UUnniivveerrssiittyy ooff NNeeww OOrrlleeaannss SScchhoollaarrWWoorrkkss@@UUNNOO University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations and Theses Dissertations 5-15-2009 II AAmm WWhhaatt II SSaayy II AAmm:: RRaacciiaall aanndd CCuullttuurraall IIddeennttiittyy aammoonngg CCrreeoolleess ooff CCoolloorr iinn NNeeww OOrrlleeaannss Nikki Dugar University of New Orleans Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td RReeccoommmmeennddeedd CCiittaattiioonn Dugar, Nikki, "I Am What I Say I Am: Racial and Cultural Identity among Creoles of Color in New Orleans" (2009). University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations. 945. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/945 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by ScholarWorks@UNO with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights- holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. I Am What I Say I Am: Racial and Cultural Identity among Creoles of Color in New Orleans A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University of New Orleans in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History by Nikki Dugar B.A. Temple University, 2007 M.A. University of New Orleans, 2009 May 2009 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my thesis committee, Dr. Mary Mitchell, Dr. Madelon Powers, and Dr. Raphael Cassimere. Thank you for your feedback and support. I would like to thank everyone that answered my questionnaire. I could not have done it without you. I would like to thank my family, my father Clifford Dugar, my mother Del Dugar, my sister Tiffany, and my brother Al. I love you and thank you for supporting me and believing in me when I sometimes did not believe in myself. This project is dedicated to the Creole of Color community. ii Table of Contents List of Figures .................................................................................................................... iv Abstract ................................................................................................................................v Introduction ..........................................................................................................................2 Historiography .....................................................................................................................4 Early Debate.........................................................................................................................8 Distinctly Creole ................................................................................................................11 Passing ...............................................................................................................................26 Light Skin With Good Hair................................................................................................28 Civil Rights Creoles ...........................................................................................................30 Contemporary Creoles .......................................................................................................38 American Racial Policy and Ideology ...............................................................................42 Multiracial Chic .................................................................................................................45 Conclusion .........................................................................................................................50 Epilogue.............................................................................................................................55 Vita....................................................................................................................................56 iii List of Figures Figure 1. Map depicting the proximity of traditional Creole institutions to each other Figure 2. Plan of New Orleans, 1872 Figure 3. Geographic Distributions and Shifts of the Creole Population in New Orleans, 1800-2000 Figure 4. North Claiborne Avenue before the construction of Interstate Highway 10, 1966 Figure 5. North Claiborne Avenue after the construction of Interstate Highway 10, 2009 iv Abstract This paper examines the generational changes in the culture and racial self-identification of Creoles of Color of New Orleans. This study argues that the key to understanding Creole culture is the role that isolationism has played in its history. While White ethnics pursued a path of assimilation, Creoles of Color pursued a path of isolationism. This path served them well during the Jim Crow era, but it suddenly became undesirable during the Black Power era. Now, however, new values of multiculturalism have resurrected Creole identity as a cultural asset. Keywords: Creoles of Color, racial identity, generations, isolationism v The Pot Calls The Coffee Pot… Hey, Cajun and you, Creole, how come you call yourself white or black? Who gave you these names? We are descendants of the French, the Spanish, the Africans, the Indian, the Acadian, the Haitain, and all the other Gombo People who came to Louisiana. These spices made the Gombo. Our rich culture serves as our common bond. We are of the same paprika blood, and that blood connects us with the world. If racists want to stick paper stars on our skins to tell us what we are, let them boil in hell with their foolishness. We are the Louisiana French, proud of the French and African heritage. We are European, African, Asian, and American. Cajun, Creole. Let us dare to say it. And all the worst for those who do not like what we are. How long can they look at us and tell us we do not exist? But my friend, do not throw away the spice because it is too light or too dark. If you do that you will not have Gombo ever again, but a foul melted stew made up of the denied flesh of our ancestors, your grandmother, your grandfather, your mother, your father, your sister, your brother, your aunt, your uncle, your cousin, your niece, your nephew, your children, or yourself.1 1 Sybil Kein, Gumbo People (New Orleans: Margaret Media, Inc., 1981), 31. 