gross inefficiencies, and not be as obvious as it seems. Some factual knowledge may appear ridiculous seating arrangements. Instead, declares the scholar, let's to be evident - 'I am looking at a group of people engaged in a devote our intellectual efforts to predicting the development of a protest meeting' - but, as we have seen, what we come away best-practice legislature, which can be defended and endorsed knowing about that group will differ according to the interpretative permanently. map we use. There is a well-known phrase: 'let's judge the case on its merits'. But cases aren't equipped with merits that jump out at In order to claim that political practices or ideas are distorted, we us; we impose merits on the case, in line with the beliefs and values have to be certain that they possess undistorted forms. But even if to which we already subscribe. we are convinced of the current ubiquity of such distortions, a student of politics could persuasively contend that these are Second, and consequently, those arguments depend on the interesting social phenomena, and they require analysis if we are to ephemeral nature of ideology. If ideology is a distortion, it will understand the nature of the political in existing societies. Once we disappear once true social relations have been (re)introduced. If it is plunge into the smokescreen, into the substance of ideology, we the product of an unnatural and alienating division between the will find both commonalities and variations: a complex and rich material and the spiritual, it will disappear once the material roots world that awaits discovery. In short, a large number of concrete of the spiritual are recognized. And if it consolidates a power ideologies inhabit Marx's abstract category of'ideology', and their relationship between ruling and ruled classes, it will disappear once shared features provide immensely significant aids to making sense such power relationships are transformed into a democratic sense of the political world. of social community and equality. So ideology is dispensable; it is a pathological product of historical circumstances and it will wither Fourth, another facet of the unitary character of Marxist ideology away when they improve. is that ideologies are part of a single, even total, account of the political world. They are the linchpin that holds together a seamless Third, the Marxist conception of ideology has contributed to a view of the world, papering over its internal contradictions. This unitary understanding of ideology. If ideology is indeed an image of coordinated totality prevailed for a long time in portrayals unfortunate smokescreen that covers up reality, the faster we of ideology, contributing to its inclusive nature and to an insistence dispose of it the better. In particular, there is no point in examining by some ideologists that they were infallible. We need however to be it for what it is, nor in distinguishing among different variants of convinced that such monolithic views of the world not only exist, 8 9 but have persuasive force. In the absence of such persuasive force, product of groups. They are also part of the cultural milieu that physical coercion has all too often become necessary to hold shapes, and is shaped by, our activities. ideology in place. Second, ideas matter. Marx may have seen the current domain Fifth, the role of ideologists has been exaggerated. Although of ideology as a harmful illusion, but even in that sphere the Marxist logic points to the social provenance of ideology, its implication is that ideas are not merely rhetorical. If ideas appear source has frequently turned out to be much smaller than an not only as truths but in such commanding guises as an ideology, entire class. The Marxist linking of ideology to power relations as they need to be taken very seriously indeed, and accorded an even well as to the manipulation of the masses has often resulted in the more central role than Marx himself had done. identification of a professional group of ideologues, and even in the detection of the impact of single individuals. For some Third, ideologies are endowed with crucial political functions. They scholars, ideologues are intellectuals with a dangerous sense of order the social world, direct it towards certain activities, and mission - namely, to change the world according to a specific legitimate or delegitimate its practices. Ideologies exercise power, at absolute vision. This perspective entails a rather hierarchical view the very least by creating a framework within which decisions can of the world. It also suggests that both the production and the be taken and make sense. That power doesn't have to be exploitative dissemination of intellectual goods constitute a monopoly. The or dehumanizing, but then only some anarchists would argue that Marxist theory of class assists in supporting such views, though power - even as an enabling phenomenon - can be dispensed with the intellectuals that figure in those theories sometimes act completely. independently, less determined by their own material bases than Marxists assume. The association of ideology with such Fourth, the Marxist method has bequeathed something of intellectuals has also contributed to the commonly held view that importance even to non-Marxists. It is, simply, that what you see is ideologies are a priori, abstract, and non-empirical. That view is not always what you get. If we wish to understand ideologies, we widely believed by current politicians, by the press, and by quite a have to accept that they contain levels of meaning that are hidden few scholars as well, especially in the Anglophone world, with its from their consumers and, frequently, from their producers as well. own myth of empiricism, and in the German-speaking world, still The study of ideology therefore encompasses in large part - though under the influence of the vocabulary employed by its certainly not entirely - the enterprise of decoding, of identifying countryman, Marx. structures, contexts, and motives that are not readily visible. ; i: What, then, is still of value in the Marxist emphasis on unmasking ideology? Four things, perhaps. First, we have picked up from Marx the significance of social and historical circumstances in moulding political (and other) ideas. We accept as a truism that people are importantly the product of their environment, though there is still much debate on the relative weight of the environmental, the genetic, and the individual capacity for choice. Relieved of some of the Marxist baggage, ideas and ideologies are understood as the Chapter 2 that knowledge was 'a co-operative process of group life'. In those «.'. .