Washington University in St. Louis Washington University Open Scholarship Women, Gender & Sexuality Studies Research Women, Gender & Sexuality Studies 11-1-1990 Hutchins, Adler, and the University of Chicago: A Critical Juncture Mary Ann Dzuback Washington University in St Louis, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at:https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/wgss Part of theLegal Studies Commons Recommended Citation Dzuback, Mary Ann, "Hutchins, Adler, and the University of Chicago: A Critical Juncture" (1990).Women, Gender & Sexuality Studies Research. 19. https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/wgss/19 This Journal Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Women, Gender & Sexuality Studies at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Women, Gender & Sexuality Studies Research by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please [email protected]. Hutchins, Adler, and the University of Chicago: A Critical Juncture MARYA NN DZUBACK WashingtonU niversity As dean of Yale University'sL awS chool, RobertH utchinss tresseds ocial science theory and research as central to the university'sw ork. Within a few years, as president of the University of Chicago, he abandoned the social sciences for philosophy and the great books. Hutchins'sc on- version seems ironic because it took place at an institution renowned for the work of its faculty in social science theory and research. This article is an attempt to make sense of Hutchins's shift in thinking at a criticalj uncture in his life and in the university'sh istory. Robert M. Hutchins experienced an intellectualc onversiond uring the first four years of his presidency of the University of Chicago. At Chicago,H utchinsw as known as a persistentc ritico f the socials ciences. Yet before his appointment there, as dean and faculty member of the Yale Law School he stronglys upportedt he socials ciences,e ncouraging the integration of social science theory and research into the study of law. Between 1929 and 1933 he shifted from advocatings ocial science to advocating philosophy as the focus for integrating the college cur- riculum and as the most respectable intellectual endeavor of the uni- versity ("The Higher Learning, I," in Hutchins 1936b, pp.24-32). The catalyst for that transition was his friendship with MortimerJ . Adler. Hutchins's first few years as president of the Universityo f Chicago represented a criticalj uncture in his life. He might have followed a number of paths to try to shape the universityi n the early 1930s. The question guiding this article is, Why did Adler's ideas about under- graduate education and the ordering of the university'si ntellectual life make sense to Hutchins at that crucial point in his life? A number of factors contributed to Hutchins'sd isaffectionw ith the modern university. The requirements of his new position and the demands the Depression put on the university framed his choices. (C)1 990 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. 0 19 5-6744/9 1/990 1- 0002$0 1.00 November 1990 57 This content downloaded from 128.252.66.152 on Fri, 7 Nov 2014 14:18:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Hutchins,A dler,a nd the Universityo f Chicago The socialc risiso f the Depression led Hutchins to question the efficacy of the social sciences to solve social problems (Hutchins 1940). And the rise of fascism in Europe shaped educators'd iscussionsa bout the content and function of higher education to train for democraticl ead- ershipa nd participationl .H owever,t hese factorsa lone do not adequately explain Hutchins's transition from the social sciences to philosophy. A more powerful source for the path Hutchins chose was the link between the education he received in the Protestante vangelicalc ulture of his early life and formal schooling and his receptivity to Adler's ideas. Interestingly, one can find in that culture suggestive sources for both his early fascination with the social sciences and his later conversion to Adler's ideas. The Protestante vangelicalc ultureo f Hutchins'se arly life contributed to his later conversion in three principal ways. First, his father, a paragon of virtue and a religious and educational leader, served as a strong model for the way Hutchins would perceive the leadership role. Numerous other members of the Hutchins family also exhibited distinctivel eadershipq ualitiesa nd were models for Hutchins. Second, his early interest in the social sciences was framed by his exposure to them at Oberlin Academya nd College. The transformationo f Oberlin College from an evangelical institution to a progressive institution playeda n importantr ole in Hutchins'sc onceptiono f the socials ciences. Finally,i n a related way, the shared perception at Oberlin (and at Yale University,w here Hutchins received his B.A.) of the primaryf unction of higher educational institutions was that of training the coming generation for leadership and service. The Protestante vangelicalc ulturee nveloped RobertH utchins'se arly life and education. His father, William (Will)J ames Hutchins, was a Presbyterianm inister in Brooklyn, New York, when he was invited to teach Biblea nd homileticsi n OberlinC ollegea nd TheologicalS eminary. Robert was eight years old when his family moved to Oberlin in 1907. He attended public elementary school, Oberlin Academy (191 1- 15), and Oberlin College (1915-17) before he joined the Oberlin unit of the U.S. Army Ambulance Corps during World War I. His summers were spent traveling with his father to Congregational,P resbyterian, and Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA)c amps, where Will MARYA NND ZUBACiKs a ssistantp rofessoro f educationa t Washington University in St. Louis. She works in the history of education and has a strong interest in education and public policy. Her research focuses on the social and intellectual history of higher education. 