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Title: Historical and Descriptive Sketches of the Town and Soke of Horncastle [1820] in the county of Lincoln, and of several places adjacent Author: George Weir Release Date: December 31, 2020 [eBook #64182] Language: English Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) ***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE SKETCHES OF THE TOWN AND SOKE OF HORNCASTLE [1820]*** Transcribed from the 1820 Sherwood, Neely, and Jones edition by David Price. HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE SKETCHES OF THE TOWN AND SOKE OF HORNCASTLE, IN THE COUNTY OF LINCOLN, AND OF SEVERAL PLACES ADJACENT, EMBELLISHED WITH ENGRAVINGS. BY GEORGE WEIR. LONDON: PUBLISHED FOR THE AUTHOR BY SHERWOOD, NEELY, AND JONES, PATERNOSTER-ROW. SOLD AT HORNCASTLE BY WEIR AND SON. 1820. Printed by Weir and Son, Horncastle. PREFACE. The Author of this volume has for several years past been induced from a partiality to topographical research, to devote those hours which he could spare from his professional avocations to an enquiry into the early history of the town and neighbourhood of Horncastle. The following pages are the result of his labors, and he would have been glad to have laid them before the public in a more perfect form; but from the difficulties which he has had to encounter with in pursuing an untrodden path, he has been enabled only to give them as “Sketches.” It was the intention of the Author to have published this work five years ago; but in this he was prevented by local circumstances, and has subsequently been so by an unfavorable state of health. He now submits it to the public as the contribution of his mite towards the long neglected topography of the county of Lincoln. The Account of Tattershall having in a separate publication passed through two editions, the original intention of the Author was not to have included it in this volume; many of his Subscribers, however, expressing a wish to the contrary, it is in compliance therewith now subjoined. The Author has to return his acknowledgements to those gentlemen who have so kindly favored him with communications. From Edmund Turnor, Esquire, of Stoke Rochford, he received several useful notices; and to his friend Mr. Richard Hill, lately of Islington, he is not only indebted for many important communications, but for great assistance in the arrangement of the work. The principal part of the chapter on Geology is extracted from “A Sketch of the Geology of the Lincolnshire Wolds, by Mr. Edward Bogg,” published in the third volume of the “Transactions of the Geological Society,” and the Author has to acknowledge the readiness with which Mr. Bogg permitted him to make use of this valuable paper. The list of plants was furnished by Mr. John Ward, of Horncastle, and the modern plan of the town by Mr. C. C. Cremer, of the same place; and to the accurate pencil of Mr. Thomas Espin of Louth, the Author is indebted for several of the views with which this volume is illustrated. Without this assistance he would not have been able to have combined in his work the information which it at present contains. April, 1820. CONTENTS. Horncastle Situation 1 During the Roman and Saxon Governments 3 The Manor 7 During the Civil Wars in the Reign of Charles the First 12 Antiquities 25 The Church 29 The Grammar School 35 The River Bane and Navigable Canal 37 The Present State of the Town 39 Soke of Horncastle 43 Thimbleby 43 West Ashby 44 Low Tointon 44 High Tointon 45 Mareham on the Hill 45 Roughton 46 Haltham 47 p. ii p. iii p. iv p. v Wood Enderby 48 Moorby 48 Wilksby 48 Mareham le Fen 48 Coningsby 50 Langriville and Thornton le Fen 53 Baumber 55 Edlington 57 Somersby 59 Scrivelsby 62 Bolingbroke Situation 67 The Manor 67 The Castle 71 The Church 73 The Town 74 Revesby 76 Kirkstead 80 Tattershall Situation 83 The Manor 83 The Castle 86 The Collegiate Church 88 The Town 95 Tower on the Moor 97 Geology and Natural History 99 Appendix 107 PLATES. Frontispiece, Roman Wall at Horncastle to face the title. North-East View of Horncastle Church to face page 29 Monument of Sir Lionel Dymoke 30 Plan of Horncastle in 1722, from “Stukeley’s Itinerarium” 39 Plan of Horncastle in 1819 40 South-West View of Tattershall Castle, with a Ground Plan 86 Chimney Pieces in Tattershall Castle 88 Geological Map 99 VIGNETTES. Roman Urns found at Horncastle page 25 Ancient British Coin 28 Seal of the Grammar School at Horncastle 35 p. vi Seal of the Horncastle Navigation Company 37 Stourton Hall, Baumber, Seat of Joseph Livesey, Esquire 55 Edlington Grove, Seat of Richard Samuel Short, Esquire 57 Ancient Cross at Somersby 59 Ancient Monuments in Scrivelsby Church 62 Remains of Bolingbroke Castle, from a drawing taken in 1813 67 Revesby Abbey, Seat of The Right Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, Bart. 76 Kirkstead Chapel 80 Tattershall Church and Castle, from the South East 83 Seal of Tattershall College 96 Tower on the Moor 97 HORNCASTLE. SITUATION, &c. Horncastle is pleasantly situated at the foot of that bold and even range of hills which, from their openness, have been termed the wolds. It is nearly in the centre of the Lindsey division of the county of Lincoln, and is the chief of a soke of fifteen parishes, to which it gives name. The principal part of the town is built in an angle formed by the confluence of two rivers, the Bane and the Waring, where an ancient fortification formerly stood, the scite of which is still visible, denoting it to have been a station of importance in early times. The character of the place is however now completely changed. From a military station it has become a situation of trade; and being surrounded by a considerable number of villages, possesses one of the largest markets in the county. Its distance from the city of Lincoln is twenty-one miles, and eighteen from the town of Boston. HORNCASTLE DURING THE ROMAN AND SAXON GOVERNMENTS. Before the invasion of Britain by the Romans, whilst yet the island was divided into independent states, the present scite of Horncastle with its immediate neighbourhood