CHAPTERONE Introduction 1.i THEHISTORY OF BRITISHAPOCALYPTICTHOUGHT The study of early modern Britain between the Reformation of the 1530s and the Wars of the Three Kingdoms of the 1640s has undergone a series of historiographical revisions. The dramatic events during that century were marked by a religious struggle that produced a Protestant nation, divided internally, yet clearly opposed to Rome. Likewise the political environment instilled a sense of responsible awareness regarding the administration of the realm and the defense of constitutional liberty.1 Whig Historians from the nineteenth century described these changes as a “Puritan Revolution.”2 Essentially this was England’s inevitable march towards enlightenment as a resultt of religious and political maturation.3 Subsequent Marxist historians attributed these radical changes to socio-economic factors.4 Britain was witnessing the decline of the medieval feudal system and the rise of a new capitalist class. Both of these early views claimed that brewing social, political and economic unrest culminated in extreme radical action. More recently, beginning in the 1980s, new studies appeared that began to challenge these old assumptions. Relying on careful archival research, many of these studies discarded the former conception of this period as “revolutionary”, instead arguing that the Reformation was in fact a gradual and unpopular process.5 In 1 Margo Todd (ed.) Reformation to Revolution: Politics and Religion in Early Modern England (London and New York, 1995),p. 1. 2S. R. Gardiner,The First Two Stuarts and the Puritan Revolution(London, 1876). 3Todd,Reformation and Revolution,p.1. 4Christopher Hill, “A Bourgeois Revolution?”,The Collected Essays of Christopher Hill, vol. III (Brighton, 1986), pp. 94-125. 5 Patrick Collinson, The Religion of the Protestants (Oxford, 1983); J. J. Scarisbrick, The Reformation and the English People (Oxford, 1984); Christopher Haigh (ed.), The English 1 2 Introduction addition scholars revised the history of ttthe 1640s with a greater emphasis on the religious divisions within the Church compounding in war.6 Instead of portraying radical puritans versus conservative Anglicans, some revisionists claimed that the disruption of a Calvinist consensus by Arminians, and the re-imposition of popish ceremonies by Archbishop Laud during the reign of Charles I, pushed the nation to war.7 These new studies continue to be expanded and challenged, but what is unanimously clear is that the old paradigm of a radical revolution is no longer acceptable.8 Margo Todd summarizes this new approach: “the revisionists do not necessarily agree with each other, except inn dismissing absolutely the old ‘Puritan Revolution’ as a struggle of the godly reformed against the resurgent popery in Laudianguise.”9 While revisionist and now some counter-revisionist studies are continuing to rewrite the social, political and economic history of early modern Britain, one area of study has yet to be thoroughly re-examined and re-evaluated: the apocalyptic tradition in Britain.10 The history of British apocalyptic thought was a topic of great Reformation Revised (Cambridge, 1987); idem, English Reformations: Religion, Politics and Society under the Tudors (Oxford, 1993); Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England c. 1400-c.1580(New Haven, 1992). 6Ken Fincham (ed.),The Early Stuart Church 1603-1640(London, 1993). It should be noted that focusing on religion did not exclude revisionist stttudies of the political climate as well. See Anthony Fletcher, The Outbreak of the English Civil Warr (London, 1981); J. P. Sommerville, Politics and Ideology in England 1603-1640(Harlow, Essex, 1986); Conrad Russell, The Causes of the English Civil Warr (Oxford, 1990); idem, Unrevolutionary Englandd (London, 1990); John Morrill,The Revolt of the Provinces: Conservatives and Radicals inthe English Civil War, 1630- 1640 (London, 1980, 2ndd edition); idem, The Nature of the English Revolution: Essays by John Morrilll (London and New York, 1993). It is interesting to point out that Morrill, a political revisionist, gives more weight to religious fffactors during the early seventeenth century. See: Morrill, “The Religious Context of the English Civil War”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society,5thseries, 34 (1984), pp. 155-178. 7Nicholas Tyacke,Anti-Calvinists: The Rise of English Arminianism c.1590-1640(Oxford, 1987). 8 Tyacke’s revisions have been challenged by Peter White and Kevin Sharpe. See Peter White, Predestination, Policy and Polemic: Conflict and consensus in the English Church from the Reformation to the Civil Warr (Cambridge, 1992); Kevin Sharpe, The Personal Rule of Charles I (New Haven, 1993). 