ISSN 1198-6727 Fisheries Centre Research Reports 2006 Volume 14 Number 7 Historical Ecology of the Raja Ampat Archipelago, Papua Province, Indonesia Fisheries Centre, University of British Columbia, Canada Historical Ecology of the Raja Ampat Archipelago, Papua Province, Indonesia by Maria Lourdes D. Palomares and Johanna J. Heymans Fisheries Centre Research Reports 14(7) 64 pages © published 2006 by The Fisheries Centre, University of British Columbia 2202 Main Mall Vancouver, B.C., Canada, V6T 1Z4 ISSN 1198-6727 Fisheries Centre Research Reports 14(7) 2006 HISTORICAL ECOLOGY OF THE RAJA AMPAT ARCHIPELAGO, PAPUA PROVINCE, INDONESIA by Maria Lourdes D. Palomares and Johanna J. Heymans CONTENTS Page DIRECTOR’S FOREWORD......................................................................................................................................1 Historical Ecology of the Raja Ampat Archipelago, Papua Province, Indonesia........................................2 ABSTRACT...........................................................................................................................................................3 INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................................................................4 The spice trade and the East Indies.........................................................................................................4 Explorations in New Guinea....................................................................................................................5 Oceanographic and marine biological studies.........................................................................................6 MATERIALS.........................................................................................................................................................9 The Study Site: Kepulauan Rajaampat (Raja Ampat Archipelago)........................................................9 Geography............................................................................................................................................9 Physical environment and oceanography..........................................................................................11 Marine biodiversity.................................................................................................................................11 METHODS..........................................................................................................................................................12 Biodiversity of marine organisms..........................................................................................................12 Abundance observations...................................................................................................................12 Checklist of species............................................................................................................................13 Exogenous impacts to the ecosystem....................................................................................................14 RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS...............................................................................................................................15 Documentation.......................................................................................................................................15 Marine biodiversity................................................................................................................................16 Historic trends in abundance of marine organisms.........................................................................16 Species lists from historic expeditions and surveys..........................................................................21 Current biodiversity...........................................................................................................................23 Exogenous impacts to the ecosystem....................................................................................................23 Historic trends in human populations..............................................................................................23 Historic trends in fishing...................................................................................................................25 CONCLUSIONS...................................................................................................................................................32 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.......................................................................................................................................33 REFERENCES.....................................................................................................................................................34 APPENDICES......................................................................................................................................................49 Appendix A: List of place names............................................................................................................49 Appendix B : List of documents obtained and consulted......................................................................52 Appendix C: List of references not yet obtained or consulted..............................................................60 A Research Report from