Loughborough University Institutional Repository Art, education, and revolution: Herbert Read and the reorientation of British anarchism ThisitemwassubmittedtoLoughboroughUniversity’sInstitutionalRepository by the/an author. Citation: ADAMS, M.S., 2012. Art, education, and revolution: Herbert Read and the reorientation of British anarchism. History of European Ideas, 39 (5), pp. 709 - 728. Additional Information: • This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in History of European Ideas on 19 Nov 2012, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13825585.2012.736220 Metadata Record: https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/22032 Version: Accepted Publisher: (cid:13)c Taylor & Francis Rights: ThisworkismadeavailableaccordingtotheconditionsoftheCreative CommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives4.0International(CCBY- NC-ND4.0)licence. Fulldetailsofthislicenceareavailableat: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by- nc-nd/4.0/ Please cite the published version. Article in press, History of European Ideas – estimated publication date 19th November, 2012 Art, Education, and Revolution: Herbert Read and the Reorientation of British Anarchism ∗ Matthew S. Adams Department of History, 43 North Bailey, Durham University, Durham, DH1 3EX, UK, Received dates: 13/3/12 – 25/9/12 – 26/9/12 Abstract It is popularly believed that British anarchism underwent a ‘renaissance’ in the 1960s, as conventional revolutionary tactics were replaced by an ethos of permanent protest. Often associated with Colin Ward and his journal Anarchy, this tactical shift is said to have occurred due to growing awareness of Gustav Landauer’s work. This article challenges these readings by focusing on Herbert Read’s book Education through Art, a work motivated by Read’s dissatisfaction with anarchism’s association with political violence. Arguing that aesthetic education could remodel social relationships in a non-hierarchical fashion, Read pioneered the reassessment of revolutionary tactics in the 1940s that is associated with the 1960s generation. His role in these debates has been ignored, but the broader political context of Read’s contribution to anarchist theory has also been neglected. The reading of Read’s work advanced here recovers his importance to these debates, and highlights the presence of an indigenous strand of radical thought that sought novel solutions for the problems of the age. Keywords: Anarchism, education, pacifism, aesthetics, revolution, Herbert Read. ∗ E-mail: [email protected] Article in press, History of European Ideas – estimated publication date 19th November, 2012 1. Introduction For George Woodcock, Colin Ward’s work Anarchy in Action (1973) was one of the ‘most important theoretical works on the subject’ of anarchism. As the 1990s dawned and European Communism crumbled with ‘surprisingly little violence’ in the face of ‘popular movements...undirected by...any parties’, Woodcock felt that Ward’s book would have a ‘very great bearing’ on the future course of anti-state struggles. For Woodcock, Anarchy in Action, and the material in the influential journal Anarchy that Ward edited between 1961 and 1970, represented a highly original contribution to anarchist theory, and had led to a fundamental shift in anarchist tactics. This new anarchism defined itself against an anarchist past redolent of bombs and barricades, and suggested that: There was no need to wait for the great day of revolution, the apocalyptic moment...What we should do..[is]...to recognize how far in society anarchistic relationships actually exist, and to begin now to build on those relationships, nourishing and encouraging voluntary initiatives based on mutual aid...distinct from official initiatives.1 Writing a few years before his death, Ward expanded this vision by suggesting that anarchism had been an insidiously inspirational force in the twentieth century.2 The power of this argument helped convince Woodcock to amend his elegiac conclusion of anarchism’s prospects in the 1986 reprint of his influential text Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements, and to comment that the liberation of anarchists from their millennialism had sparked an intellectual ‘renaissance’.3 In Ward’s view, the key was not to lament anarchism’s grand failures, but to consider how creatively piecemeal action might secure a fairer society. ‘While the anarchists have made little progress towards...large-scale changes in society’, he 1 George Woodcock, Anarchism and Anarchists: Essays (Kingston, ON, 1992), .231, 138. 2 Colin Ward, Anarchism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2004), 74. 3George Woodcock, Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (London, 1986); 412. George Woodcock, Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (London [1970] 1962), 443. Article in press, History of European Ideas – estimated publication date 19th November, 2012 wrote, ‘they have contributed to a long series of small liberations that have lifted a huge load of human misery’.4 This self-image of ‘pragmatic’, ‘pragmatist’ or ‘practical’ anarchism has led several commentators to discern a clear break with the historical tradition of anarchism.5 For Woodcock, the ideas associated with the journal Anarchy betrayed a confident ‘escape [from]...doctrinaire loyalty to the historic movement’.6 Similarly, David Stafford writes that pragmatic anarchism denoted a ‘departure from classical anarchism’ in its promotion of ‘permanent protest’ over the notion of a cathartic battle with the state.7 Whilst presented as a product of the 1960s, most commentators identify this tactical reorientation stemming from a growing familiarity with a thinker killed by the Freikorps in 1919: Gustav Landauer.8 In spite of his premature death, the enduring narrative is that Landauer’s romantically tinged socialism, which saw ‘the State as a set of relationships…rather than…some mechanical superstructure’, proved universally persuasive in the context of the 1960s ‘counter-culture’.9 Apparently corroborating this influence, Landauer’s dictum that ‘the State is a condition, a certain relationship between human beings, a mode of behaviour; we destroy it by contracting other relationships, by behaving differently’, was persistently repeated in Ward’s Anarchy.10 For Ward, Landauer’s tragic legacy, was testament to a revolution that had been ‘wrecked in violence and politics’, a sign that successful social change could only be secured through 4 Ward, Anarchism, 74. 5 For these terms, see respectively: David Stafford, ‘Anarchists in Britain Today’, in Anarchism Today, edited by David E. Apter and James Joll (London, 1971), 91; Stuart White, ‘Making anarchism respectable? The social philosophy of Colin Ward’, Journal of Political Ideologies, 12 (2007), 11-28 (12); Ruth Kinna, Anarchism: A Beginner’s Guide (Oxford, 2005), 142-7. 6 Woodcock, Anarchism (1986), 385. 7 Stafford, ‘Anarchists in Britain’, 93. Alongside Stafford’s piece, many articles in the excellent edition of the journal Anarchist Studies devoted to Ward make this case. In particular, consider: Carl Levy, ‘Introduction: Colin Ward (1924-2010)’, Anarchist Studies, 19 (2011), 7-15; Peter Marshall, ‘Colin Ward: Sower of anarchist ideas’, 16-21. 8 Eugene Lunn, Prophet of Community: The Romantic Socialism of Gustav Landauer (Berkeley ,CA, 1973), 3. 9 Peter Marshall, Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism (London, 1993), 415. 10 Landauer quoted in Lunn, Prophet of Community, 226; David Goodway, Anarchist Seeds Beneath the Snow: Left-Libertarian Thought and British Writers from William Morris to Colin Ward (Liverpool, 2006), 319. Article in press, History of European Ideas – estimated publication date 19th November, 2012 ‘rebellion and negation’ and not by political action.11 The frequency with which Landauer’s work was invoked in the pages of Anarchy, and subsequently in historical commentaries on British anarchism, has led, however, to more local influences on this revision of anarchist principles being obscured.12 The present article contests this reading by focusing on the work of Herbert Read, a figure that tends to be marginalised even in histories of anarchism.13 Thirty years older than Ward, the factotum public intellectual Read, one time poet, art critic, literary critic and educational philosopher, straddled the senescence of the older tradition of British anarchism and the birth of the new. Read’s politicisation at the hands of the fragmentary pamphlet literature of nineteenth-century socialism as he dodged bullets in the trenches, and his post-war reputation as an intellectual trendsetter, means that his thought occupies a crucial liminal space between the old and the new.14 Looking to Read’s work in the realm of educational theory, in particular his self-consciously libertarian text Education through Art (1943), shows that the fundamental assumptions that defined the later course of British anarchism, were key components of Read’s ideas on aesthetic education. Although Read’s educational theory has 11 C.W., ‘Gustav Landauer’, Anarchy, 54 (August, 1965), 244-252 (248, 247) 12 For narratives emphasising Landauer’s importance, consider: Goodway, Anarchist Seeds, 318-9; Marshall, Demanding the Impossible, 415; Stafford, ‘Anarchists in Britain Today’, 92; Woodcock, Anarchism, 420-1. 