Hip-Hop and Resistance: The United States, South Africa, and African Identity By Sabah Dara Course: HIST 449, Honours Graduating Essay Instructor: Dr. Courtney Booker A graduating thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts (Honours) in The Faculty of Arts History Department We accept this thesis as confirming to the required standard Supervisor: Dr. David Morton Committee Members: Dr. Courtney Booker and Dr. Richard Menkis University of British Columbia April 20, 2018 Table of Contents Acknowledgments ………………………………………………………………………………. ii Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………… 1 Thesis Organization ……………………………………………………………………………... 7 Chapter One: Youth and Violence During the 1980s and 1990s I. The United States ………………………………………………………………. 8 II. South Africa…………………………………………………………………..…16 Chapter Two: “The Motherland”: Afrocentric Discourse in American Hip-Hop I. Introduction ………...………………………………………………………………. 27 II. Hip-Hop and Afrocentrism………………………………..…………………......…. 31 III. American Hip-Hop and Apartheid…………………………………………………...41 Chapter Three: Race and Identity in South African Hip-Hop I. Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 46 II. The Beginnings of South African Hip-Hop ………..……………………………49 III. Changing Ideas of Race in South African Hip-Hop……………………….….…53 IV. Post-Apartheid Hip-Hop in South Africa……………………………..…………58 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………….63 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………..66 i Acknowledgements Thank you to my parents for everything they have sacrificed for all of their children. Thank you to my siblings for making me who I am. Thank you to Professor David Morton for the guidance throughout this project. You have been a supportive and understanding mentor and I greatly appreciate your help. i i Introduction In 1989, pioneering African American hip-hop artist and DJ, Afrika Bambaataa, produced “Ndodemnyama (Free South Africa)”.1 “Ndodemnyama”, meaning watch out or beware in isiXhosa, was a strong condemnation of South Africa’s apartheid regime by some of American hip-hop’s most prominent artists including Soulsonic Force, X-Clan, Brand Nubian, Grand Puba, Queen Latifah, Lakim Shabazz, and the Jungle Brothers. The chorus of the upbeat track is an ensemble of voices singing, “Ndodemnyama Mr. Botha, Ndodemnyama South Africa,” while on verses rappers assert black unity against apartheid, “The time to tolerate apartheid is over and done, so watch the world say the black man won.”2 Bambaataa’s beat sampled the legendary South African protest song, “Ndodemnyama we Verwoerd (Beware, Verwoerd!)”, an anthem of the anti-apartheid movement since the 1950s.3 In 1963, the song’s composer, Vuyisile Mini, was arrested for his leading role in the armed wing of the African National Congress, called uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK). Following his refusal to cooperate with South African authorities and give evidence against his accomplices, Mini was sentenced to death for treason, in 1964. According to a fellow prisoner, as Mini approached the gallows to be executed, he sang his famous protest song.4 Mini became a martyr of the freedom struggle and the song was later recorded in 1965 by famed South African activist and musician, Miriam Makeba, who, living in exile performed it for audiences around the world. “Ndodemnyama we 1 Themodeone. 2011, “Free South Africa Hip Hop Against Apartheid – Ndodemnyama,” YouTube video, 8:54, March 29, 2011, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kleLfGbdWmA. 2 Ibid. 3 Lee Hirsch, Amandla!: A Revolution in Four-Part Harmony (2002; New York: ATO Pictures, 2002), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fdZIaBenOhc. 4 Ibid. 1 Verwoerd” served as an organizing tool for generations of activists in South Africa.5 Bambaataa’s decision to sample Mini’s protest song illustrates a process of cultural engagement that recognized the South African struggle against apartheid through one of the forms of resistance employed by anti-apartheid activists. Meanwhile, when Bambaataa released “Ndodemnyama”, hip-hop’s success in the United States had already been exported globally through audio and video recordings, and South Africans had begun to create hip-hop music of their own, very conscious of its African-American roots. This thesis will explore representations of Africa and African identity in American and South African hip-hop during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Fans and scholars alike often consider these years to be a time in which American hip-hop was more political and more “conscious” than from the mid-1990s onward, when it is thought that hip-hop became more commercialized. With the emergence of Afrocentric theory in American academia and its subsequent dissemination into broader African-American culture during the 1980s, many American hip-hop artists at the time incorporated Afrocentric themes in their music to affirm African identity. However, Afrocentric hip-hop primarily focused on Egyptian antiquity and West African aesthetics. Although these categories were used to empower African-American youth, they often reproduced essentialist imagery of Africa historically used to justify the oppression of black people. At the same time, hip-hop in South Africa emerged during the violent death-throes of the apartheid regime. Despite contradictory representations of Africa in Afrocentric hip-hop, “coloured” South African hip-hop artists drew on hip-hop aesthetics and ideas of race from the South African Black Consciousness Movement to challenge coloured 5 Khondlo Mtshali and Gugu Hlongwane, “Contextualizing South Africa’s Freedom Songs: A Critical Appropriation of Lee Hirsch’s Amandla!: A Revolution in Four-Part Harmony,” Journal of Black Studies 45, no. 6 (2014): 515. 