9Todd,Reformation to Revolution, p. 3. 10 Counter-revisionist studies are now reacting against some of the first revisionists. See: A.G. Dickens,The English Reformation (University Park, PA, 1989, 2nd edition); Peter Lake,Moderate Puritans and the Elizabethan Church(Cambridge, 1982); idem,Anglicans and Puritans?(London, 1988); David Underdown, Revel, Riot and Rebellion: Popular Politics and Culture in England 1603-1660(Oxford, 1987). In addition to these revisions and counter-revisions, other scholars have attempted to move beyond an Anglo-centric aaapproach by incorporating Scottish and Irish interactions. See: Jane Ohlmeyer, Civil War and Restoration in the Three Stuart Kingdoms: the political career of Randal MacDonnell first marquis of Antrim, 1609-83(Cambridge, 1993); Allan Macinnes, Clanship, Commerce and the House of Stuart, 1603-1788 (East Linton, 1996); Allan Macinnes and Jane Ohlmeyer (eds.), The Stuart Kingdoms in the Seventeenth Century: Awkward Neighbours (Dublin, 2001); David Armitage and Michael Braddick (eds.), The British Atlantic World 1500-1800(New York, 2002). Introduction 3 interest in the 1970s. All the major surveys of apocalypticism during the sixteenth and seventeenth century were published during that decade.11 Consequently all of these studies promoted the conclusions of either the previous Whig or Marxist historiographies. Apocalyptic thought, and especially millenarianism, became a convenient theological rationale which supported a revolutionary agenda in early modern England. The visions of the Apocalypse prophesied the final defeat of the Antichrist and the establishment of Christ’s millennial kingdom on earth. As a result, according to these earlier studies, interest in the Apocalypse helped to fuel the fire of revolution, since revolt could be justified now by divine mandate and framed within an apocalyptic timeline. The forces of Satan (represented by Charles I and his crypto-papist Archbishop) had to be defeated in anticipation of the end of human history and the inauguration of the millennial kingdom of Christ. Thus, these surveys neatly aligned the rise of apocalyptic interest and the popularity of millenarianism with the chaotic years of war and devastation in the early seventeenth century. Apocalyptic and millenarian thought was equated precisely with revolution. Since the publication of these surveys there has been a surprising silence from historians regarding the study of early modern British apocalyptic thought. The 1980s added only a few publications of collected essays to the standing literature on the subject.12 With the dawn of a new millennium, conveniently interest in the history of apocalypticism was revived, especially in more popular publications.13 Only one academic monograph appeared in 2000 focusing again on early modern British apocalyptic interest, but it still perpetuates the historiographical approach of the 1970s.14 Crawford Gribben’s study of British 11Surveys include: Peter Toon (ed.),Puritans, the Millennium and the Future of Israell(Cambridge and London, 1970); Bryan W. Ball, A Great Expectation: Eschatological Thought in English Protestantism to 1660 (Leiden, 1975); Richard Bauckham, Tudor Apocalypse: Sixteenth Century Apocalypticism, Millenarianism and the English Reformation (Oxford, 1978); Paul Christianson, Reformers in Babylon: English apocalyptic visions from the reformations to the eve of the civil war (Toronto, 1978); Bernard Capp,The Fifth Monarchy Men(London, 1972); Katherine R. Firth, The Apocalyptic Tradition in Reformation Britain, 1530-1634(Oxford, 1979). 12Essay collections include: C.A. Patrides and Joseph Wittreich (eds.),The Apocalypse in English Renaissance thought and literature (Manchester, 1984); Richard H. Popkin (ed.), Millenarianism and Messianism in English Literature and Thought 1650-1800(Leiden, 1988). 13 Popular surveys published on the eve of and after 2000 include: David Katz and Richard H. Popkin, Messianic Revolution: Radical Religious Politics to the End of the Second Millennium (New York, 1998); Frederic Baumgartner, Longing for the End: A History of Millennialism in Western Civilization(New York, 1999); Robert Clouse, Robert Hosack and Richard Pierard,The New Millennium Manuel: A Once and Future Guide (Grand Rapids, 1999); Eugene Weber, Apocalypses: Prophecies, Cults and Millennial Beliefs Through the Ages (Cambridge, Mass., 2000). 