58 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 128.252.66.152 on Fri, 7 Nov 2014 14:18:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Dzaback Hutchins preached and led Bible classes. In short, Hutchins's whole childhood was spent in the Protestant evangelical and progressive networks of the early twentieth century. Will Hutchins was an exemplar of moral and spiritual leadership. He had followed his own father into the ministry, although he chose the Presbyterianr athert han the Congregationacl hurch. His preaching, less emotive than his father's,r eliedo n rationalp ersuasion.H e addressed his sermons to the social and moral obligations of his parishionersi n a changing society. Young Robert heard his father preach at least once, and often twice, on Sundays. Within the family, Will Hutchins led prayers every morning before breakfast.H e ceaselesslyr eminded his sons of their moralo bligations,w hile their mother Anna reinforced this teaching with lessons on thoughtful and proper social behavior.2 At Oberlin, Will Hutchins exhibited a similarc are in his more public teaching duties. He was renowned for his rigorous, socially oriented Bible classes for freshman men. He offered comfort and counsel to many in his new community. On the Oberlin campus, he spoke fre- quently to YMCAa nd other groups on the relationshipb etween Chris- tianity,s ocial service,a nd personal conduct. He articulatedp ermanent Christian values, emphasizing connections between intellectual work and morals turdiness.H e delivereds ermonsa ll over Ohio, often bringing his two older sons Bill and Robert with him. His father's preaching and teaching were Robert Hutchins's first, most powerful, and most consistent exposure to educational and moral leadership. This exposure was reinforced by the Hutchins family'se ducational accomplishments and moral leadership. Will Hutchins had received a Phi Beta Kappa key at Yale College, and Robertv ied for and earned one himself (Hutchins 1939). Robert'sm other, Anna MurchH utchins, had studied Latin at ClevelandH igh School, attended OberlinC ollege, and graduatedf rom Mount Holyoke C3ollegeH. is parents, uncles, and aunts had attended Oberlin. Some had gone on to Yale, Williams,a nd Union Theological Seminary. His paternal grandfather,R obert Gros- venor Hutchins, had attended Andover Theological Seminary and knew Washington Gladden and other prominent Protestantm inisters and progressive reformers. The extended family included a lawyer, businessmen, a physician, and ministers,a ll personso f locallyk nowni ntegrityw ho made significant contributionst o their communitiesa nd who servedo n boardso f trustees at schools and colleges. All three of Will and Anna Hutchins's sons became educators, teaching and administratingi n educational insti- tutions. Formal education in the Hutchins family was not merely a means to social or economic advancement. It was primarilya way to serve and lead the community. November 1990 59 This content downloaded from 128.252.66.152 on Fri, 7 Nov 2014 14:18:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HutchinsA, dler,a nd the Universityo f Chicago The Hutchins family had strong ties to the Oberlin community. From a long-standinge vangelical tradition,s till largely manifest when Willa nd Anna were studentsi n the 1890s,O berlinC ollegew asb ecoming a progressive institution in the period before World War I (Barnard 1969). While maintaining its historic commitment to principles of (hristian behavior, Oberlin followed a pattern similar to that George E. Peterson (1964) describesi n his study of the New England colleges. Intellectual rigor and a concern for social issues became increasingly important to students and faculty as Christian pietism decreased in importance.T he coursesO berlino ffered in the socials ciencesr eflected a serious effort to relate theory to conten.porarys ocialp roblems.S ome of the humanities courses Hutchins took also were taught in a social and historicalc ontext (Oberlin (ollege, 1917).3 Public speakers who came to the Oberlin campus revealed much about what was valued at Oberlin (ollege. Debates and lectures by prominent progressives,i ncluding Raymond Robbins, Scott Nearing, and Lincoln Steffens, argued the need for ethical political leaders, strongl aboru nions,w orldp eace,w omen'sr ights,g overnmentr egulatory responsibility, and social service (Barnard 1969).4 The president of Oberlin (ollege, Henry (hurchill King, linked (hristian religious commitmentw ith socialc onsciousnesso, r sacredr espectf or individuals. Like many progressise( hristians, his goal was to regenerated emocracy in a time of great social and economic change (Love 1956). Oberlin's teaching continued to be grounded in religious belief. However, social and intellectual rather than evangelical obligations increasinglyd