2 constructions of race. In both countries, hip-hop expressed popular anti-white political ideologies thought to empower people of colour. Exploring how African Americans affirmed African identity and how South Africans challenged constructions of race through an African-American art form allows us to engage with one of the ways Pan-Africanist sentiment manifested during the 1980s and 1990s. Scholars of hip-hop often stress the genre’s importance as an African American art form that represents the social and political concerns of its creators. Hip-hop emerged from the specific historical circumstances of 1970s New York, in which Caribbean immigrant culture and African American urban culture combined with concerns over neighbourhood identity and security to form grassroots party music.6 According to Tricia Rose, since its birth, hip-hop has expressed important features of black life in post-industrial urban communities. Hip-hop became an avenue by which African Americans could articulate themselves against mainstream media narratives that often neglected or demonized them.7 In his book, Hip Hop’s Inheritance, Reiland Rabaka argues that hip-hop’s social critique derives from the cultural aesthetics and radical politics of generations of black socio-political movements in the United States, from the artistic achievements of the Harlem Renaissance in the 1920s and 1930s to the assertive ideologies of the Black Power movement in the 1960s and 1970s.8 Perceived by many as an authentic form of 6 Eric S. Charry, ed., Hip Hop Africa: New African Music in a Globalizing World, (Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2012). 7 Tricia Rose, Black Noise: Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary America, (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1994). 8 Reiland Rabaka, Hip Hop’s Inheritance: From the Harlem Renaissance to the Hip Hop Feminist Movement, (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2011), 3-8. 3 African-American expression and resistance, hip-hop appealed to consumers in South Africa, who sensed a shared experience of racial oppression. Since at least the late 1800s, shared patterns of racial domination in the two countries contributed to the affinities that black South Africans felt with black America. George M. Fredrickson identifies national and regional policies of forced segregation of black communities in South Africa and the United States as notable similarities in the histories of the two countries.9 Although leaders of freedom struggles in the U.S. and South Africa recognized critical differences in the histories of African people in both countries, such as culture and different understandings of race, activists on both sides of the Atlantic engaged with similar ideologies and debates over oppositional strategies to legalized racial discrimination and segregation.10 Although black South Africans and black Americans protested racial oppression in similar ways, Robert Trent Vinson illustrates that conversations about liberation among black South Africans often referred to black America.11 He argues that from the late nineteenth century onward, black South Africans would modify for their own purposes ideas of liberation that emerged in black America, from the “up from slavery” narrative of African American success to the Pan- Africanist politics of Marcus Garvey. Intersecting with political and ideological exchange was musical and cultural exchange. In the United States, the Harlem Renaissance, the Civil Rights Movement, and the Black Power Movement were accompanied by black popular music such as blues, jazz, rhythm and blues, 9 George M. Fredrickson, The Comparative Imagination: On the History of Racism, Nationalism, and Social Movements, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 135. 10 Ibid. 11 Robert Trent Vinson, The Americans Are Coming! Dreams of African American Liberation in Segregationist South Africa, (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2012), 2. 4 rock and roll, soul, and funk, all of which were politicized and used as tools of resistance.12 Similarly, black South Africans used song and music as anti-apartheid cultural material since the 1940s.13 By the time hip-hop was adopted by South African artists, African-American and black South African music already had a rich history of cultural exchange, notably through jazz, beginning as early as the 1930s.14 Also politicized, South African jazz music played an important role in the anti-apartheid movement throughout the twentieth century and engaged with American styles of music in its evolution.15 The discussion of political and cultural transmission between black communities in South Africa and the United States is inherently a discussion of Pan-Africanism. Black people in both countries recognized their respective experiences of oppression as tied to their racialized identities as Africans. Jon Michael Spencer argues that black music, religion, and dance throughout black cultures in the New World and Africa enforce a “rhythmic confidence” in black people. 