was doubtless appropriated, like the rest of the country of the Coritani, to the pasturing of herds and flocks. In the formation of settlements no other circumstances influenced the Britons than the conveniences which might be afforded them in their accustomed occupations. Vallies fertilized by streams, and the contiguous hills would supply food for their cattle and sheep, whilst the neighbourhood of forests invited to the pursuits of the chase. The rich tracts of open grass land stretching along the banks of the river Bane, and its tributary stream, would be populously occupied by the pastoral inhabitants of this district. Hence it may be presumed, that when the weak efforts of the Coritani for independence had left them vanquished by the victorious arms of the Romans, under Ostorius Scapula, and finally a tributary state by the more efficient achievements of Suetonius Paulinus, this portion of the country was soon secured by fixing on the present scite of Horncastle a military station. From the almost imperishable masses of the ancient wall which still remain, and by the numerous coins, urns, and other vestiges of the Roman people which have been found in this place, and are still met with in turning up the soil, it apparently became in process of time a station of considerable importance. It is however difficult to make any definite suggestions as to the period at which the fortifications might have been erected, no inscription having been found throwing light upon the subject. To secure by effectual barriers against insurrections, the conquests which had already been made, whilst yet the bordering people to the north, the fierce and powerful Brigantes, remained unsubdued, might be deemed a sufficient inducement for raising frequent and effectual military works among the inhabitants of this state: for it was not until Petillius Cerealis was appointed by the emperor Vespasian to the command in the province of Britain, that that hitherto unbridled nation were either conquered or involved in all the calamities of warfare. Though there be no precise data by which the decision may be guided, as to the time of the earlier military erections which were formed at this place; yet it cannot be ascribed to a much later period than the above occurrences so intimately connected. At all events, it may not be considered posterior to the effects which resulted from the wise policy of Agricola. Immediately on his arrival to assume the command, he placed along the frontiers of the several subjugated districts, a chain of fortresses: these were constructed with so much care and judgment, that the inhabitants of those parts where the Roman arms had not then penetrated, could never consider themselves secure from the vigor of the conqueror. [4a] The people, soon after this, p. 1 p. 2 p. 3 p. 4 completed their submission to the yoke by yielding to the allurements of Roman manners. Their ferocity was tamed: from a savage people, running wild in woods, they became cultivated, acquiring knowledge, and dwelling in towns; and finally sweetened their slavery, by indulging in the pleasures of polished life. From the circumstance of this station being situated on the river Bane, several antiquaries have concurred in fixing here the Banovallum of the Roman geographer Ravennas. This opinion has been the more readily adopted from the etymology of the name; the latter part of the word being Latin, and collectively signifying a fortification on the Bane. It is indeed probable that the Romans might have been induced at first to make a station at this place, from its convenient situation, easily rendered defensible by a vallum, or temporary barrier, drawn across the aperture of the two rivers from one bank to the other, and thence came its designation. Afterwards they built the indissoluble stone wall, whose vestiges after the lapse of ages are manifest nearly the whole compass round. [4b] It is to be regretted that Ravennas gives no distances: he merely places Banovallum next after Lindum, so that nothing decidedly certain can be gained from his work. But, though it cannot be positively ascertained that this spot was the Roman Banovallum; yet as the name most evidently points out a fortification on the river Bane, there appears little reason to question it; both from its contiguity to the colony of Lindum, with which place it had communication by means of a military road; [5] as also from its situation; particularly as no other remains of the Romans have been discovered on that river, nor yet any near to it, except some coins at the village of Ludford, where the Bane has its source; and traces of an encampment at Tattershall, more than a mile distant from its banks. In what circumstances this station may have been involved from the final subjugation of the Britons by Agricola, under whose paternal government the province felt some portion of enjoyment in cultivating the arts of peace, is not known: but, from the evidence of antiquities, it is perceptible that it continued a place of importance down to the period when the Romans in the decline of their empire had withdrawn from Britain; though probably, in the security of a long abstraction from war, its military strength was somewhat disregarded. No sooner however had the necessities and the mistaken policy of the enervated inhabitants, again left to themselves, called to their assistance the warlike Saxons, against the eruptions of the northern barbarians, than we find this place agitated, in common with the rest of the country, by all the calamities which were connected with the desperate contests that ensued;—the Britons struggling for liberty, against the eagerness for dominion on the part of the victorious Saxons. These people, according to the practice which prevailed amongst them of changing the names of Roman stations, gave to this the appellation of Hyrncastre or Hornecastre, from its situation in an angle formed by the junction of the two rivers, which denotes a fortification in a corner, of which the present name is evidently a corruption. The Roman fortress was at that time either destroyed, or in