om- inated the curriculum and extracurriculara ctivities. (ourses and facultym embers'a ctivitiess how that there were implicit assumptions underlying the social and intellectual aims at Oberlin. These assumptions included a common commitment to principles simultaneously interpreted as (hristian and democratic. (ourse de- scriptionsa nd faculty interestsi llustratet he shared belief that rigorous scholarshiph ad the potentialt o reflecta nd confirmw hatw ere essentially Protestantb eliefs about virtuousb ehavior.'B ecause it could contribute significantly to the reform of American society by using democratic definitionso f sociala nd economicj usticea nd ethicalc onducti n political life, scholarshipc ould be judged by broad moral as well as intellectual standards.T he assumptionsu nderlying this conception of scholarship were manifest in classes, debates (in which Hutchins participated),t he student newspaper, and public lectures. Oberlin'sc ulture equipped Hutchins with values and attitudes that shaped his conceptions of educationall eadership and the purposes of higher education. First,t he educationall eader had an intellectuala nd 60 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 128.252.66.152 on Fri, 7 Nov 2014 14:18:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Dzaback moral responsibility to guide the community in the most principled way possible, whether or not the community agreed with his ideas. Second, the higher educationali nstitution'sp rimaryr esponsibilityw as to train the next generation of leaders and citizens to serve society. This training required rigorous thinking about significant issues and problems. A good education allowed students to discover guides to moralc onduct through the curriculum.K nowledgew ould bettere nable or even compel students to contribute to the public good (Hutchins 1936b, pp. 87-94; Barnard 1969). The ends of education in the social sciencesa t Oberlin,f or example,w ere socialr eformt hroughs cholarship, education, and politics. Although Oberlin's tradition was religious, social science studies allowed the institution to take on a powerful secular mission in the twentieth century. When Hutchins returned from war service in 1919, he planned to study history and government at Yale, with an eye to public service. Instead, having exhausted Yale's offerings in the social sciences, he became fascinated with the study of law in his senior year. The com- bination of law and social science work promised strong, secularly derived rules to guide public institutions and public leaders. These rules would be based on research in the facts of social conditions. Their scientifica uthority,b eyond whateverm orala uthorityt hey might exhibit, would be appropriate for guiding leaders in the twentieth century. Hutchins'sw ork at Yale reflected Oberlin'sp rogressivee ffort to anchor the study of the social sciences to the needs and obligations of social change, both of which would emerge ipso facto out of the data of social science investigations. On the Yale faculty from 1925 to 1929, Hutchins was a forceful advocate of social science research to enrich and reform the study and administrationo f law (Schlegel 1979; Kalman 1986). He was eager to reform legal education by raising standardsa nd developing new cur- riculare mphases.W iths ociolegalr esearcha s the basiso f the curriculum, he believed the law school could educate practitionersw ho would be useful to societyf irsta nd able adviserst o their clientss econd. If properly trained to see the social and economic effects of current procedure, they might actually engage in reform of legal procedure (Hutchins 1928b).6 Whileh e was dean of Yale'sl aw school (1927-29), Hutchinsp resented eloquent arguments for the potency of the social sciences to increase understanding of human problems and suggest action to solve them. He proposed that "a prospective law student should spend most of his time in college on the social sciences"( Hutchins 1928b,p . 12). His own work as a dean and as a scholar gave evidence of a commitment November 1990 61 This content downloaded from 128.252.66.152 on Fri, 7 Nov 2014 14:18:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HutchinsA, dler and the Universityo f Chacago to the further development of cross-disciplinaryr esearch using social science theory and methods. He went so far as to suggest that "the law is one of the social sciences"( Hutchins 1929,p.697). One major problem of his advocacy was that he did not fully un- derstand what academic social science research was in the 1920s. A1- though the studyo f societyh ad been developingi n Americanu niversities since the 1880s the methodologies used by researchers in different academic disciplines were still maturing. Social science research was growingm ore specializeda nd differentiatedin the 1920s.S ocials cientists were collecting data and developing quantitativem ethods of research that would give them a realisticp icture of social conditions and allow their conclusions to be tested by others. These methods made their work more "scientific,"ob jective,a nd authoritativea nd less immediately concerned with social reform or discovering guides for reform.7 As models had been developed to test their hypotheses in each area of specialization,s ocial scientists'w ork necessarilyh ad narrowedi n scope and increased in complexity.8 Hutchins was