16 Akin to a “soul”, rhythmic confidence is described as a proclivity to challenge the powers and principalities of racism, colonialism, and slavery, as well as a clarifying factor in the cultural relationship between people of African descent. Although open to contestation, Spencer’s argument invites the study of the modern music industry’s biggest phenomenon: hip- hop. How does hip-hop in South Africa and the United States challenge and affirm the cultural relationship between people of African descent? 12 Rabaka, Hip Hop’s Inheritance, 3-8. 13 Hirsch, Amandla: A Revolution in Four-Part Harmony. 14 Christopher Ballantine, “Music and Emancipation: The Social Role of Black Jazz and Vaudeville in South Africa between the 1920s and the Early 1940s,” Journal of Southern African Studies 17, no. 1 (1991): 135. 15 Gwen Ansell, Soweto Blues: Jazz, Popular Music, and Politics in South Africa (New York: Continuum, 2005). 16 Jon Michael Spencer, The Rhythms of Black Folk: Race, Religion, and Pan-Africanism (Trenton, N.J: Africa World Press, 1995), ix. 5 Hip-hop has been widely appropriated by non-black cultures all over the world, from Japan to Amsterdam.17 The genre has been shaped by international capital and local cultures alike. The glorified wealth and seemingly successful lifestyles led by commercially successful artists have no doubt lured many to engage in hip-hop culture. However, according to Adam Haupt, similar circumstances of racial discrimination, unemployment, and violence often expressed in American hip-hop were the primary inspirations for coloured South African youth.18 This thesis will contribute to existing scholarship on hip-hop by producing a comparative cultural history of South African and American hip-hop during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Through selected songs, videos, and artists, the aesthetics and lyrics of artists in both countries will be analyzed to explore representations of African identity in different socio-political contexts. Afrocentrism was prevalent in 1980s American hip-hop music. At the same time, hip- hop emerged in South Africa at the height of the anti-apartheid struggle and into the beginnings of South African democracy. In both countries, hip-hop was a genre that expressed aspects of black life and engaged in political discourse. In South Africa, hip-hop deliberated with changing meanings of race, nationalism, and social identity. While Afrocentric American hip-hop artists weren’t necessarily aware of South African hip-hop, ongoing political issues within South Africa did invite commentary. On the other hand, South African hip-hop artists saw appeal in American hip-hop and its cultural aesthetics and sought to use the genre to engage with the anti-apartheid 17 Patrick Neate, Where You’re at: Notes from the Frontline of a Hip Hop Planet (London: Bloomsbury, 2003). 18 Adam Haupt, Stealing Empire: P2P, Intellectual Property and Hip-Hop Subversion (Cape Town: Human Sciences Research Council, 2008); Adam Haupt, 2014, “Hip Hop Activism Lecture 1,” YouTube video, 57:57, April 16, 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bAJ40evBvCk.; Neate, Where You’re At, 120. 6 struggle. The nuances of hip-hop in both countries allow us to explore the cultural relationship between people of African descent and forms of Pan-Africanism in different contexts. Thesis Organization Chapter 1 provides historical context in South Africa and the United States in order to highlight the dominant themes in black life in both countries. During the 1980s, racialized violence persisted in both countries: in the War on Drugs in the United States, and in the apartheid repression in the townships of South Africa. Chapter 2 illustrates the emergence of hip-hop in the United States and dominant themes of “conscious” hip-hop. Present within these themes was Afrocentrism, which seeped from academia to popular culture and eventually into hip-hop where artists often centred African identity and history in their music. African American hip-hop artists such as X-Clan, Brand Nubian, Queen Latifah, and KRS-One expressed Afrocentric sentiments and showed awareness of the apartheid struggle; however, Afrocentric hip-hop also expressed contradictory understandings of Africa and neglected major aspects of African history by glorifying ancient African civilizations. Chapter 3 explores the advent of hip-hop in South Africa through an analysis of renowned South African hip-hop group Prophets of Da City. As the apartheid regime was under local and global attack, South African coloured hip-hop artists appropriated American aesthetics in their critique of the regime. Coloured artists expressed anti-apartheid sentiment by challenging pre-existing notions of race during the final years of apartheid and into the democratic era. Finally, the Conclusion probes the advent of hip-hop across Africa and the implications of the globalization of hip-hop culture. 7