the Fisheries Centre at UBC and Conservation International 64 pages © Fisheries Centre, University of British Columbia, 2006 FISHERIES CENTRE RESEARCH REPORTS ARE ABSTRACTED IN THE FAO AQUATIC SCIENCES AND FISHERIES ABSTRACTS (ASFA) ISSN 1198-6727 Historical Ecology of the Raja Ampat Archipelago, Palomares, M.L.D., Heymans, J.J. 1 DIRECTOR’S FOREWORD In a paper1 whose importance cannot be over-emphasized, Dr Jeremy Jackson, of the Scripps Institution of Oceanography, and his numerous co-authors, demonstrated that humans have impacted on the diversity of the oceans for thousands of years. However, these impacts were limited to vulnerable coastal species which could be readily hunted or collected. Although their local extirpation and sometimes extinction had long-term consequences reaching into the present, it is only with the onset of modernity that humans and the first wave of globalization –the global colonial enterprises conducted by European powers from the 16th century onwards – that widespread impacts on marine biodiversity became visible. This is not only because this globalization encouraged the international trade of products obtained from the exploitation of coastal areas, but also because the sailing vessels which the European powers deployed in this period carried onboard alert observers of nature, i.e., captains and naturalists, whose narratives of their voyages contain a wealth of observations on the biodiversity they observed. This contribution is the second of a series which uses ‘content analysis’ to convert these observations into numbers that can be analyzed using various statistical methods. The first, pertaining to the Falkland Islands2, clearly indicated that over time, observations on various animal groups in those remote islands used the word ‘abundance’ or ‘common’ (or their equivalent) less frequently, while those indicating rarity became more frequent. The same results were obtained here, thousands of miles from the Falkland Islands, in a totally different cultural and biological context – one subjected, however, to the same drivers of change. In both the Falkland Islands and the larger Raja Ampat Archipelago, local population increase and the increase of its footprint appear to have a strong effect on local biodiversity. However, in both cases, the biggest impact is due to the external (international) demand for certain products, e.g., fur seal skins and whale oil from the Falklands, for consumption in Europe and North America, and tripang (i.e., sea cucumber), pearls and turtles from the Raja Ampat Archipelago, consumed in both China and Europe. Though exploitation rates were to increase tenfold and more in the second half of the 20th century, the earlier exploitation rates, e.g., those prevailing in the 19th century, already had an impact on biodiversity, as demonstrated here. This report, thus, confirms that content analysis can indeed be applied at various scales, and that well- stocked libraries, such as UBC’s, can be used to reconstruct aspects of the history of biodiversity of far- away lands and seas. It is ironic that this conceptual tool is being successfully deployed in the 21st century, in which, it seems, we will be finishing off the biodiversity that we should, instead, be handing over to the next generations. Daniel Pauly Director Fisheries Centre, UBC 09 October 2006 1 Jackson, J.B.C., Kirby, M.X., Berger, W.H., Bjorndal, K.A., Botsford, L.W., Bourque, B.J., Cooke, R., Estes, J.A., Hughes, T.P., Kidwell, S., Lange, C.B., Lenihan, H.S., Pandolfi, J.M., Peterson, C.H., Steneck, R.S., Tegner, M.J., Warner, R.R., 2001. Historical overfishing and the recent collapse of coastal ecosystems. Science 293, 629-638. 2 Palomares, M.L.D., Mohammed, E., Pauly, D., 2006. European expeditions as a source of historic abundance data on marine organisms. Environmental History. 11 (October), 835-847. 2 Historical Ecology of the Raja Ampat Archipelago, Palomares, M.L.D., Heymans, J.J. HISTORICAL ECOLOGY OF THE RAJA AMPAT ARCHIPELAGO, PAPUA PROVINCE, INDONESIA1 Maria Lourdes D. Palomares Johanna J. Heymans The Sea Around Us Project, Fisheries Centre, University of British Columbia, 2202 Main Mall, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z4 Canada; Emails: [email protected], [email protected] 1 Cite as Palomares, M.L.D., Heymans, J.J., 2006. Historical Ecology of the Raja Ampat Archipelago, Papua Province, Indonesia. Fisheries Centre Research Reports 14(7). Fisheries Centre, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada, 64 pp. Historical Ecology of the Raja Ampat Archipelago, Palomares, M.L.D., Heymans, J.J. 3 ABSTRACT This report presents a review of the status of marine resources of the Raja Ampat Archipelago, Papua Province, Indonesia based on narratives of early European expeditions in various museums and libraries in Europe and also local archives in Papua. More than 500 documents on the study area were identified and located in various museums in the Netherlands, the UK, and France, and at the University of British Columbia library. Some of these were available in electronic format and some were photocopied. Not all the documents were available for consultation and some were ‘off limits’, notably those in special and rare book collections. Of these 500 documents, 350 were obtained and more than 250 were processed (25,000 pages scanned), of which only 50% (in 900 pages of text or 4% of the total number of pages scanned) contained abundance observations and observations