a very dilapidated state; for Horsa, the Saxon general and brother of Hengist is stated to have enstrengthened the fortress of Horncastle. This fortification however did not continue long; for Horsa being defeated in an engagement with the Britons, under the command of Raengeires, at the neighbouring village of Tetford, Vortimer king of the Britons caused it to be beaten down and rendered defenceless. [6] THE MANOR. By the record called Domesday, compiled towards the latter end of the reign of William the Conqueror, it appears that the manor of Horncastle, previous to the close of the Saxon government, belonged to Editha the queen of Edward the Confessor; but at the time of making that survey it formed, together with the soke, part of the possessions of the king. [7a] When this manor was separated from the crown does not appear; but in the reign of Stephen it was the demesne of Alice or Adelias de Cundi, who resided at her castle here, which leaves it to be concluded that she held it by inheritance from her father. [7b] As she took part against the king in his contention with the Empress Maud, he seized her lands, but restored them again on condition that she should demolish her castle, the means which had served to render her political alliance formidable to his interest. [7c] What may have been the extent and nature of the structure possessed as the mansion of Adelias is not now discoverable, no traces being to be found; but its strength most probably consisted in a restoration of the walls of the Roman fortress, which encircling some convenient and less durable edifice, gave to the place of her residence the security of a castle. The restitution, by Stephen, of these lands to Adelias de Cundi, seems to have been only for life, as her heir did not succeed thereto; for this manor came again to the crown, and was afterwards given by Henry the second to Gerbald le Escald, a Fleming, who held it for one knight’s fee. [8a] Gerbald le Escald, was succeeded by his grandson and heir Gerrard de Rhodes; but for a short time after his death, Ranulph Earl of Chester appears to have held it, probably in trust for Gerrard de Rhodes, during his minority. Gerrard was succeeded by his son and heir Ralph de Rhodes, who in the reign of Henry the third, sold this manor to Walter Mauclerke, the third Bishop of Carlisle, who also held the office of Treasurer of the Exchequer. In conformity with the spirit of the times in which this sale was effected, the bishop and his successors were to hold the estate by the performance of suit and service to Ralph de Rhodes and his heirs. In the fourteenth year of the same reign, the transfer to Walter Mauclerke was confirmed by the king, who in the same year also granted to him three several charters, conferring those immunities upon the manor and soke, which served to raise the town of Horncastle from the dependence of a village, to become in some degree the mart of the surrounding country. p. 5 p. 6 p. 7 p. 8 The first of these charters gave to the bishop free warren over this manor and the soke: the second the liberty of holding an annual fair at this place, which was to commence two days before the eve of the feast of St. Barnabas, and to continue eight days: the third had for its objects the empowering of the bishop to try felons, [8b] and to hold a court leet; also the exemption of the inhabitants of the manor, and the soke from toll, and several other payments and services, beside protecting them from arrest by the sheriff’s and king’s officers. An additional charter was granted in the following year enabling the bishop to hold a weekly market here every Wednesday; and also another annual fair to commence on the eve of the feast of St. Lawrence, and to continue seven days. [8c] The custom of holding a fair on the anniversary of this festival appears to have prevailed at an earlier period, it being alluded to in the grant of the former fair. In the same reign, Gerrard, the son and heir of Ralph de Rhodes, appears to have preferred his claim to this manor, which had been sold by his father; [9a] perhaps in consequence of some omission in the performance of those services by which the estate was to be held. His claim does not appear to have been successful; for in the seventeenth year of the same king, the bishop fined to hold this manor in fee, but not to alienate without licence. [9b] Walter Mauclerke resigned the see of Carlisle in 1246, and as this manor devolved to his ecclesiastical successors, it may be inferred that it had been purchased to increase the revenues of the bishoprick, and not to be appropriated as his private property. The privileges of such essential interest to the estate, which had already been conferred by the preceding charters, were in part strengthened by fresh acknowledgements to the Bishops of Carlisle, in the reigns of the two succeeding kings; Edward the first confirming the grant of free warren, [9c] and Edward the second that which exempts the inhabitants of the manor and soke from certain payments and services. [9d] At the period of Richard the second, Roger le Scrop and Margaret his wife, with Robert Tibetot and Eve his wife, heirs and descendants of Gerbald le Escald, appear to have advanced a claim to this manor, and to have succeeded in obtaining letters patent, confirming to them homage and service from the ecclesiastical possessor. [9e] At that time also, when the border contests had laid waste the see of Carlisle, and divested the bishops of their seat of Rose Castle in Cumberland, they were necessitated to take up their residence at Horncastle, which continued for some time to be their principal place of abode. [9f] In the twenty-fifth year of Henry the sixth, that monarch confirmed the several charters granted to the bishops as lords of this manor, by Henry the third, and also conferred on them numerous other privileges. [10a] This manor continued in the possession of the Bishops of Carlisle, until the reign of Edward the sixth, when, under the authority of a licence from the crown, it was sold by Bishop Aldrich to Edward Lord Clinton, who, during the time he held it, compounded with the copyhold tenants, and enfranchised their estates; but after Mary had ascended the throne, he was compelled to re-convey his purchase to the see of Carlisle, [10b] to which, since that time, it has continued to belong. Bishop Aldrich died at this place in March, 1555, the second year of the reign of Queen Mary: from which it appears, that the estate had either been restored previous to his decease; or, in the conditions of the sale, he had reserved to himself the privilege of residing in the manor house. [10c] Queen Elizabeth had a lease of this manor from the then possessing bishop, in which she was succeeded by James the first, who assigned it to Sir Henry Clinton, knight; but owing to a neglect of enrolment, it proved void. [10d] The present lessee is The Right Honorable Sir Joseph Banks, Baronet, by whom, and his ancestors, it has been held about a century. The large tract of fen land, situated between this place and Boston, at a very early period belonged to the lords of this manor, in conjunction with the lords of the manors of Bolingbroke and Scrivelsby; but by the grants which they gave to the neighbouring abbies at Revesby and Kirkstead, their right therein became comparatively small. [11] On the enclosure of these fens, pursuant to Act of Parliament, in 1801, about six hundred acres were annexed to the parish of Horncastle, eighty-one acres of which were allotted to the lord of the manor; the remainder to the owners of common- right houses. The parochial extent of Horncastle, exclusive of the fen allotment, is about one thousand three hundred acres, two hundred and fifty of which are contained in the manorial estates. HORNCASTLE DURING THE CIVIL WARS IN THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE FIRST. Notwithstanding that in this part was born that individual of the family of Plantagenet, whose assumption of the throne plunged the country, for half a century, into the civil wars which nearly exterminated the ancient nobility; yet had the soil here been unstained by the blood so profusely shed. Partaking, in common with all, the miseries of the land, it seemed peculiarly exempted from beholding those contentions of the houses of York and Lancaster which sprung from the elevation of Henry of Bolingbroke to the sovereignty of England. It was however otherwise when the usurpation of unlimited power on the part of Charles the first had urged a war between the people and the king. As peculiar circumstances of policy and interest had brought the military operations into these parts, it will be necessary in their detail to revert to the conduct of the parties opposed in the opening of the war. No sooner had the commons demanded concessions from the royal prerogative, as the only security against the p. 9 p. 10 p. 11 p. 12 repeated encroachments which had been made on the privileges of the people, than they were impelled, by the insincerity of the monarch, to protect the interest of the subject by every possible means. The right of the sword was looked upon as the exalted claim of the patriot alone; but as either party considered themselves influenced by the sacred love of their country, both made gradual advances to an appeal: the one to protect the liberties of the people; the other, those general interests which seemed connected with upholding the authority of the king. As the commons were sensible that the monarch would seize the first favourable opportunity to reinstate himself in the former excess of his power, the earliest precautions were taken in regard to the military establishments of the country. Amongst these was secured the important fortress of Hull, containing the arms of all the forces which had been levied against the Scots: with these the parliament also assumed to themselves the disposal of the militia, a force indeed collected, but totally untried in the conduct of war. The king, on erecting his standard, opposed to this, as a resource of strength, his Commission of Array. The call of the monarch was obeyed by each county, as the political inclinations of individuals led them, or in submission to the influence and example of those men of fortune, with whose interests that of their tenantry was intimately connected. [13] The contest carried on in the south and in the west with vigor, already appeared favorable to the royal cause. In the north, however, it sustained a decided check, by the strong hold which the parliament possessed in the garrison of Hull, then commanded by Lord Fairfax, who, unable to maintain the field against the Marquis of Newcastle, had there retired, determined to repel a siege with courage and ability; and to diminish the strength of his enemy by sudden incursions. The disposable forces of the parliament, not immediately required for the defence of Hull, were too inconsiderable to oppose the march into the south. Notwithstanding this, the affairs of the king were ruined by confining the efforts of a powerful army to investing this fortress; while the active enemy, though few in number, acquired by their boldness and intrepidity, an effective strength in the field. When Oliver Cromwell, then beginning to signalize himself as the companion in arms of the young and gallant Sir Thomas Fairfax, had by a signal victory at Gainsborough, routed the royal troops; the Marquis of Newcastle, beholding his brother Cavendish dead, amid the noblest and bravest of his soldiers, seemed as if awakened by the calls of vengeance to the necessity of more extensive exertions. He therefore suddenly decided on harassing his opponents, while weak and inefficient, by dispatching a competent force into the heart of Lincolnshire. Cromwell, though a conqueror, was obliged to make a precipitate retreat; and as Lincoln was not defensible, he hastened on the day succeeding his victory to Boston; intending there, with the young Sir Thomas Fairfax, who was proceeding with additional horse from Hull, to concentrate their forces with those of the Earl of Manchester. [14a] The division of the royal army, destined for these parts, was entrusted to the command of Sir John Henderson, an old and valiant soldier, and to Sir William Widdrington, who was appointed governor of Lincoln. As these leaders were anxious to requite themselves for the defeat which had so recently crowned the conquerors with the applause of heroism, they determined to draw the enemy to an engagement before their reinforcements should arrive: ere this however could be effected, Manchester, upon advice of their intention, after possessing himself of the strong fortress of Lynn, had advanced with the disposable part of the army of the associated counties. Such appeared to be the mutual disposition of affairs in the north, at the beginning of October 1643, in the first year of the civil war. The army of the parliament, about six thousand foot, and thirty-seven troop of horse being concentrated at Boston, it was determined that companies should be distributed into such parts as might secure their early co-operation, whensoever occasion should require. Bolingbroke, defended by a castle held by the partizans of the king, called forth into exertion their vigor and the alacrity of their courage. [14b] This they decided upon as the place of military operation; whilst as the neighbourhood promised the most favorable circumstances for a field, they would there invite the enemy on to battle. Accordingly ten companies, commanded by Major Knight, an officer under Sir Miles Hobart, were disposed of at this place. A regiment was quartered at Stickford, [14c] about two miles distant; and three companies of the Earl of Manchester’s own at the village of Stickney. The cavalry were all distributed into the country round, for about eight or ten miles distance. In the evening after their arrival, the castle of Bolingbroke, was summoned. The answer in effect was, that “the commander need not expect that the demands of arrogance alone should win the castle.” From this determined reply promising a strenuous defence, dispositions were immediately taken to acquire it by a regular siege. The church and a neighbouring house were occupied by the assailants, earth works were thrown up, and the assault commenced, but without much effect. During this time, the royalists, bold, eager, and trusting that a generous heroism would nerve them for victory, waited only the opportunity for attack. Upon learning the arrival of the Earl of Manchester, they lost no time in drawing out all their military from the several garrisons of Lincoln, Newark, and Gainsborough, still stimulated by an undaunted resolution to find out the enemy and advance to the combat. Hastening on, they arrived, early on the day previous to the battle, at the out-posts of the parliamentary forces. No sooner had a detachment from the king’s army, advancing on the western road, been observed at Edlington, reconnoitring the lines of their enemy, than word came to Sir Thomas Fairfax, the commandant of the cavalry at Horncastle, that a surprize was expected. Information was accordingly dispatched to the Earl of Manchester: it found him at East Kirkby hill, with Colonel Cromwell, and the Lord Willoughby of Parham, intently observing the progress which the besiegers made against the castle of Bolingbroke, and assiduously ordering the dispositions of attack. p. 13 p. 14 p. 15 Roused at this communication, Cromwell immediately hurried to collect the troops dispersed around. Fairfax was still every where distributing horsemen for the purpose of enquiry, cautious to ascertain and forward such accounts as might be obtained of the progress and number of the royal forces; who though eager for battle, were careful to deliberate on the promises of success. As the party who caused the alarm, suspecting themselves seen, had drawn off with such intelligence as they gathered, there seemed reason to suppose that the main body of the royalists were yet at a considerable distance: Fairfax therefore about sun set, learning nothing additional, proceeded to the quarters at East Kirkby, to confer on the measures proposed for the expected conflict. In the mean time the Earl of Manchester, with Lord Willoughby and some other officers, had with the like object hastened to Horncastle, previously appointing that at that place the forces should be immediately collected; where being drawn together, the most effective resolutions might be taken for ensuring a victory, or lessening the calamities of a defeat. It was not until the dusk of the evening that the royal army, under Sir John Henderson, moved rapidly on to the station of their enemy. They had judged that the dubious light would serve to conceal their true numbers; and that as nothing was known of them with certainty, but their anxious readiness for the encounter; so their opponents, whether few or many, deeming them prepared for every casualty, might by their indecision leave an easy conquest to their arms. The out-posts were surprized by the precipitate advance of these hostile forces; and in the unprepared circumstances of those who maintained them, and the disparity of their numbers, there was afforded them no means of encountering their difficulties, but the hardihood of a cool intrepidity. This indeed was a stern calmness which always pervaded the breast of a Puritan who was a soldier. He did not untremblingly bare his bosom to the steel because, like a Roman, he abstractedly considered fear inconsistent with the nobler qualities of human nature; but because the factitious enthusiasm of his religion had taught him to look with indifference on temporal things. If the general good required the sacrifice of his life, the particular calamities of his family were dismissed with scarce a thought beyond a pious supplication. It was this feeling which finally rendered the parliament victorious in their contest. However in this unlooked-for state the soldiers at the out-posts were exposed to much perplexity, and many were the dangers recited amongst them on the morning of the gathering of their strength for the field of battle. Some finding themselves surrounded, out-numbered, and in all the perilous circumstances of desperate warfare, were obliged to supply by politic conduct the helplessness of their condition. These therefore, hastily mounting their horses, agreed with much resolution to break through the opposing ranks, sword in hand, with the words of mutual encouragement, “Come on! come on! all is our own,” thinking that the enemy, by these ambiguous shouts, fearing an ambuscade, would leave to them an easy passage by the sudden confusion of their alarm. In this manner about four companies encountered two thousand cavalry, with the loss of only three men. Though these warriors, taking the advantage of the darkness of the evening, were enabled by their resolute conduct to overcome these difficulties; yet as the royal army had already advanced onward to Horncastle, in strong and numerous detachments, they were exposed in their retreat thither to fresh and obstinate encounters. Perceiving, as they approached the town, that they had come up to another party of the enemy’s horse, they determined, after saluting them as friends, to hurry onward as if destined for some urgent duty. They had, however, scarce passed them, when flushed with the success of their stratagem, and feeling the pride and bravado of soldiers, who deemed their individual preservation as of little value to their common strength, if purchased without the blood of their enemy, they turned to the attack of the unwary royalists. “For whom are ye?” said they. “For the king.” “We are for the king and parliament.” Scarcely had these declarations been interchanged, when rushing precipitately on the unsuspecting enemy, and throwing them into disorder, they fled towards the town, deeming themselves secure in the quarters of their comrades, and considering their valour rewarded in the acclamations that would greet them from their friends. But Horncastle, surprized at the approach of numerous hostile forces, had been evacuated by the detachment of horse which possessed it; and the inhabitants, as soon as the town was seized by the troops of the king, having secured the entrances and roads through it, by forming barriers with carts and timber; the cavalry found themselves again obliged to exert their unyielding valor in turning upon their pursuers. Desperately therefore they burst through them with the full energy of their courage, sustaining the loss of some few men, among whom was a cornet; but bringing away prisoners as the evidence of their perils and their triumph. [17] At this period of hurried confusion, and the setting in of the night, the Earl of Manchester reached the town. He heard the rejoicings of the troops, thus victorious in the dangers of their retreat; taunting the enemy with their shouts, as they drew off undefeated from their toils. Finding now that the place designed for the assembling of his forces was already possessed by the enemy, he hastily recalled the orders for the general rendezvous at Horncastle, and appointed Bolingbroke in its stead. Thither at night repaired the dispersed soldiery of the parliament, except three or four troops of horse, who in the difficulties of retreating before superior forces, had been obliged to proceed by the circuit of Tattershall, and did not arrive until the next morning. At Bolingbroke, Manchester designed to wait for the enemy; but Cromwell, actuated by prudence, urged the delaying of the battle, since the troops, upon whose prowess and exertion success depended, were wearied, and little able to sustain the ardour of the fight. [18] The royal army were however too eager to secure the promises of a victory, to permit their adversaries to renew their strength by avoiding the contest. As soon as the morning had dawned and the silence of the surrounding country assured them that their enemies were withdrawn from near them, and were assembling together at Bolingbroke, they arrayed themselves for the encounter. Before the middle of the day they marched out, in strength about seventy-five troops of horse, and five thousand foot, to meet the soldiers of the parliament. Foreboding with certainty that this would be their determination, Manchester was constrained to the resolution of giving them battle, and p. 16 p. 17 p. 18 immediately advanced towards them. The spot upon which the contending armies engaged was a gently rising and broadly extended eminence, at a village called Winceby, midway between Horncastle and Bolingbroke. It commands an extensive prospect of the far stretched fen-lands of the county; whilst to the westward is seen those cliffs, on the summit of one of which magnificently rises the cathedral of Lincoln. This the royal army had contemplated as a district, which by victory was either to be restored to the authority of the king; or by defeat to afford an effectual check to the military operations in the north, and to be ensured as a further resource to the parliament. The noon was already passed when the armies came in sight of each other. The royalists trusting with confidence to their mutual ardor, rejoiced when they beheld the adverse soldiers advancing to meet them, though amid the wild chant of hymns for mercy and for victory. In the fields immediately before them they fixed the order of their battle: formed into closely compacted lines, the cavalry was placed in the advance, and covered the infantry. The left wing of this array, was commanded by the general Sir John Henderson. [19a] The Earl of Manchester, pressed for ground in the marshalling of his forces, presented alone his cavalry to the fight; the infantry, headed by himself, being stationed so far in the rear that they were unable to second the exertions of their horsemen. [19b] The disadvantages arising from fatigue, with the closeness of ground, and inequality of numbers were apparent to the warriors of the parliament. In the doubtful promises of the contest, their leaders sought to replenish their strength, and supply their situation by words and by actions, infusing into them an energy and martial ardour rivalling their own. Fairfax, who knew by experience that the undaunted intrepidity of a few was more efficient in its achievements than the impetuosity of those who relied for security on their numbers, pointed to his men the imposing array of his adversaries, exclaiming “Come let us fall on; I never prospered better than when I fought with my enemies three or four to one.” Cromwell, by the apparent bravery with which he was animated, promised them that examples of heroism should not be wanted, whilst life was given him to lead them. [19c] On the other hand, the commander of the royal forces did not lose the opportunity which was afforded him of reminding his fellow soldiers that vengeance was yet due for the defeat at Gainsborough; and that now was supplied them a time to requite themselves for the blood of the illustrious brother of Newcastle. He set before them the necessity of strenuous exertions and important sacrifices, by pointing to the example of one, who exalted amidst the mighty of the land, lately fighting among them, did not hesitate to devote himself to death for the cause of his sovereign. At the moment therefore when the armies were ready to engage, the royalists raised the cry of “Cavendish! on for Cavendish!” which was as loudly answered by the enthusiastic shout of “Religion!” the zeal which animated those who proclaimed it, by inspiring them with hopes of immortality, rendered death less to be dreaded than the misfortunes of a defeat. [20a] Scarce had the words of onset been given, when the divisions of cavalry, under the command of Cromwell and Fairfax, were led to the charge by Vermeydun, a soldier of valour, who headed the first detachment as a forlorn hope, aspiring to the honour of directing his comrades on to victory. Already the horsemen of the royalists, with a well directed precision, had vigorously poured into their ranks the second discharge of their fire arms. These did some execution among them; and Cromwell thus early had his horse shot under him. A minute had elapsed before the parties fiercely met in the close encounter, arm to arm. Cromwell for a time was compelled to grapple on foot with his enemies, entangled amid the trappings of his dying charger. Though felled to the ground as he attempted to extricate himself from this perilous situation, he rose uninjured. This singular man, bold and intrepid, animated by zeal, foremost in the fight, struggling with disasters, seemed peculiarly preserved in all his dangers, to fill that situation in the page of history, where, though elevated by violence, he powerfully commands our admiration by his success, his prudence, and the daring of his genius. Sir Ingram Hopton, who at this moment had attempted to seize him, was killed. [20b] Cromwell, now recovering a horse from a soldier near him, bravely led on his companions to the combat, strengthening their stern courage by the most signal proofs of his personal bravery. Not with less valor was the conflict sustained on the part of the royalists. Sir John Henderson, the hardy veteran of former battles, firm as a rock amid the rushing of the waves, resisted every impetuous assault. His adversaries were driven back in disorder; but these men, not readily to be repulsed, returned, with a cool bravery and redoubled vigor to the attack. For half an hour, firm and undecided, continued the contest, sword against sword, and fortitude repelling courage. The resolute warriors, who sustained the furious charges of Fairfax and Cromwell, (for the whole were not engaged,) relinquished not a portion of their ground. At last, a division commanded by Sir William Saville wavering, though reluctant to give way, became routed and completely disordered. Yielding they struck confusion into the other bodies of their own horse; and these again were hurled with precipitance upon the mass of their infantry. All being alike borne down in this part of the field, none were left to second the broken and disordered in again advancing to the combat. The division of Sir John Henderson and Lord Ething alone maintained itself unyielding and unsubdued. The exulting army of the parliament, now taking advantage of the discomfiture of the other troops, and the tumult of the infantry, assailed with a desperate charge the yet unrepulsed. In vain did the royalist commander exhort his men to be resolute and undismayed; but no prudence could uphold the advantages which valor must lose. Their fortitude was giving way to despair; and the successful, elated with the promises of victory, found no equal disputants in men dismayed by the certainty of a defeat. Perplexed amid the various and ineffectual efforts of the other bodies of the royal troops, the disheartened defenders of the field yielded beneath the shock of the adverse weapons. The victorious soldiers now fiercely plunging in amidst the routed dragoons, many of whom at this time were on foot and in the most appalling confusion, saw them quickly disappearing beneath the havoc of their swords and the fury of their horses. The infantry were for the most part destroyed; for being intercepted by a body of cavalry, scarce a man survived the carnage. [21a] There was now no safety but in a dishonorable flight. The pursuit continued beyond Horncastle with p. 19 p. 20 p. 21 unremitting fury; and along the road were strewed the horse and the rider, the dead and the dying. [21b] The soldiers under the command of Manchester, who as yet had partaken in no respect in the glory of the blood-shed, reserved their efforts for securing the prisoners, and assisting the scarce breathing wounded of the enemy, who were scattered about the field in groups. Such partisans as had recently been embodied by the commission of array were pitiably supplicating the mercy of their conquerors. Cursing with deep execration that little regard which had hurried them to the fight, without a feeling of interest in its issue, they cried out that the commission of array had brought them thither against their wills, and blessing the cause of liberty and religion, added “We die as true servants of the parliament as any in England, and woe be to those who were the cause that Lincoln and York became the prey of such a war.” [22a] Though the battle was fought with determined obstinacy; yet, whilst the parties maintained their ground, the loss was comparatively small: the havoc that ensued was among the routed and the flying. There were killed but few on the side of the parliament. Those of rank who were slain of the royal forces were Sir George Bolles, and Sir Ingram Hopton. The prisoners, about one thousand in number, were the wounded on the field, and those parties of the dispersed fugitives, who to avoid the overwhelming carnage of their pursuers had secreted themselves amongst the rugged and winding banks of a neighbouring river: many indeed were taken whilst seeking refuge in the very waters, where some had already perished, bleeding and wearied in their armour, overcome in their inability to recover themselves from the deeper parts of the stream. The trophies which the conquerors obtained in the fight of Winceby field, were arms for fifteen hundred men, and thirty-five standards. [22b] Returning from the pursuit, the exhausted cavalry rested for the night in the villages around Horncastle. The infantry occupied quarters in the town, where they found two hundred horses left by their fugitive enemy. Of the wounded, the Earl of Manchester ordered especial care to be taken, whilst the dead were hastily consigned to the nearest graves. The body of Sir Ingram Hopton was brought to Horncastle and buried in the church: for Cromwell who did not permit his political resentment to render him callous or insensible to the generous feelings of a soldier, experienced some sympathy for the individual whose ardor in attempting his destruction, for what was deemed the welfare of his country, had cost the sacrifice of his own life; he therefore, upon his arrival in the town, commanded the inhabitants to fetch the body of Sir Ingram Hopton, and inter it with the honors due to his rank; observing that though an enemy, he was a gentleman and a soldier. [23a] Of those royalists who escaped the slaughter, there were scarce a thousand efficient for the field; and these were destined to sustain another overthrow at the battle of Lincoln close, which completed the warfare in this county. Bolingbroke castle had already yielded; and this with Tattershall, the principal places of defence in this neighbourhood, were soon after devoted to the dismantling policy of the parliament, which doomed them with the noble edifices of the country, to that destruction which left them but ruins in silent and lingering decay. Although this victory afforded a cause for so much rejoicing to the friends of the parliament; yet were its consequences mightier for the interests which it strengthened, by the defeat, on the same day, [23b] of the Marquis of Newcastle before the fortress of Hull. The Lord Fairfax and Sir John Meldrum, making a desperate sortie, had completely overthrown the royalists with much slaughter; forcing them, though protected behind strong entrenchments, to abandon the siege with the loss of all their cannon. The impolicy of the royalist commander was now perceptible too late. This ruin of the affairs of the king seemed at once to have obliterated all the generous services which the faithful Newcastle had made in the cause of his sovereign; and shortly after these disasters he retired to the continent, [23c] where he spent a life of indigence, until the restoration gave again the royal authority to Britain. These actions, though inconsiderable in themselves, were yet great in their effects. The expectations of the royalists in Yorkshire were now nearly blasted: Lincolnshire, after the occupation of its city, escaped the further deluge of blood; and the defeats served to assist in hastening the fight of Marston Moor, where the hopes of Charles were reduced to that one gleam of hope, which was finally extinguished at the battle of Naseby. ANTIQUITIES. Amongst the remains of antiquity at this place, the vestiges of the Roman fortress are the most worthy of attention; and although they are too small to give an adequate idea of the original structure, are yet sufficient to show the form and extent of the space enclosed, which appears to have been nearly a parallelogram, of about six hundred feet in length, and in breadth three hundred and fifty on the east, and three hundred on the west. [25] The wall by which this area was surrounded was fifteen or sixteen feet in thickness, and composed of small blocks of a loosely aggregated sand stone, dug from the neighbouring hills. It was formed with casing stones on the outside, the internal parts being filled up with courses laid diagonally, which according to the customary and substantial mode of building among the Romans, were run together by mortar disseminated through the interstices in a fluid state, forming a cement which has acquired by time an imperishable induration. Of the casing stones none are now to be seen, except in cellars which have been formed by the side of the wall. Where the fragments are sufficiently high, those portions of the Roman masonry, which remained after the destruction of the fortress, may be perceived rising to about six or seven feet above the ground, the diagonal courses of stone then ceasing. Above this the construction is marked by masses of larger dimensions than the lower parts; a circumstance evincing that another structure of a different period has been erected on the original foundation: this was probably a reparation which was made in the time of the Anglo-Saxons. At the north-east corner of the p. 22 p. 23 p. 24 p. 25 p. 26 enclosure the remains of a circular turret are still visible; but of towers or gateways no traces are left. Near the junction of the two rivers, on the south-west of the town, was formerly one of those mazes common to Roman stations, called the Julian Bower. In these the youth were exercised in a martial game, called Troy Town, which in after years, though divested of its martial character, continued to be amongst the healthy pastimes of the young, in their evening assemblies of pleasure and sport. [26] Cultivation has long since effaced every vestige of the maze; but the piece of land on which it stood still retains the name of the Julian Bower Close. A peculiar rustic ceremony, which used annually to be ob...