14Crawford Gribben’sThe Puritan Millennium: Literature & Theology 1550-1682(Dublin, 2000), is the most recent monograph. In addition Richard Popkin (along with others) has published three of a four volume collection of essay focusing primarily on continental millenarianism: M. Goldish & R. H. Popkin (eds.), Millenarianismand Messianismin Earllly Modern European Culture, vol. I: Jewish Messianism in the Early Modern Worldd (Dordrecht, 2001); J. E. Force & R. H. Popkin (eds.), Millenarianism and Messianism in Early Modern European Culture, vol. III: The 4 Introduction millenarianism claims that the prime motivation for executing Charles I was a radical millenarian eschatology. The Stuarts had promoted their dynasty on the premise that they were rulers by divine right - God’s representatives on earth. The regicides, fuelled by millenarian fervour, took advantage of this to argue that this was all the more reason for replacing the royal dynasty with the one they represented. Theregicide was nothing less than a clearing of the way for the second coming of Christ, England’s rightful king.15 In thirtyyears of historical research verylittle has changed. A revision of the history of British apocalyptic thought is long overdue. 1.ii JOSEPHMEDE AND ENGLISHMILLENARIANISM By the mid-seventeenth century the mostt popular eschatological position in England was millenarianism. It was repudiated previously in the Forty-Two Articles of Religion of 1552, but reintroduced in the seventeenth century. What accounted for this reintroduction of a controversial eschatology? On the continent Johann Heinrich Alsted published his Diatribe de mille annos in 1627, and others like Carolus Gallus, Calvin’s former student, and Johannes Piscator, Alsted’s colleague in Herborn, previously had held to a millenarian position.16 Yet the revival of this position in England was not without an indigenous contributor. Joseph Mede published his Clavis Apocalyptica the same year as Alsted’s book. His interpretations would prove to have a sustained influence. Mede gained millenarian disciples in England, the continent and North America, including notable scholars like John Milton, Henry More, and Isaac Newton; and his apocalyptic conclusions would continue to be discussed well into the eighteenth century.17 Millenarian Turn: Millenarian Context of Science, Politics and Everyday Anglo-American Life in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Dordrecht, 2001); J. C. Laursen & R. H. Popkin (eds.), Millenarianism and Messianism in Early Modern European Culture, vol. IV: Continental Millenarians: Protestants, Catholics and Heretics(Dordrecht, 2001). 15Gribben,The Puritan Millennium, p. 196. 16Carolus Gallus,Clavis prophetica (Antwerp, 1592); Johannes Piscator, In Apocalypsin Johannis Commentarius (Herborn, 1613, 1621, 2nd edition); idem, Johannis Piscatoris Commentarii in omnes labores Noui Testamenti, 2 volumes, (Herborn, 1621); also see: Howard B. Hotson, Paradise Postponed: Johann Heinrich Alsted and the Birth of Calvinist Millenarianism(Dordrecht, 2000), pp. 109-115. 17 W.H. Oliver discusses eighteenth century millenarianism in: W. H. Oliver, Prophets and Millennialists: The Uses of Biblical Prophecy in England from the 1790s to the 1840s (Oxford, 1978), pp. 55-56. Also consult: Leroy Edwin Froom, The Prophetic Faith of our Fathers: The Historical Development of Prophetic Interpretation, vols. 3 & 4, (Washington D.C., 1946); James H. Moorhead, “Apocalypticism in Mainstream Protestantism, 1800 to the Present”, in Stephen Introduction 5 The first publication of the Clavis Apocalyptica proposed Mede’s unique chronological sequence for the visions of the Apocalypse. This provided a creative “key” to unlocking the meaning of this prophetic book. The Clavis was republished in 1632 with a commentary on the text of the Apocalypse. In addition to this monograph, Mede wrote further comments in short treatises and numerous private letters. Besides these treatises and letters the only other significant study was a series of sermons on I Timothy 4 given at the university chapel, which was published posthumously in 1641. All of these works were focused primarily on apocalyptic passages in the Bible. Consequently, the person and writings of Joseph Mede provide a unique source in which to observe the emergence and influence of millenarianism in the English apocalyptic tradition. Examining Mede and his writings within the context of the seventeenth century will contribute to a more accurate picture of English millenarianism. The premature application of social scientific formulations to early modern millenarianism by scholars in the 1970s has led into a historiographical cul-de-sac, which could not account for disparate variations of millenarianism. It