on the impact of the human population on the ecosystem within the geographic bounding box established at 2° North and 2° South between 127 and 132° East. In general, these observations suggest: 1) a decline, of 50%, of the perceived occurrences of turtles, fish and invertebrates; 2) a general decline in the perception that turtles, fish and marine plants were abundant; 3) a sharp increase in the perception of populousness in coastal kampongs (i.e., villages); 4) a sharp decrease in the perception that marine resources are fished only for subsistence; 5) a decrease in the perception that marine resources are fished extensively; and 6) a slow increase in the perception that marine resources are fished for commercial purposes at medium and low levels of activity. These results corroborate those of data from independent sources of time series trends of catches of fresh fish, dried and salted fish, and shrimp as well as time series trends of exports of fish products, e.g., tripang, trassi, turtle shells, mollusk shells, crocodile skin, shark fins and jellyfishes. The data used for this exercise can be accessed through the ‘Historic Expeditions and Scientific Surveys’ link of the Sea Around Us Project website (www.seaaroundus.org). They will gradually be complemented with data from documents so far not accessed. The results of this study will feed into the ecological modelling of the Bird’s Head functional seascape, a component of the Seascapes Program of Conservation International (www.conservation.org). 4 Introduction INTRODUCTION Over the past decade, scientists and resource managers have realized the dangers of the ‘shifting baseline’ phenomenon, whereby our perspective of ‘what is natural and pristine’ is blurred by the increasing overexploitation of reefs over the last half-century. We have ‘forgotten’ what a truly healthy reef or fish stock looks like; a reef that today seems healthy and dense with fish may actually be only a vestige of its former self. A ‘good catch’ for a fisherman using a motorized dugout canoe today might actually be tiny compared to what a fisher used to be able to catch twenty years ago by simply fishing from the beach with a bow and an arrow. Accounts from the late 1700s and early 1800s which mention seas swarming with big fish and beaches packed with turtles are nowadays hard to believe. However, we are coming to understand that this really was the way that reefs naturally existed – but sadly we have greatly reduced the numbers of most large marine life over the past 100 years. The main objective of this study is to reconstruct, to the extent possible and from these narratives, a broad picture of the status of the living marine and coastal resources of the Raja Ampat group of islands prior to the onset of commercial fishing and logging to demonstrate how the perception of population size changed over time. A secondary objective is to show how the impact of human extractive activities has changed over time, by looking at the perceived changes the density of human populations and their perceived impact on the ecosystem. The results of this study will feed into the ecological modelling of the Bird’s Head functional seascape, a component of the Seascapes Program of Conservation International (www.conservation.org). Before addressing these objectives, it is necessary to first provide a historical background of the Raja Ampat Archipelago which we attempt in the following sections. In order to set appropriate management targets for maintenance and restoration of fish stocks and ecosystem integrity in the Raja Ampat Archipelago, it is imperative to reconstruct, as best we can, what this ecosystem looked like before the onset of commercial fishing and logging. Fortunately, the Maluku and other parts of the region was visited by at least five major naturalist expeditions in the early to mid 1800s, including the French ships the Uranie (1818-1819), the Coquille (1823), the Astrolabe (1826), the British ships the HMS Samarang (1843, 1846), the HMS Challenger (1874-1875). Naturalists conducting research on marine life in the area included the Dutch ichthyologist Peter Bleeker’s comprehensive studies on Indonesia’s fish fauna throughout the 1860s, and the British Alfred Russel Wallace whose travels within the Malay Archipelago in the early 1860s introduced us to the concept of the center of biodiversity. At the turn of the century, the area was again visited by the Siboga expedition (1899-1900) and later by the Snellius expedition (1929-1930). Additionally, there is a wealth of information collected by Dutch colonial administrators (recording volumes of fisheries products landed and traded, etc) and the Allied Forces during World War II, all of which can be mined for information on the original state of fish stocks and reefs in the Archipelago. THE SPICE TRADE AND THE EAST INDIES The first European accounts of the East Indies can probably be attributed to Marco Polo, who stayed in Sumatra in 1292 (Robequain, 1958:1). This was followed by various accounts related to the flow of spices, i.e., nutmeg (Myristica fragrans), cloves (Eugenia aromatica) and cinnamon from the East Indies (India, the Malay Archipelago and the Moluccas) to Europe. As the demand for spices increased in Europe, merchants established agencies and correspondents, mostly Indians, Chinese and Arabs, in the East Indies which encouraged active trade and the growth of ‘middlemen’ peddling these goods between Europe and the East Indies. As the cost of spices increased due to Venetian, Arab and Indian middlemen, many European powers, notably the Portuguese, strove to ensure control of the spice production itself and “for about 100 years the Moluccas were the centre of European activity in the East Indies” (Robequan, 1958:2). “As early as 1512 the Portuguese established a royal agent in Sumatra, and a Portuguese squadron under the command of Abreu reached the Moluccas, though all but one ship was lost on the voyage” (Robequain, 1958:2). In 1526-1527 the Portuguese Jorge de Meneses landed on the west coast of New Guinea and 10 years later some sailors of a Spanish vessel was shipwrecked on the north coast (Utrecht, 1978). In 1545 the Spaniard Ynigo Ortiz de Retes landed with his ship the San Juan at the mouth of the Mamberamo river and noticed the similarity of the population to that of Africa (Utrecht, 1978). The Spaniard Magellan’s expedition (without him, as he died on one of the St. Lazarus Islands, i.e., the Philippines) reached the Moluccas and was received by King Almanzor at Tidore. The Portuguese were established on the Historical Ecology of the Raja Ampat Archipelago, Palomares, M.L.D., Heymans, J.J. 5 neighboring island of Ternate, and the Spice wars started (Robequain, 1958:3). The Portuguese were driven back to Amboina in 1575 (Robequain, 1958:3). “Of the European settlers the huge Portuguese carracks could accommodate at least six hundred men and the Dutch ships even more” (Robequain, 1958:301). The voyage from Western Europe to the East Indies seldom lasted less than a year and often took longer (Robequain, 1958:301). The voyages avoided the north-east monsoon by passing around the west of Buru and sailing between Halmahera and New Guinea (Robequain, 1958:304). The Dutch, “increasingly dissatisfied with their position as middlemen as their own economy expanded” (Robequain, 1958:3), joined in the struggle to control the spice trade and production. Jan Huyghen van Linschoten returned from a trip to Goa carrying copies of Portuguese nautical maps which enabled Cornelius Houtman to complete a voyage to Bantam on the west coast of Sumatra on June 5, 1596 (Anon, 2006a). This broke the 16th century Portuguese monopoly of the spice trade. After this expedition, thirteen more were sent by the Dutch East India Company to the East Indies between 1598 and 1602 (Robequain, 1958:3). Jacob Cornelis van Necq of Amsterdam arrived in the Moluccas in 1598 and was welcomed at Amboina by the natives, after which some Dutch settled in Banda to cultivate nutmeg (Robequain, 1958:254). In 1605 the Dutch established themselves in Amboina and in 1610 they became the masters of Ternate (Robequain, 1958:3). In 1619 Jan Pieterzoon Coen seized Jakarta from the Portuguese and founded Batavia. It was from here that the Dutch East Indian Company succeeded in controlling most of the trade (Robequain, 1958:3). By 1768, the Dutch who were exporting cloves from plantations in Ambon were faced with overproduction as cloves were “grown in such quantities, that the government at Batavia, sometimes order a large number of clove-trees to be extirpated, and that no more than a certain fixed number shall be planted. […] the propagation of the clove-trees should cease, till their number was reduced to 550,000; the number of trees, both young, and fruit- bearing, was then 759,040” (Stavorinus, 1798:330). After the expedition by merchants from St. Malo, Vitré and Laval to Sumatra and Java in 1529-1530 (the voyage of Jean Parmentier to Sumatra in 1529), hardly any French ships visited the East Indies until the end of the 18th century (Robequain, 1958:4). However, “recent researches indicate that Jean Parmentier's expedition to Sumatra was the means by which the discovery of Java-la-Grande became known” (Wallis, 2006). The Spaniards and Portuguese also did not advance, but the English did; although they were unsuccessful in their attempts to settle in the Moluccas at the beginning of the 17th century, their factory at Bantam lasted until 1682 (Robequain, 1958). English freebooters including William Dampier often succeeded in cheating the Dutch; Great Britain seized the Dutch territories during the Napoleonic Wars and held on to them until 1816 (Robequain, 1958:4). Dampier sailed past the north coast in 1700 on his ship the Roebuck and James Cook sailed past the south coast through the Torres Strait in 1770 (Utrecht, 1978). The Anglo-Dutch treaty (or the Treaty of London) signed by Hendrik Fagel and Anton Reinhard Falck for the United Kingdom of the Netherlands and by George Canning and Charles Watkins Williams Wynn for the Great Britain on March 17 1824, officially divided the region into the British Malaya (Malaysia) and the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia). This treaty was ratified by the Great Britain on April 30 1824 and by the Netherlands on June 2, 1824 (see Anon, 1824). The Dutch retained control of the Dutch East Indies until Indonesia became independent in 1945. However, West Irian (now Papua) did not (Mintz, 1961). Papua was run by Indonesia from 1962 under a United Nations mandate and was finally taken over by Indonesia in 1969 (ICG, 2002:1). The demographic balance has changed dramatically since the Indonesian takeover. There has been an influx of settlers under Indonesian rule, mostly ethnic Malay Muslims, often Javanese or Bugis, though some are from Maluku, a Malay-Melanesian region with Christian and Muslim inhabitants (ICG, 2002:9). EXPLORATIONS IN NEW GUINEA The oldest written information on New Guinea is from the Chinese merchants who, in the 8th century, gave the king of the Sumatran Sriwijaya kingdom a “black curly haired Sen-k’i girl” from New Guinea. In the 12th century the Chinese trade dignitary, Chau Ya-kua, described New Guinea as an area subjected to 6 Introduction Javan rule (Utrecht, 1978). In 1365 the East-Javanese historic work Nagarekerta-gama mentions that New Guinea was part of the greater Indonesian kingdom of Majaphahid (Utrecht, 1978). The first Dutch ship that arrived on the New Guinea coast was the Kleine Zon in 1606. It was attacked and returned back to Banda in 1607 (Utrecht, 1978). In the meantime, Willem Zansz made a short stop at the Kei and Aru Islands with the Duyfcken and toured the south coast of New Guinea, although he did not land on the island itself, but on the north coast of Australia (Utrecht, 1978). At the same time Luis Vas de Torres sailed through the strait that divides Australia and New Guinea, which now bears his name (Utrecht, 1978). The VOC ship Eendracht under Captain Isaac le Maire and first mate Willem Cornelisz Schouten was the second Dutch ship to land on New Guinea, and landed on an island which was then called New Ireland (i.e., Schouten Island), on the eastern side of New Guinea (Utrecht, 1978). In January 1623, the Arnhem and Pera under the command of Jan Carstenz sailed to north Australia. The Arnhem landed in New Guinea and was attacked by the Papuans (Utrecht, 1978). Between 1636 and 1824 the Dutch stayed away from New Guinea (Utrecht, 1978) and because the Dutch were not really interested in New Guinea, they recognized the Sultan of Tidore as the sole leader (Jansen-Weber et al., 1997). In 1773, the English East Indian Company claimed the eastern part of New Guinea and in 1824, the Dutch and English decided to divide New Guinea in two (Jansen-Weber et al., 1997). In 1824, the Dutch sent the Dourga under the command of D.H. Kolff to West New Guinea where it landed at the Aru Islands and then at Prins Frederik Henderik Island, up the west coast and onto the north. Finally, in 1826, the Triton was sent to southwest New Guinea (Utrecht, 1978). OCEANOGRAPHIC AND MARINE BIOLOGICAL STUDIES In spite of the long ascendancy of European powers in the area, cartographical, hydrographical, geographical and biological studies became of interest only towards the end of the 19th century. The tight control of the Dutch East India Company prohibited the exploration, notably for cartographical purposes (the offense of which was punished in extreme cases by death), of all areas under its rule (de Freycinet, 1829). The spice trade and the economic benefit from it were all that interested the Company because the islands “can never be expected to yield any advantage, besides that derived from the spice-trade” (Stavorinus, 1798:335). However, 19th century European officials in the region, notably the Resident, were learned individuals who occasionally dealt with describing the lush nature of the region. “As they were first and foremost, civil servants – colonial bureaucrats […] not highly paid, but the cost of colonial living was low, and they had solid pensions […] many of their studies were financed out of the colonial budget and moreover, it was not of great matter to their employers whether or not they published a great deal […]” (Anderson, 1992:26). They had time to ‘indulge’ in studies of natural history, sometimes being able to collect specimens (as Bleeker did in the mid 1800s), and at the same time fight the boredom of their jobs. The earliest biological accounts from the region were published by Georg Everhard Rumphius, a German- Dutch botanist employed by the Dutch East India Company, who described plants from the island of Ambon in a catalogue, entitled Herbarium Amboinensis published in 1741, 39 years after his death (see Rumphius, 1999; www.museumboerhaave.nl). Rumphius’ work was followed by a long lull in organized scientific voyages until in June 1759 the botanist, Vitaliano Donati, was sent by the Italian King on a scientific and commercial mission to Egypt and the East Indies to collect samples for the museum and the Botanical Garden, and to observe in those countries the processes of mineral extraction, agricultural cultivation, and livestock breeding. Donati’s voyage was unfortunately ended when he died near the Indian coast of Mangalore in February 1762 (see Anon, 2002). Another botanist, the Swedish Carl Peter Thunberg was sent by the Dutch East India Company to collect specimens for the Dutch botanical gardens in 1771. He stayed 3 years in South Africa where he was able to learn Dutch and collect many botanical specimens from inland Africa. He finally got to Java in 1775 and stayed in Jakarta for only 2 months (see www.wikipedia.org). The French naturalist and explorer, Pierre Sonnerat published an account of his voyages to Southeast Asia and the Moluccas (see Sonnerat, 1776, 1782). In the 1776 account of his voyage to New Guinea, he described many terrestrial plants, trees and birds including 3 species of ‘penguins’ (which probably was an error). The British Joseph Banks joined the first joint scientific expedition of the British Royal Navy and the Royal Society to the South Pacific Ocean on the H.M.S. Endeavour in 1768- 1771, the first of James Cook’s voyages to the region. Banks is credited with several species of plants which now bear his name (see Bank’s Endeavour journal at www.southseas.nla.gov.au).