1 Introduction “I‟m too white to be black and too black to be white,” remarked Ronald Ricard, a New Orleans Creole of Color, in an interview in the New Orleans Times-Picayune in 1977.2 Ricard was expressing a sentiment that many Creoles of Color continue to have about themselves. The feeling of not quite belonging to one race or the other has been an issue for many since the antebellum period. Since that time, the Creole community has gone through many political and social changes, which have affected not only the community‟s structure but also ideas about its racial identity. This study will focus particularly on three generations of Creoles: those who came of age before World War II, here called “Traditional Creoles” (born during the colonial period up to the 1930s); those who matured in the post war years, designated “Civil Rights Creoles” (born between 1940s and 1960s); and “Contemporary Creoles” (born in the 1970s to present day). In comparing these pre- and post-war groups, this study will explore how generational differences exist in how Creoles racially identify themselves. To complicate matters further, Contemporary Creoles do not share a monolithic racial identity, for older and younger members of this category view certain issues very differently. This is to be expected, because identity is a constantly evolving phenomenon influenced by many external factors. Rather than gloss over their differences, this study will examine them closely in search of trends and patterns that will illuminate the entire history of Creoles of Color in New Orleans. Primary sources used in this study include newspaper and magazine articles, maps, census data, and interviews conducted by the author. The latter were comprised of written 2 J.E. Bourgoyne, “Tradition is Losing Its Hold on Creole of Color Community,” Times-Picayune, August 14, 1977, Sybil Kein Creole Collection (MSS 334), Louisiana and Special Collections Department, Earl K. Long Library, University of New Orleans. 2 questionnaires and follow-up oral interviews administered between Spring 2008 and Spring 2009. The sixteen interviewees were Creoles of Color, meaning people of mixed French-, African-, Spanish-, and Native-American ancestry, most of whom reside in or have familial ties to Louisiana. On the questionnaires, respondents supplied background information on themselves and family members including name, age, gender, current and previous neighborhood residences, and schools attended. They were then asked their opinions regarding Creoles of Color in New Orleans: what traits define the group, what racial and cultural differences separate Creoles from other African Americans, and what racial identity they and their families claim. After completing the questionnaires, participants were invited to contribute additional details, stories, and comments. These interviews, combined with other primary materials noted above, constitute the core of this research endeavor. An array of secondary sources also informs this study. Secondary sources include works that examine the development of Creole culture. Sources on New Orleans history are used to place the different generations of Creoles within a historical context. Sources on multiculturalism, American popular culture, and Whiteness studies were also used to discuss the generations of Contemporary Creoles. On the basis of the aforementioned primary and secondary sources, this study argues that the key to understanding Creole culture is the role that isolationism has played in its history. While White ethnics pursued a path of assimilation, Creoles of Color pursued a path of isolationism. This path served them well during the Jim Crow era, but it suddenly became undesirable during the Black Power era. Now, however, new values of multiculturalism have resurrected Creole identity as a cultural asset. 3 Historiography Scholarship on Creoles of Color has progressed in recent years. Discussion of Creoles has come a long way from the very romantic, monolithic portrayal of them in Roldolphe Desdunes‟ 1908 work, Nos homes et notre histoire (Our People and Our History), in which Desdunes pays tribute to the community by highlighting its accomplishments and favorably contrasting it with the Anglo-African community.3 Kimberly Hanger‟s Bounded Lives, Bounded Places: Free Black Society in Colonial New Orleans, 1769-1803 examines New Orleans free blacks, whom she refers to as libres, during the Spanish colonial era. She states that examining the libres in New Orleans during the colonial period is very important because it was under Spanish rule that skilled free Black workers in New Orleans had the most rights and opportunities. Spanish laws, the demographics of the city, and Spanish views on race all allowed for New Orleans free Blacks to prosper more than in most slave-holding communities.4 In her book Becoming Free, Remaining Free: Manumission and Enslavement in New Orleans, 1846-1862, Judith K. Schafer examines how free people of color‟s fight for equal rights became harder under American rule. She shows how slaves and free people of color used the New Orleans judicial system to “gain, maintain, or surrender their freedom.” After the Louisiana Purchase of 1803, life for slaves and free people of color changed dramatically. American laws proved to be more restrictive and oppressive than Spanish laws. Free people of color continually worked to preserve their status.5 3 Rodolphe Desdunes, Our People and Our History, 1908, trans. and ed. Sister Dorothea Olga McCants (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1973). 4 Kimberly S. Hanger, Bounded Lives, Bounded Places: Free Black Society in Colonial New Orleans, 1769-1803 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997), 3-4, 6, 11, 90, 105, 15-16, 95-97. 5 Judith K. Schafer, Becoming Free, Remaining Free: Manumission and Enslavement in New Orleans, 1846-1862 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2003), xxii, 3. 4