familiarw ith some of this work through the president of Yale UniversityJ, ames RowlandA ngell, under whom he had worked as secretaryo f the Yale Corporations ince 1923. Angell, although not a socials cientist,h ad contributeds ignificantlyto the shapingo f academic psychology at the University of Chicago. He was committed to de- veloping cross-disciplinarys ocial science research at Yale. Angell in- troduced Hutchins to people in the foundation world, including BeardsleyR uml of the Laura Spelman RockefellerM emorial( LSRM), a majorp atron of social science researchp rojectsi n universities.R uml, who also was not a social scientist, believed that the social sciences were interdependent.G ood socials ciencer esearch,h e thought,r equired cross-disciplinarsyt udiest o enhance understandingo f socialp henomena (Ruml 1930; Bulmer and Bulmer 1981). Hutchins shared this view. An examinationo f Hutchins'sa ttemptst o developl egalr esearchs hows that he had little concretes ense of what social scientistsd id, despite his ongoing contact with Ruml. His suggestionsa bout how social science theory and methods would inform legal scholarshipw ere vague. In a proposal he wrote in 1926, for example, his language is replete with references to the need to collect "the facts"a nd treat "statisticallayn d otherwise"w hateverd ataw eret o be gathered.H e thoughtt hat,i f "soundly analyzed,"fa ctso n the effectivenesos f certainl egalp racticews ouldd isclose "howt he rules [of law]a ctuallyw ork."A nd by discerningh ow such rules worked," improvements"w ould result.9 In his 1928 appeals to the LSRM for funds for the Institute of Human Relations to support cross-disciplinaryw ork in law and the social sciences, Hutchins's perception of social science research was 62 AmericanJ ournal of Education This content downloaded from 128.252.66.152 on Fri, 7 Nov 2014 14:18:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Dzaback only slightly more sophisticated.H e proposed, for example, that legal issues could be better understood if social scientists from different academicd isciplinesu sed their distinct" approaches"to study the "fun- damentals ituations"o f sociolegalb ehavior.R equiringr esearchersw illing to consider "problems in their bio-social instead of their conceptual setting,"t he proposalo nly minimallya ddressedt he problemso f method and naively assumed that scholars would agree on exactly what the problemsw ere and how they should be addressed.l° After prompting from an official from the LSRM, Hutchins outlined a specific project on familiesa nd delinquencya nd includedt he kindso f data the research team would use, incorporating provisions for control groups but still avoiding the issue of method.ll He appeared not to understand the work of social scientists beyond data gathering and the potential for informing in the interest of reform. His own work in psychology and evidence was based on library researchr ather than experimental researcha nd was prompted in part by the abuse of justice he perceivedi n the Sacco-Vanzettcia se (Hutchins 1927, 19 28a). Indeed, beyond increasingt he prestige of the law school by generating new scholarshipa nd acquiringg rants,o ne of Hutchins's most pressing concerns as dean of the law school was to educate young men to be ethical lawyers (Douglas 1971, p. 166). Knowledge of the whole of social reality, which situated the facts of legal cases in a social as well as legal context, could arm future lawyersw ith a sense of their responsibilityi n society. In an era when increasing numbers of law graduates chose to work in the business world, Hutchins hoped such social knowledge could steer them from unethical practicesa nd help them to make "intelligentg uess[es]"a bout the social desirabilityo f the "practicale ffect" of legal decisions on "the paramounti nterestso f the community"( Hutchins 1928b ) . Underlying Hutchins's arguments about justice in the Sacco-Vanzettic ase and judgments about social desirability was the assumption that reform guidelines would emerge from social research and that researchers would share definitions of justice and social desirability. Some references in his proposals indicate Hutchins's awareness of the problems of method in the social sciences. He noted the need to develop new and better techniques of research,f or example, no doubt a reflection of his conversationsw ith BeardsleyR uml, who encouraged his proposals to the LSRM for support of sociolegal research in the law school. But on reading them, one does not get a clear sense of preciselyh ow Hutchins would have proceeded on any of the projects. What the proposals consistentlyd o show is Hutchins'sf aith that social science researchw ould lead to reform of legal education,l egal practice, legal administration,a nd ultimately the law itself. November 1990 63 This content downloaded from 128.252.66.152 on Fri, 7 Nov 2014 14:18:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Hutchins, Adler, and the Universityo f Chicago When his faith in the socials ciencesa s centralt o the university's workw ast estedi n the 1930s,H utchinsa bandonedt he socials ciences for philosophya s the disciplinet hat wouldp rovidec oherencei n the university'ws ork.B ut his interesti n and commitmentt o cross-a nd interdisciplinarsyc holarshipa s a meanso f counteringd epartmental isolationa nd of enhancingt he coherenceo f intellectuawl