13 The closing chapter of Crowder’s work on the ‘classical tradition’, that comments on contemporary developments in anarchist theory, mentions Murray Bookchin and Colin Ward, but not Read. See: George Crowder, Classical Anarchism: The Political Thought of Godwin, Proudhon, Bakunin, and Kropotkin (Oxford, 1991), 194-196. David Goodway’s book goes some way to correcting this lacuna, but his ultimate view is that Read was not a significant thinker, and that his role was that of conduit between the classical tradition and the modern anarchism of Bookchin and Ward. See: Goodway, Anarchist Seeds, 189. Similarly, Marshall gives Read some space, but deems him ‘no original thinker’. See: Marshall, Demanding the Impossible, 587-593 (592). Woodcock’s amended edition of Anarchism mentioned Read, but gave him a marginal position. That he also wrote a comprehensive intellectual biography of Read, suggests that Woodcock saw his importance less in terms of an anarchist thinker, and more in terms of his cultural theories, thus introducing an unnecessary division between these spheres of Read’s work. See: Woodcock, Anarchism (1986), 382-4; George Woodcock, Herbert Read: The Stream and the Source (London, 1972). For other texts in which Read is marginalised, consider: April Carter, The Political Theory of Anarchism (London, 1971), 91-3; Benjamin Franks, Rebel Alliances: The Means and Ends of Contemporary British Anarchisms (Edinburgh, 2006), 52; David Miller, Anarchism (London, 1984) 141-151. 14 Read is the most interesting, if not necessarily the most trustworthy, guide to his political development. See: Herbert Read, The Contrary Experience: Autobiographies (London, 1963), 70-146; 255-281. For a debate on this topic see: David Goodway, ‘Herbert Read, organicism, abstraction and an anarchist aesthetic’ and Alan Antliff, ‘David Goodway critiques Herbert Read’, Anarchist Studies, 19, No.1 (2011), 82-106. Article in press, History of European Ideas – estimated publication date 19th November, 2012 attracted attention, and has occasionally been recognised as a component of his anarchist philosophy, the origin of these ideas in his disenchantment with conventional explanations of revolutionary transformation has been ignored.15 Indeed, a lacuna in the recent growth of literature exploring Read’s ideas is the lack of attention paid to reconstructing the context in which his philosophy grew.16 Twenty-years prior to anarchism’s ‘60s resurgence, Read’s scepticism regarding conventional revolutionary tactics encouraged him to theorise the journey from capitalism to communism afresh. The first section of this article makes a case for the importance of contextually robust intellectual history, by charting Read’s developing disenchantment with anarchist tactics against a backdrop of war and official repression of dissent. Although often portrayed as a lifelong pacifist, a position stemming from his experience in the Great War, Read in fact had an ambiguous relationship to the question of violence. His initial hostility to the Second World War softened as he came to believe that there were British liberties worth defending, and Read’s early hope that international conflict might lead to domestic revolution would be qualified. During this tumult, however, Read began to reflect on anarchism’s revolutionary heritage, and, uniting his aesthetic concerns with a belief in the redemptive powers of education, wrote Education through Art.17 Having concluded that education should displace 15 Francis Berry, Herbert Read (London, 1961), 9; Sam Black, ‘Herbert Read: His Contribution to Art Education and to Education through Art’, in Herbert Read: A Memorial Symposium, edited by Robert Skelton (London, 1969), 57-65; Goodway, Anarchist Seeds,196-197; Marshall, Demanding the Impossible, 588; Michael J. Parsons, ‘Herbert Read on Education’, Journal of Aesthetic Education, 3 (Oct., 1969), 27-45; Malcolm Ross, ‘Herbert Read: Art, Education, and the Means of Redemption’, in Herbert Read Reassessed, edited by David Goodway (Liverpool, 1998), 196-214; Woodcock, Herbert Read, 264-281. 16 Dana Ward, ‘Art and Anarchy: Herbert Read’s Aesthetic Politics’, in ReReading Read: New Views on Herbert Read, edited by Michael Paraskos (London, 2007), 20-33. Carissa Honeywell’s recent book goes some way towards addressing this issue, but it is not primarily intended as an historical work, and the context of Read’s ideas remains somewhat underdeveloped. See: Carissa Honeywell, A British Anarchist Tradition: Herbert Read, Alex Comfort and Colin Ward (London, 2011). Allan Antliff also shows sensitivity to the context of Read’s aesthetics, see: Allan Antliff, ‘Open form and the abstract imperative: Herbert Read and contemporary anarchist art’ Anarchist Studies, 16 (2008), 6-19 17 Art education had been a relatively early interest for Read, and his inaugural address as Professor of Fine Art at the University of Edinburgh, delivered in 1931, was titled ‘The Place of Art in a University’. This text is reprinted in: Herbert Read, Education through Art (London, 1943), 251-258. Article in press, History of European Ideas – estimated publication date 19th November, 2012 revolution in the anarchist arsenal during the war, the trial and imprisonment of a group of anarchists associated with the journal War Commentary in 1945 cemented Read’s position on the fallacy of violent revolution. Although the tendency has been to see the trial as a boon for anarchism in Britain, as heightened awareness swelled the ranks and the Freedom Defence Committee attracted a host of prominent intellectual supporters, the conclusion here is quite different. What the imprisonment of the War Commentary anarchists revealed in fact was the enduring strength of the state, with the subsequent rapid demise of the Defence Committee proving a stern lesson in the power of British anarchism. The second section of this article shifts from the book’s genesis to its relevance as a contribution to anarchist theory, and particularly the anarchism that was to develop in Britain in the 1960s. For Read, writing in the war years, aesthetics offered a solution to the barbarity of the age. At the heart of this aesthetic project was a political impulse that saw an anarchist society as the only viable crucible for individual development. Yet, in the context of Nazi attacks on culture and the grinding war of attrition in the East, Read’s message gained a note of harried urgency. Whilst prone to grandiloquence, his wartime writing began to describe the future path of humankind in starker terms. He decried the ‘mass insanity’, the ‘mass renunciation of reason’ that had engulfed ‘Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia, and now spreads to America’, a universal ‘Bedlam’ that risked tipping the world towards the precipice.18 As international conflict gave way to the threat of nuclear obliteration this timbre was to remain in Read’s work. The themes that define Education through Art therefore go to the very heart of Read’s politically charged aesthetics. Having explored the book’s context and content, the concluding section seeks to understand Read’s legacy in terms of anarchist history, and British intellectual history more generally. The argument here is that in 18 Herbert Read, ‘Bedlam Politics [1941]’ in Herbert Read: A One-Man Manifesto and Other Writings for Freedom Press, edited by David Goodway (London, 1994), 61-64 (63). Article in press, History of European Ideas – estimated publication date 19th November, 2012 formulating this fresh politics in response to war and in reaction to anarchism’s past, Read both pre-empted and would inform the emergence of pragmatic anarchism in the 1960s. His work, therefore, is an unduly overlooked aspect of this moment in anarchism’s intellectual history. Yet, he is also an unfairly forgotten figure in British intellectual and cultural history more generally, as is the indigenous strand of anarchist thinking that he represented. Despite theoretical inadequacies and inconsistencies, Read’s idiosyncratic politics signify a tradition of political thinking that was to undergo an intellectual renaissance, as the inherited values of the nineteenth-century were rethought in the twentieth.19 Negotiating this relationship, Read was engaged in constructing a novel set of political values that would contribute to the added urgency of British anarchism in the 1960s. 2. The Context of Education through Art: Revolution, Pacifism, and Pessimism Writing on the theme of ‘Anarchism: Past and Future’ in 1947, Read betrayed the fact that his anarchism centred on a critical dialogue with the past. Reflecting on the need for anarchists to build a coherent philosophy in tune with contemporary intellectual trends, Read paused to address the objection that this might ‘suggest the rigid structure of a universal philosophy on the lines of Comte or Herbert Spencer.’20 On the contrary, he argued, anarchist philosophy must ‘allow…for growth, for variation, for the possibility of new dimensions of personal development’ of which the Procrustean system-builders were oblivious. Although rejecting the past, Read’s call for a ‘scientific’ and ‘consistent’ investigation of anarchist philosophy mirrored that of Peter Kropotkin, the intellectual giant of nineteenth-century anarchism, who frequently emphasised the need for anarchism to adopt the epistemological precepts of modern science. In this vein, Kropotkin too was an advocate, but also a compelling critic, of Comte and Spencer’s systematic philosophy, commending their analytical astuteness, but 19 For personal inconsistencies, see: Goodway, Anarchist Seeds, 200- 201; Honeywell, A British Anarchist Tradition, 54. 