is important to produce a conception which Mede himself would recognize, without rashly superimposing modern or postmodern configurations.18 Additionally Mede’s writings will reveal the specific sources that contributed to a comprehensive millenarian eschatology. Furthermore Mede’s interpretations provide a good starting point for tracing the legacy of English millenarianism as it continued after his death in 1638. The indebtedness to Mede of other commentators will help to determine the nature, shape and influence of millenarianism in various contexts beyond the 1640s. 1.iii LEADING QUESTIONS The comparatively limited sources – outside of his apocalyptic writings - make it difficult to study extensively the political, philosophical, social and theological thought of Joseph Mede. Nevertheless it is important to place Mede and his apocalyptic writings within the context of the early seventeenth century in order to answer the most significant and fundamental question: did Mede consider millenarianism a theological and biblical motivation for radical activism resulting in revolution? In the years that Mede lived, leading up to the outbreak of war, partisan groups were divided over heated political and theological issues. Determining J. Stein (ed.), The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, Volume 3: Apocalypticism in the Modern Period and the Contemporary Age(New York, 1998),pp. 72-107. 18 This is an approach that Brad Gregory advocates in his study of early modern martyrdom. Gregory argues that historians should seek to define early modern figures in such a way that they “would have recognized themselves, [and] not puzzled over modern or postmodern reconfigurations of who they were.” Brad S. Gregory, Salvation at Stake: Christian Martyrdom in Early Modern Europe(Cambridge, Mass. and London, 1999), p. 11. 6 Introduction Mede’s attitudes and positions within such a volatile climate will shed light on how he viewed the application of millenarianism in his current environment. It is also important to ask when and why Mede became a millenarian? As previously stated, the Church of England in the sixteenth century had ruled that millenarianism was outside the bounds of orthodoxy. Yet the seventeenth century would witness the proliferation of this previously heretical doctrine from Mede onward. Dating his millenarianconversion will help to locate historically the rebirth of millenarianism and also open the possibility of identifying a pree or non- millenarian Mede. Then it can be asked, what were the events and factors that led to the reintroductionof millenarianism in the mindof Mede? Nearly as provocative as Mede’s own eschatology is the study of his millenarian legacy that continued into the eighteenth century. While it is important to examine this legacy chronologically, especially its sustained popularity during less explosive years, it is also vital to map out Mede’s legacy geographically. What was the reception and influence of Mede beyond England and the British Isles? Issues and events on the continent and in North America sometimes paralleled but often differed from those in Britain. What form did apocalyptic thought take and to what extent did millenarianism in these foreign contexts maintain Mede’s distinct conclusions? Thecrucial taskwillbe toanswer these questions and produce a more accurate understanding of seventeenth-century millenarianism. CHAPTER TWO Biography 2.i JOSEPHMEDE: A BIOGRAPHY Lost among the catalogue of seventeenth-century English Divines is the name Joseph Mede. While current scholarship on early modern Britain continues to produce voluminous studies on more recognizable figures like John Owen or Richard Baxter, individuals like Mede have been relegated to the margins and reduced to historical anonymity. However the seventeenth century paints a different portrait of Mede and his place within the religious history of Britain. 2.ii EARLYYEARS(1586-1602) Little is written on Joseph Mede’s early years. All previous biographical summaries are based, almost entirely, on the account of his life found in the edited volumes of his works.1 This preface gives the most extensive details of Mede’s life ever published. Speculation surrounds the anonymous authors of this biography. John Worthington, the editor of Mede’s collective works, describes the first part of the biography as “written by some of great acquaintance with him, and that always had a just esteem for him.”2 Likewise the second part was sent by another, “Doctor anciently of the same University, one who frequently resorted to Mr. Mede, and thought himself richly rewarded by his discourse for every journey he made to his Chamber.”3 It is commonly assumed that Worthington himself is one of the two authors, while the identity of the other 1 “The Life of the Reverend and most Learned Joseph Mede, B. D.” and “An Appendix to the foregoing History”, in Joseph Mede, Works, pp. I-XLV. 2 “General Preface”, in Mede,Works. 3 Ibid. 7 Biography may be John Alsop.4 Drawing from this earliest biography, supplemented by additional archival sources, this biographical sketch will attempt to introduce the details and significance of the life of Joseph Mede. Joseph Mede was born in 1586 at Breden in Essex. His parents were described as individuals of “honest rank,” and distant relatives to Sir John Mede ofWendon Lofts in Essex. SirJohn would later serve as a valuable patron during Mede’s career at Cambridge. Little is known of Mede’s childhood, other then the fact that at ten years of age both he and his father fell ill from smallpox. His father never recovered and his mother remarried a certain Mr. Gower from Nasing. Mede had two sisters, Rebecca and “Sister Casse.” John Alsop recorded in his account of Mede’s estate specific amounts of money left to the children of eachof his twosisters.5 Mede’s education was a high priority for his parents. His stepfather sent him to school in Hoddseden, and then to Wethersfffield in Essex. A popular story was told about Mede that during his early school days he purchased a copy of Robert Bellarmine’s Hebrew grammar and proceeded to teach himself the rudimentary principles of that ancient language, spurning the discouragement of his teacher.6 In Wethersfield it was likely that he studied under the puritan non-conformist Richard Rogers.7 Rogers was appointed lecturer in Wethersfield in 1573 and was an active supporter for non-conformity during the Elizabethan reforms.8 He objected to Bishop Whitgift’s Three Articles, and in 1588 he was involved in the signing of a proto-congregationalist covenant (withh twenty others) in Wethersfield.9 The covenant effectively established an independent gathering “for the continuance of love and for the edifying one of another, after some bodily repast and refreshing.”10 From Rogers, at an early age, Mede mustt have gained first-hand knowledge of the conflicts and tensions brewing in the Church of England, particularly from the puritan vantage point. This partially explains why Mede was so reluctant to engage 4 Alsop was a former student and close friend. He was named the executor of Mede’s will and preached the sermon at Mede’s funeral. 5Mede’s will is found in Christ’s College Archives, Box M72 (F). The children of Rebecca were Joseph, Rebecca, Samuel and Sarah; the children of his other sister were Joseph, Elizabeth, Anna, Mary, Rebecca and Henry. Mede bequeathed £40 to each of his two godsons (the two Josephs), and £20 to each of the other nephews and nieces. CCA, Box M72 (G) folio 1r; David Cockburn, A critical edition of the letters of the Reverend Joseph Mead, 1626-1627, contained in the British Library Harleain MS.390(University of Cambridge, Ph.D. Dissertation, 1994),p. 29. 6Mede,Works, I. 7 John Peile, Biographical Register of Christ’s Colleege 1505-1905 and of the earlier foundation, God’s House 1448-1505, Vol. I, 1448-1665(Cambridge, 1910), p. 245. 8“Rogers, Richard”,DNB, vol. XVII, p. 138. 9 Patrick Collinson, The Elizabethan Puritan Movementt (Oxford, 1967, reprinted 1998), pp. 264, 382; idem,The Religion of Protestants,pp. 269-271. 10 Richard Rogers, Seaven Treatises, p. 497; Collinson, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement, p. 382. Biography 9 in the political debates of his own generation. Due to his outspokenness, Rogers was twice suspended from his ministerial duties, the last time in 1607, prior to Mede completing his studies in Wethersfield.11 Another possible influence on Mede was Rogers’ theological emphasis on practical Christian conduct. In 1603 Rogers’ publishedd Seaven Treatises containing such directions as is gathered out of the Holie Scriptures.12 The intention of this book was to set forth a practical divinity to instruct Christians in their daily lives. In the preface Rogers reveals his intention, that the Christian man, and he who is faithfull indeede, may so carrie himselfe in his course, as he may have no thought or purpose to revolt and turne from this hope which is set before him, but be perswaded that he is infinitly incouraged, to hold out constantly therein, against all that might come in his way contrarie.13 His emphasis was not on precise doctrine, although Rogers did not neglect that aspect, but on practical living. Likewise for