•• acute senses, ideology was not a passing chimera. Moreover, the first indications of analytical pluralism entered the fray: societies Overcoming Illusions: how had many different social groups and class environments; therefore, such 'multiplicity of ways of thinking' could produce more than one ideologies c a me to stay ideology. This pluralist potential of ideologies became highly significant in later theories of ideology, as we shall see. In laying the groundwork for the scholarly study of ideology, Mannheim implicitly resurrected the agenda of Destutt de Tracy that Marx and Engels had largely ignored. For Mannheim, ideology had both social and psychological The story of the emergence of the concept of ideology from under manifestations. Ideology was not only employed to manipulate the Marxist wing is a complex one that still hasn't reached its deliberately those under its control. He also emphasized the conclusion. But we can identify three 20th-century individuals - unconscious presuppositions that guided human thinking, as well Karl Mannheim, Antonio Gramsci, and Louis Althusser - whose as the irrational foundations of knowledge. After all, social groups contributions to the range of meanings that the notion of ideology operate on the basis of shared rituals, prejudices, stories, and carried were of major consequence. It is true, also, that the study of histories - elements that ideologies incorporate. For most of us it ideology has made further strides since those three thinkers is quite difficult to see ourselves from a different perspective and refocused our understanding. But perhaps the most significant note the customs and habits that we internalize unthinkingly outcome of their interventions - each in their own sin<n LIAR WNV and uncritically. The unconscious and the irrational could only be operating from Marxist premisses - was that they transformed our unmasked at a more advanced stage of social development, when conception of ideology from the transient epiphenomenon Marx attempts would be made to justify them rationally. The effectiveness and Engels had made it out to be into a permanent feature of the of that unmasking was often limited, for Mannheim began by political and opened the way to removing some of its pejorative adopting the Marxist view of ideology as the obscuring of the real connotations. ,..„„ „„ .. iJil i/ condition of society by the interests of a ruling class. But to this static view of ideology he added the parallel notion of Utopia. Utopia was a vision of a future or perfect society held by oppressed groups The social roots of ideology: Karl Mannheim who, bent on changing and destroying existing society, saw only The intellectual achievement of Karl Mannheim, the sociologist and its negative aspects and were blind to the situation as it really was. social philosopher (1893-1947), was to extract from the Marxist We may quibble about that distinction. What Mannheim termed approach a key insight: ideology was a reflection of all historical Utopia we would now call a progressive or transformative ideology, ^ and social environments. While Marx condemned the social as distinct from a traditional or conservative one. That aside, conditions under capitalism as the source of ideological illusion, Mannheim held that new explanatory theories, spread by analysts Mannheim realized that it was a feature of any social environment such as himself, would enlighten the less aware producers and to influence the thought processes of human beings and, moreover, consumers of ideology, who were much too caught up in its web. 12 13 • The psychological features of ideology were for Mannheim, as from their conditioning social background and 'free-float' among for Marx, conscious distortions, calculated lies, or forms of the different social and historical perspectives available in their self-deception. This was the particular conception of ideology. society. Mannheim related it to specific arguments, more or less deliberately misrepresented by individuals. But the total conception of ideology Here, though, Mannheim revealed his Marxist-inspired roots, for was a Weltanschauung, an all-encompassing view of the world he believed in the possibility of a unified sociology of knowledge, adopted by a given group, always reflecting the general ideas and produced by these free-floaters, and transcending the partial thought-systerns of an historical epoch. Here was a dual challenge: viewpoints of ideology and Utopia alike - a reversion to the possibility first, to the Marxist blindness to competing ideological systems that of social truths. The key to this process lay in Mannheim's emerged from different modes of existence; and second, to the distinction between relativism and relationism. Relativism was the political philosopher's search for universal and timeless truths recognition that all thought was linked to the concrete, historical about the social life and conduct of individuals. In acknowledging situation of the thinker and that it had no objective, universal, the holistic nature of the total conception of ideology, Mannheim standing. But it led to an unwelcome reaction: if that was true, all was working his way towards understanding it in an ordered and thought could be dismissed as subjective. In that case oppressors systemic way. An ideology was an interdependent structure of and warmongers could know no better: they were merely the thinking, typical of social systems, that could not be reduced to the products of their environments. That, obviously, was an unreliable aggregated and psychologically comprehensible views of concrete method of assessing social motives and action, and Mannheim individuals. replaced it with relationism. Relationism, like relativism, acknowledged the contextual location of thought and the absence of Mannheim also alighted on an issue that still divides students absolute truth in social and historical matters - even Marxism itself, of ideology. Marxists, as we have seen, defied the populist that ostensible anti-ideology, was exposed by Mannheim as an implications of their own logic by singling out the abstracted and ideology. Some now refer to this problem as 'Mannheim's paradox', alienated fabricators of false knowledge, the philosophers and namely, that we cannot expose a viewpoint as ideological without priests. But a total conception of ideology indicated the broad ourselves adopting an ideological viewpoint. origins of ideology in group and even mass attitudes and views. This, Mannheim believed, was a gradual process. An intelligentsia But relationism mooted three things. First, it affirmed that ideas was a group 'whose special task it is to provide an interpretation were only comprehensible if we appreciated their mutual of the world' for their society. As societies evolved and social interdependence. It was impossible to understand one element of mobility increased, the members of an intelligentsia began to thought without ascertaining its relation to other, sustaining, and be recruited from a more varied social background. They were interacting ideas. Second, that holistic framework offered the no longer associated with a determinate and closed body. possibility of a social standpoint from which different relationist ' Nevertheless, the intelligentsia were still allotted a special role in understandings are assessed, and from which 'truths' and i Mannheim's scheme of things. They provided an increasingly knowledge of the real world could be extracted. This enabled the I1 independent, non-subjective, interpretation of the world. For analyst to distinguish among the quality of different ideological A Mannheim, an intellectual was not necessarily a person of arguments. It was possible to explore diverse ideas circulating in a education or culture, but one who could detach her- or himself society, to weigh them up one against the other, and to decide what 14 15