20 Herbert Read, ‘Anarchism: Past and Future [1947]’ in A One-Man Manifesto, 117-125 (124). Article in press, History of European Ideas – estimated publication date 19th November, 2012 sceptical of the political conclusions that both thinkers drew.21 By urging anarchists to turn with alacrity to the history of civilisations, anthropology, and psychology, Read was therefore repeating a familiarly Kropotkinian refrain.22 Yet, at the same time ‘Anarchism: Past and Future’ shows Read salvaging certain aspects of the anarchist edifice, whilst consigning much of its tactical heritage to the dustbin. Conscious, perhaps, of offending the sensibilities of pious comrades, Read did not implicate Kropotkin in his rejection of anarchism’s revolutionary history, choosing instead to present himself as Kropotkin’s ideological heir. ‘We have to go on from the point where Kropotkin left off’, he said, and a defining aspect of this intellectual journey was a rejection of a violent confrontation with the state: The revolution envisaged is a humane one…If we can secure a revolution in the mental and emotional attitudes of men, the rest follows…It discards forever the romantic conception of anarchism – conspiracy, assassination, citizen armies, the barricades. All that futile agitation has long been obsolete…The real revolution is internal…the most effective action is molecular.23 Read’s view stood in distinction to the dominant strand in the historical tradition of anarchism, which generally looked forward to a cataclysmic sweeping away of the state. Revolutionary activity should be directed toward this end, whether through direct confrontation with the agencies of the state, or, when anarchism was weak, with patient propagandising to stimulate critical consciousness amongst the workers.24 Read pursued a different vision of social change, writing that ‘the word revolution should…disappear from our propaganda, to be replaced by the word education.’25 Reflecting his developing interest in the work of Landauer and the Jewish philosopher Martin Buber, who was one of Landauer’s chief-popularisers in radical-literary circles, Read fused this conception of revolutionary 21 Peter Kropotkin, ‘Modern Science and Anarchism’, in Evolution and Environment, edited by George Woodcock (Montréal, [1912] 1995), 15-107 (31-34). 22 Read, ‘Anarchism: Past and Future’, 118-120. 23 Read, ‘Anarchism: Past and Future’, 124. 24 For a classic statement of this view, consider: Peter Kropotkin, ‘Glimpses into the Labour Movement in this Country’ in Freedom: A Journal of Anarchist Communism (Oct., 1907). 25 Read, ‘Anarchism: Past and Future’, 122. Article in press, History of European Ideas – estimated publication date 19th November, 2012 change with a belief in ‘non-violence – in non-violent resistance to oppression, and in non- violent methods of attaining our ends.’26 In reaching this position that emphasised the tactical efficacy of non-violence, Read’s thought had followed a meandering path, defined by an inconsistent approach to the legitimacy of war. Whilst several commentators, including some of his most vocal critics, focus on Read’s pacifism as a rare island of consistency in a career otherwise characterised by vacillation, the reality is more complicated.27 By the time that he came to reflect on anarchism’s future prospects in 1947, Read had shifted to a recognisably pacifist position, and one that would harden once Ghandian ideas became influential in the peace movement of the 1950s.28 Read had recognised the significance of Mohandas Ghandi as early as 1943, but sounded a note of scepticism over his ‘tactical compromise…with the…leaders of the Congress Party’. Gandhi’s message remained ‘insistent...and directly applicable’, but the purity of ahimsa was tainted by this concession to organised politics.29 Read’s equivocation in 1943 over Ghandian tactics was matched by inconsistency over the legitimacy of war. Although often identified as an inveterate critic of war, a position heavily influenced by his own experiences in the trenches, Read’s self-ascription of the label ‘pacifist’ in the wake of the Great War is misleading.30 In Poetry and Anarchism (1938) Read adopts a position closer to A.J.P. Taylor’s useful term ‘pacificism’, understood as an opposition to war rather than violence in toto.31 Yet, Read’s conviction that war was a product of statism, and that ‘non-governmental society’ was the sole cure, did not lead to a consistent position once Britain became 26 Read, ‘Anarchism: Past and Future’, 118. 27 Goodway, Anarchist Seeds, 189-90; Honeywell, A British Anarchist Tradition, 56-7; Nicolas Walter, ‘Remembering Herbert Read’, Anarchy, 91 (Sept., 1968), 287-288 (288). 28 Richard Taylor, Against the Bomb: The British Peace Movement: 1958-1965 (Oxford, 1988), 116-8. 29 Herbert Read, The Politics of the Unpolitical (London, 1943), 2,3. 30 Herbert Read, Poetry and Anarchism (London, 1938), 102; Honeywell, A British Anarchist Tradition, 56-7. 31A.J.P. Taylor, The Trouble Makers: Dissent Over Foreign Policy, 1792-1939 (London, [1957] 1993), 51n; Read, Poetry and Anarchism, 116.