Mede, in his own life and his wider theology, the priority of godly living often eclipsed the substantive doctrines being debated in the seventeenth century.14 2.iii UUUNIVERSITYYEARS(1602-1610) In 1602 Mede enrolled at Richard Rogers’ alma mater, Christ’s College at the University of Cambridge. This was an obvious choice in many ways. Samuel Ward, Rogers’ stepson, had also attended Christ’s from 1588 to 1596, and would later serve as Master of the new Sidney Sussex College.15 Still more significantly, Daniel Rogers, Richard’s eldest son, was a fellow at Christ’s and assigned to be Mede’s tutor. Cambridge in the early 1600s was a citadel of puritanism. Mede enrolled the year of William Perkins’ death, nevertheless Perkin’s tremendous influence continued at Christ’s and throughout the 11“Rogers”,DNB, vol. XVII, pp. 137-138. 12 The full title is, Seaven Treatises containing such directions as is gathered out of the Holie Scriptures, leading and guiding to true happiness, both in this life, and in the life to come: and may be called the practice of christianite(London, 1603). 13Rogers,Seaven Treatises, Preface, A6. 14 It is not inconceivable that Mede was aware of Rogers’ book. The Seaven Treatises were republished four times in 1604, 1605, 1612 and 1620. In addition an abridgment was also published in 1618 which also saw four republications in 1619, 1623, 1624 and 1635. STC, p. 284. 15Collinson,The Religion of the Protestants, p. 175; “Ward, Samuel”, DNB, vol. XX, p. 792. Biography University.16 At Christ’s, Mede was exposed to such notable puritan scholars as William Ames and Thomas Bainbridge.17 The younger Rogers bore a number of similarities to his father, especially a staunch commitment to defending the puritan cause.18 Daniel was considered suspect under the Laudian regime for condemning Arminianism along with practices within the Church of England that resembled popish ceremonies.19 After only three years as Mede’s tutor he left Cambridge to serve as the minister at Haaaversham in Buckinghamshire; after some time in Haversham he movedback home toWethersfield to follow in his father’s footsteps as lecturer.20Daniel Roger’s theological sympathies had little formative influence on Mede, except to distinguish a brand of radical puritanism that Mede rejected. In many ways Mede’s early education - steeped in puritanism - would prove invaluable for navigating the treacherous theological waters of seventeenth-century England. Following Daniel Rogers’ departure, William Addison replaced him as Mede’s tutor. Mede found Addison’s ecclesiastical position much more congenial to that of his previous tutor. Addison was sympathetic towards continual reforms, without however advocating any radical changes. Throughout his career Addison remained a loyal cleric within the Church of England, being appointed rector of Brampton St. Mary, Northamptonshire, and later rector of Whitfield in Northumberland.21 The closeness between Addison and Mede was evident in 1610 when Addison was appointed as a Junior Proctor. It was the tradition that all new Junior Proctors participate in a scholastic disputation. Addison asked Mede to serve as moderator of his disputation.22 Undergraduate education at Cambridge in the early seventeenth century began with a broad foundation. Aspects of humanism and scholasticism formed the core curriculum.23 Logic, rhetoric, ethics, metaphysics, physics, mathematics, 16 Paul R. Schaefer, Jr., The Spiritual Brotherhood on the Habits of the Heart: Cambridge Protestants and the Doctrine of Sanctification: From William Perkins to Thomas Shepherd (University of Oxford, DPhil. Dissertation, 1994). 17 William Ames was a fellow at Christ’s from 1601-1610, and Thomas Bainbridge was a fellow from 1599 to 1622, and then as the Master from 1622-1646. John Peile, A History of Christ’s College(Cambridge, 1910), pp. 207, 211. 18 “Rogers, Daniel”, DNB, vol. XVII, pp. 117-118. 19 Benjamin Brooks, The Lives of the Puritans, vol. 3 (London, 1813; republished Morgan, PA, 1996),pp. 149-150. 20 Ibid. 149. 21 Peile,Biographical Register,p. 225. 22 Peile records that Mede moderated at Addison’s “Disses.” Peile,Biographical Register,p. 225. It is likely that this was an abbreviation for the dismissal address given by the moderator to conclude a disputation. William T. Costello, The Scholastic Curriculum at Early Seventeenth- Century Cambridge (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), p. 24. 23 Undergraduate education still included the Scholastic lecture, disputations and declamations, along with Humanist elements like the study offclassical texts and languages. John Morgan, Godly