orki n the modernu niversityc ontinueda fter he left Yalei n 1929. Hutchinsf aced a numbero f relatedp racticalp roblemsw hen he assumedt he presidencyo f the Universityo f Chicago.O ne was the fate of the undergraduatceo lleges,w hichh ad been underd iscussion for more than two decades.M anyo n the facultyh ad recommended abolitiono f the collegesb ecauset hey sawt he primaryfu nctiono f the modern universitya s research,s cholarshipa, nd graduatet raining. Somea dministratorasn d trustees,o n the otherh and,h ad advocated preservationa nd developmento f the collegest o promotea lumnii n- volvementw itht he universitya nd to bringi n always-needetdu itions. Hutchinsa rriveds hortlya ftera facultyc ommitteel, ed by Chauncey S. Boucher,h ad designeda new plan for undergraduateed ucation. He wasr esponsiblefo r actingo n the plan.O wingt o the timingo f his arrivala t the universityt,h e wayh e wouldd istinguishh imselfa s the leadero f a majorr esearchu niversityw ase ntwinedw itht he question of the undergraduatpe rogram. In 1930H utchinsc onvincedt he universityfa cultys enatet o approve a reorganizatioonf the universityT. his reorganizatioens tablishedth e college( coveringt he freshmana nd sophomorey ears)a s a divisiono f the universityw ith its own budgeta nd dean apartf rom the divisions of physicaal ndn aturasl ciencess, ocials ciencesa, ndh umanitiesw, hose primaryf ocus was graduatew ork( Frodin1 950).C hallengedb y the new statuso f the collegei n the universitya nd the need to raisef unds in the earlyy earso f the DepressionH, utchinsw aso pen to ideasa bout the idealc ontento f a collegec urriculum. In the processo f devisingh is own approacht o undergraduateed - ucationa partf rom the previousw orko f the curriculumc ommittee, Hutchinsc onsultedh is friend MortimerA dler. Adler had studied "greatb ooks"w ith John Erskinea t (olumbia Universitya nd told Hutchinst hati t wash is mosts ignificanetd ucationaelx perience( Adler 1977,p p. 128-29). Hutchins'tsh inkinga boutu niversityte achinga nd researchc hangeda fter he invitedM ortimerA dler to the facultyi n 1930. Intriguedb y Adler'sf amiliarityw ith the books,h is apparent erudition,a nd his descriptiono f the class, Hutchinsp roposedt hat theyt eachs ucha courset ogethera t the Universityo f Chicagos o that he could reada nd discusst he books. 64 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 128.252.66.152 on Fri, 7 Nov 2014 14:18:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Dzuback They began with a small group of freshmen and sophomores in the college.S eminars tudents read classicw orkso f the Westerni ntellectual tradition, from Homer to Freud, and met once a week over a two- year period to discuss the books (Adler 1988). Eventually, Hutchins and Adler taught great books courses in all of the divisions of the university, the high school, the university college's adult education program, and in the law school. Throughout the 22 years of his pres- idency of the university, Hutchins led great books classes (Allen 1983; Ashmore 1989). He and Adler tried for a number of years to convince the faculty of the college to incorporate the great books in curriculumr evisions. He failed to persuade the faculty to develop a college programw holly based on the great books. And although he receivedf oundation money in the 1930s to support the general education program in the college, he could not find financing to institute a great books general education program (General Education Board 193S, p. 6-7). Despite these set- backs, he remained tenaciously loyal to the great books as the basis for an undergraduate curriculum. Owing in part to his assistancei n 1937, this approachw as adopted as the curriculumo f St.J ohn's College in Annapolis, Maryland,w here it did not have to compete with the research concerns of the modern university (Kass 1973). Whilen ot implementedi n a requiredg reatb ooksp rogram,H utchins's ideasd id shape the college at the Universityo f Chicagoi n three principal ways. First, Hutchins supported policy establishing the college as a separated ivisioni n the universityw ith its own dean and budget.S econd, he encouraged the development of a fully prescribed four-year cur- riculum in general education, distinct from the graduate programs the university offered. Third, he proposed changes in the university statutes to allow the appointment of faculty members to the college without also requiring their appointment to the departments. Because Hutchins persisted in these efforts, by the middle 1940s the faculty accepted a single, prescribed curriculumf or the bachelor of arts degree, making the college an autonomous unit within the university.l2 Many of the required undergraduate courses included some of the great books to acquaints tudents with original sources and reflected the faculty'si nterest in cultivatinga general awarenesso f the academicd isciplines and specific intellectualc ompetences rather than disciplinarye xpertise.Y et, throughoutH utchins'sp residencyt, he faculty refused to create an undergraduate program based primarilyo n the great books. With such opposition to his vision of the undergraduatec urriculum at his own institution, why did Hutchins remain convinced of its ap- November 1990 65 This content downloaded from 128.252.66.152 on Fri, 7 Nov 2014 14:18:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions