religions Article Glocal Religion and Feeling at Home: Ethnography of Artistry in Finnish Orthodox Liturgy TatianaTiaynen-Qadir FacultyofSocialSciences,UniversityofTurku,Turku20014,Finland;tatiana.tiaynen@ttaq.fi AcademicEditors:VictorRoudometofandPeterIverKaufman Received:19December2016;Accepted:9February2017;Published:13February2017 Abstract:Thispaperadaptsaglocalizationframeworkinatransnational,anthropologicalexploration ofliturgyintheOrthodoxChurchofFinland(OCF).Itdrawsonlong-termethnographicfieldwork andinterviewswithparticipantsofliturgyfromFinnish,Russian,andGreekculturalandlinguistic backgrounds. The main argument of the paper is that generic processes of nationalization and transnationalization are not mutually exclusive in practitioners’ experiences of liturgy in OCF, but rather generate a glocal space that incorporates Finnish, Russian, Karelian, and Byzantine elements. Individuals artistically engage with glocal liturgy on sensorial, cognitive, social, and semantic levels. What is important for the participants is a therapeutic sense that comes from a feelingof‘beingathome’,metaphorically,spiritually,andliterally. People’songoing,creativework constitutesOrthodoxyastheirnationalandtransnationalhome. Keywords: glocalreligion;OrthodoxChristianity;glocalization;transnationalanthropology;artistry; liturgy;home;therapeutic 1. Introduction MostcontemporaryOrthodoxchurchesacrosstheworldaredividedintonationalordiasporic churches;thelatterofwhichisoftenorganizedalongsideethno-nationalandlinguisticlines. National churchesinclude,forexample,thoseofGreeceandCyprus,wherehistoriesofentanglementbetween Orthodoxyandnationalizationdatebacktothe19thcentury.InRussia,OrthodoxChristianityemerged asasignifierofindividualandcollectivenationalidentityaftertheSovietcollapse[1]. Ontheother hand,OrthodoxchurchesintheUSAaremostlydiasporicchurches,wherethisreligionfunctionsasa ‘culturalmarker’thatimpliesbelongingtoacertainnationalorethnicgroup,whetherGreek,Serbian, orRussianversionsofOrthodoxy([2],p. 122). ThisisalsothecaseinWesternEurope,forinstance, inSwitzerland,Denmark,Sweden,andNorway[3,4]. Thissituationledtothescholarlycategorization ofnationalvsdiasporicOrthodoxchurchesincontemporaryresearch[2,4–6]. Suchcategorizationsareanalyticallyusefulforexaminingthesocialaspectsofreligion. Yet,they tendtobrushasidecross-sectionalandcross-cuttingprocessesthatcannotbeeasilycapturedbythe divisionbetweennationalanddiasporic. Inmanyways,‘religioustransnationalism’becomesevident inhybridorminorityidentitieswithinOrthodoxdiasporas,throughtheexperiencesofmigrationin themodernworldofnation-states([6],p. 213). TheOrthodoxChurchofFinland(OCF),forexample, isaninterestingcase,suggestingthattheprocessesofnationalizationandtransnationalizationarenot mutuallyexclusive,buttogetherconstituteaglocalmanifestationofOrthodoxyinFinland. Thispaper unpacks this argument by focusing on individual experiences of liturgy in the OCF, a Eucharistic churchserviceoftheByzantineritethathasbeencentraltoEasternChristianpracticessincethetime oflateantiquity,andremainssotodayamongstOrthodoxpopulationsacrosstheglobe[7,8]. Ingeneral,manyapproachestoquestionsoflivedreligionareboundwithinamethodological nationalistapproach,restrictedtoexploringphenomenawithinonenationalrealmorchurch.However, Religions2017,8,23;doi:10.3390/rel8020023 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions Religions2017,8,23 2of14 theauthor’sethnographicfieldworkinFinlandpaintsadifferentpicture,oftheOrthodoxChurch asamulti-sitedspacetranscendingnationalborders. Thefindingsaregroundedinaglocalization framework[2]andintransnationalanthropology[9–11],whichchallengesmethodologicalnationalism andaccentuatesmulti-sitedselvesandlives. Atransnationalanthropologicalapproachhelpstoyield newinterpretationsofpeople’snarrativesandexperiencesofliturgy. Another, key, theoretical axis of the paper is material religion, which emphasizes the holistic characterofmind-bodyexperiences[12,13]. Theterm‘religiousaesthetics’isemployedtoaddress people’s’embodiedandembeddedpraxis’ofreligion,inwhichtheprocessofmakingmeaningsand knowingisunderstoodasaholisticexperienceofthemind,aswellasofthebodilyemotionsand experiences[14]. Religiousaestheticsenableustoseethatindividuals’experiencesof,forinstance, liturgy, are often sensorially and corporeally felt, in addition to being consciously articulated and apprehended. Followingapeople’sperspectiveshowsthe‘work’theydo,their‘vernacular’artistry, whichisoftenoverlookedinacademicaccountsofinstitutionally-basedreligiosities[15]. Thepaperdrawsontheauthor’slong-termethnographicfieldworkinoneoftheparishesofthe OCF,adynamicsiteofmulticulturalandmultilinguisticinteraction. Ethnographicinterviewswere conductedwith22practitionersfromFinnish,Russian,andGreekbackgrounds,whoeitherregularly oroccasionallyattendliturgicalservices. ThemainargumentpresentedhereisthatFinnishOrthodox glocalliturgyincorporatesbothnationalizationandtransnationalization,andthuscreatesandenables practitionersfromdifferentbackgroundstoexperienceafeelingof‘home’,bothmetaphoricallyand literally. Individuals creatively and artistically engage with glocal liturgy on sensorial, cognitive, andsemanticlevels. Thepaperunfoldsasfollows. ThenextsectionprovidesabriefbackgroundtoFinnishOrthodox Christianityfromaglocalperspective,focusingonliturgy. Thisisfollowedbyasectiondiscussingthe theoryandmethod. Theensuingthreeempiricalsectionsdiscussindividualexperiencesofliturgy throughsenses,thelanguage,andshiftinglens. Thepaperconcludeswithasectionthatsummarizes thefindings,aswellasopensavenuesforfutureexploration. 2. OrthodoxChurchofFinland Orthodoxy in Finland dates back to the eleventh century: it was indigenized in the region of Karelia1,undertheinfluenceoftheNovgorodians,whoadoptedthisreligionfromtheByzantines throughKievattheendofthetenthcentury([16],p. 153). Throughouthistory,OrthodoxChristianity remainedareligionofminority,mainlyconcentratedintheeasternpartofFinland. Wherereligion hadbeenevidentinFinlandunderthecenturies-oldSwedishrule,culturallyorinstitutionally,that religionhadbeenLutheranism. TherehadbeensomespreadofOrthodoxChristianityintootherparts ofthecountryinthenineteenthcenturyduetotheRussianOrthodoxChurch,whentheGrandDuchy of Finland was part of the Russian Empire. After Finland gained independence in 1917, the OCF becameanautonomousFinnishOrthodoxarchdioceseofthePatriarchateofConstantinoplein1923. The histories of Finnish Orthodoxy embraced numerous people’s dislocations, resettlements, and enforcedandvoluntarymoves,aswellastheallegedtensionsbetweenKarelianandRussianOrthodox identities(foradetailedhistoricalaccountsofthesemovessee[16]). ThefirsthalfofthetwentiethcenturywasmarkedbytheprocessofnationalizationorFinnicisation, i.e., deliberate attempts of the OCF to disassociate Orthodoxy from its Russian heritage [16,17]. The national popularity of the OCF started to grow in the 1970s among Finnish intellectuals, due to the ‘Romantic movement’ that appreciated the Byzantine art of icons and music, which enhancedtheorientalandexoticimageofOrthodoxyinFinland[16,18,19]. Ingeneral,anyattentive 1 OccupyinganintermediatepositionontheRussian-Finnishborder,Kareliahashistoricallybeenanareaofwarlikeconflicts orpeacefulinteractionsbetweenSwedenandNovgorod,theSwedishKingdomandtheRussianEmpire,Finlandandthe SovietUnion,andthecenturies-oldcoexistenceandinterconnectednessofSlavonicandFinno-Ugriccultures. Religions2017,8,23 3of14 observerwillbeoverwhelmedbythevisibilityofEasternOrthodoxmateriality—iconsofMary,Jesus, or saints—throughout the country, and the intense activity surrounding them. Many Finns with wide-rangingbeliefs,includingLutherans,keepOrthodoxiconsintheirhomes,attendicon-painting courses,orenjoyOrthodoxchoirsinging. Thissituationisalsodueto‘goodecumenicalrelationships’ andmultipleinteractionsbetweentheOCFandtheEvangelicalLutheranChurchofFinland(ELCF), ‘thetwofolkchurches’thathavealegalstatusasnationalchurchesinthecountry([20],p. 7). Indeed, thereishardlyanysenseofresentmentbetweenthesetwobranchesofChristianityinFinland,andin many cases, there is a continuum for those who convert from Lutheranism to Orthodoxy, or vice versa. Similarly,someLutheransappreciateandapplyelementsofOrthodoxy,withoutfeelingany compulsiontojointheOCF. Fromthe1990sonwards,theOCFstartedtoundergotheprocessoftransnationalization,mainly duetoaninfluxofmigrantsfromEasternEuropeancountries. Theshareofforeign-bornmembers increasedfrom3percentin1990,to11percentin2009([16],p. 166). In2015,theChurch’sofficial membershipamountedto60,877,approximately1.1percentofthetotalpopulationinFinland[21]. However,theseofficialnumbersdonotincludethosepractitionerswhoarenotofficiallyregistered, butsharesomeformofcommitmenttoOrthodoxy. Therearemostlikelymanyindividualsamong Russian-speakers(presentlythelargestmigrantminorityinFinland, roughlyestimatedat78,000), whoconsiderthemselvesOrthodox,butmaynothaveofficiallyjoinedtheOCF.Practitionersfromthis andotherlinguisticminorities(Greek,Romanian,Ukrainian,Serbian,Tigrinya,etc)alsoattendchurch servicesintheparishwherethefieldworkresearchwasconducted,butnotallofthemareregistered membersoftheOCF. AcentralcomponentoftheregularOrthodoxChurchserviceistheDivineLiturgyor,simply, liturgy. LiturgystandsfortherecreationandcelebrationoftheKingdomofHeaven,aswellasthe symbolicandactualrelivingofthemysteryoftheLastSupper.ThetermderivesfromtheAncientGreek ‘leitourgia’,translatedas‘publicworks’toemphasizethecommunalcharacterofthisrite([22],p.190). Asa‘synthesisofarts’[23],liturgyhasbeena‘uniquesourceofaesthetic,intellectual,music,poetic and visual enjoyment’ [24]. According to Orthodox theology, its ‘sorrowful joy’ manifests in the re-enactmentofthesacrificeofJesus’sbodyandblood,butalsointhegloriousresurrectionandglad thanking (Eucharistia), as well as the glorifying of the life-giving Trinitarian God [7,22]. Although theologicalresearchintoliturgyhasbeensubstantial, thereislittlescholarlyunderstandingofthe ethnographicrealitysurroundingthisserviceinthelivesofOrthodoxpractitioners([25],p. 12). Inparticular,scantattentionhasbeenpaidtohowliturgyintheOCFembedsboththeprocesses ofnationalizationandtransnationalization. Inthecourseofthetwentiethcentury,Finnishhasbecome themainliturgicallanguage,aswellasthemediumofsocialinteractionintheOCF.Thetranslationof liturgicaltextsfromChurchSlavonicintoFinnish—liturgiesbyJohnChrysostomandSt.BasiltheGreat, thetwomostfrequentlyusedinthechurchservice—signifiesaprocessofnationalizationthrough vernacularization. Althoughthefirsttranslationwasmadein1862inSaintPetersburg,thatcarried outbySergeiOkulovbecamethemostcommonlyusedtranslationfrom1910([26],p.9).Composing musicspecificallyfortheFinnishtextoftheliturgyalsodepictstheprocessofnationalization,and wasfirstcompletedbyPeterAkimov(publishedunderP.Attinen,1936)([26],p.10).Yettheseattempts at nationalization had in fact relied on a strong transnational component. First, there had been a greatdealofeffortplacedonrevivingtheByzantineartoficon-paintingandtheeight-modesystem ofchanting[27]and,thus,onestablishingadirectconnectiontotheGreekheritage. Second,inits religiousaesthetics,FinnishOrthodoxyhasalsoretainedRussianOrthodoxelements(albeitithas beenlessarticulatedinChurchpublicrhetoric[16]). Inparticular,theFinnishliturgicalpracticehas continuedtofollowtheRussianOrthodoxtraditionofmulti-vocalchoirsinging. Manyhymnsand chants composed by Russian composers (such as the famous ‘Cherubim hymn’ by G. Lvovski), have been adopted for choir singing in the Finnish language, and continue to be sung during liturgies(Figure1). CompositionsoftheFinnishcomposersAlekseiKrasnostovski,LeonidBashmakov, PasiTorhamo,andTimoRuottinen,incorporatebothByzantineandSlavicinfluences[26,28]. Likewise, Religions2017,8,23 4of14 thechurcharchitecture,churchinterior,andicons—indispensablepartsofthereligiousaestheticsof Rtheleiglioitnus r2g01y7—, 8,v 2a3r iablyintegrateByzantine,Russian,andKarelianfeatures[19,29]. 4 of 14 FFiigguurree 11.. TThhee LLiittuurrggyy uusseedd bbyy tthhee cchhooiirr dduurriinngg sseerrvviicceess.. PPhhoottoo bbyy tthhee aauutthhoorr.. The church in which the fieldwork research was conducted is located in a major urban centre of Thechurchinwhichthefieldworkresearchwasconductedislocatedinamajorurbancentre the country. In its architecture and interior, including icons, this church incorporates 19th-century ofthecountry. Initsarchitectureandinterior,includingicons,thischurchincorporates19th-century Russian ‘academic classicism’ ([29], p. 289). The ‘western’ style of iconography within the church is Russian‘academicclassicism’([29],p. 289). The‘western’styleoficonographywithinthechurchis not always appreciated by scholars of art, as it diverges from the Byzantine and Old Russian art of notalwaysappreciatedbyscholarsofart,asitdivergesfromtheByzantineandOldRussianartof icons [19]. Yet, the fieldwork research illustrates that both old and new iconographic styles ‘speak’ to icons[19]. Yet,thefieldworkresearchillustratesthatbotholdandnewiconographicstyles‘speak’to individuals, and practitioners venerate icons, irrespective of their artistic and theological individuals,andpractitionersvenerateicons,irrespectiveoftheirartisticandtheological‘correctness’. ‘correctness’. Most clubs and groups in the church are run in both Finnish and Russian languages, MostclubsandgroupsinthechurchareruninbothFinnishandRussianlanguages,andasoneofthe and as one of the Finnish interlocutors puts it: ‘it is great that one can hear many languages spoken’. Finnishinterlocutorsputsit: ‘itisgreatthatonecanhearmanylanguagesspoken’. AlthoughFinnish Although Finnish is the main language of liturgy, church services are also occasionally conducted in isthemainlanguageofliturgy,churchservicesarealsooccasionallyconductedinChurchSlavonic, Church Slavonic, Greek, Romanian, Serbian, and English languages. There is a multi-vocal choir and Greek,Romanian,Serbian,andEnglishlanguages. Thereisamulti-vocalchoirandaone-vocalchoir: a one-vocal choir: both sing a diversity of choral music during liturgies, ranging from traditional bothsingadiversityofchoralmusicduringliturgies,rangingfromtraditional(Neo)Byzantinechant (Neo) Byzantine chant and Russian ‘znamenny chant’, to various Finnish compositions, which may andRussian‘znamennychant’,tovariousFinnishcompositions,whichmayalsointegratetraditional also integrate traditional and modern Nordic music influences. andmodernNordicmusicinfluences. 3. Theory and Methods 3. TheoryandMethods Growing research has attempted to address the global and transnational character of Orthodox GrowingresearchhasattemptedtoaddresstheglobalandtransnationalcharacterofOrthodox Christianity [4,6,25]. The argument here draws on Roudometof’s account of Orthodox Christianity, Christianity[4,6,25]. TheargumentheredrawsonRoudometof’saccountofOrthodoxChristianity,as as historical glocalization that comprises processes of indigenization, vernacularization, historicalglocalizationthatcomprisesprocessesofindigenization,vernacularization,nationalization, nationalization, and transnationalization [2]. These glocalizations of Orthodoxy emerge as concrete and transnationalization [2]. These glocalizations of Orthodoxy emerge as concrete historical historical processes involving a fusion between religious universalism and local particularism. The processesinvolvingafusionbetweenreligiousuniversalismandlocalparticularism. Theexpression expression ‘transformations of a religious tradition’ in the book’s title points to the diversity of ‘transformationsofareligioustradition’inthebook’stitlepointstothediversityofmanifestations manifestations of Orthodoxy in local contexts, in particular its different responses to nationalization of Orthodoxy in local contexts, in particular its different responses to nationalization and and transnationalization. Roudometof’s theorizing on glocalization is an excellent framework for transnationalization. Roudometof’s theorizing on glocalization is an excellent framework for understanding the historical and contemporary dynamic in the OCF. understandingthehistoricalandcontemporarydynamicintheOCF. The contribution of this paper is that it incorporates an anthropological perspective into the The contribution of this paper is that it incorporates an anthropological perspective into the sociological glocalization framework [30]. First, this paper applies transnational anthropology, which sociologicalglocalizationframework[30]. First,thispaperappliestransnationalanthropology,which challenges methodological nationalism and accentuates multi-sited histories, lives, and senses of challenges methodological nationalism and accentuates multi-sited histories, lives, and senses of belonging [9–11]. An ethnic group or a nation can no longer be viewed as being self-evidently fixed belonging[9–11]. Anethnicgrouporanationcannolongerbeviewedasbeingself-evidentlyfixed with a certain locality and state, as ‘the structures of feeling that constitute nationalism need to be set withacertainlocalityandstate,as‘thestructuresoffeelingthatconstitutenationalismneedtobe in the context of other forms of imagining communities, other means of endowing significance to setinthecontextofotherformsofimaginingcommunities,othermeansofendowingsignificance space in the production of location and “home”’ ([31], p. 331). In the increasingly interconnected tospaceintheproductionoflocationand“home”’([31],p. 331). Intheincreasinglyinterconnected global realm, many individuals share transnational subjectivities that refer to a ‘trajectory that combines living in different places, and makes mobility a historical trajectory of one’s own, always connecting to where one is located but simultaneously keeping oneself solidly anchored in one’s own story and oneself’ ([11], p. 170). This anthropological perspective helps to illustrate people’s agency in renegotiating their transnational subjectivities, where nationalization and transnationalization may in fact be simultaneously at work. Religions2017,8,23 5of14 globalrealm,manyindividualssharetransnationalsubjectivitiesthatrefertoa‘trajectorythatcombines livingindifferentplaces,andmakesmobilityahistoricaltrajectoryofone’sown,alwaysconnecting to where one is located but simultaneously keeping oneself solidly anchored in one’s own story and oneself’ ([11], p. 170). This anthropological perspective helps to illustrate people’s agency in renegotiatingtheirtransnationalsubjectivities,wherenationalizationandtransnationalizationmayin factbesimultaneouslyatwork. Second,thispaperapproachesOrthodoxyasavernacular,livedreligionthatnecessarilyentails an experiential component, an individual’s creativity and artistry in interpretation, and a unique engagementwithliturgy[15].Inthisrespect,itexpandsonRoudometof’sconceptof‘vernacularization’ to go beyond linguistics and into the artful and creative way in which people relate to religiosity. Mostapproachestotheimportantquestionsoflivedreligionbuildonacognitiveapproachtoreligious materiality(icons,music),whichstresseshowbelieversrelatetothetheologicalmeaningofanimage or appreciate its aesthetics, in more or less theoretical terms. However, ethnographic fieldwork offersadifferentview,namelysignificantevidenceofsensorialandcorporealexperiencesofreligious art[13,32]. Theargumentpresentedheredrawsonthelong-termethnographicfieldworkresearch[33–35]. ThefieldworkresearchwasconductedamongstOrthodoxChristiansinFinland(2014–2016),which includedparticipantandnon-participantobservationinachurchsetting,2aswellas22ethnographic interviews. The church serves as the spiritual and social environment of a vibrant multicultural communitywithintheparishinwesternFinland.Followingthepremisesoftransnationalanthropology the purpose of approaching interlocutors was to interact and interview individuals from various linguistic and cultural backgrounds, in order to address the multicultural dynamic of the OCF. Thus, the ethnographic interviews were conducted with individuals of Russian, Finnish, and Greek origins. The interviewees were mostly women aged between 26 and 69, all but two had a universitydegree,andmostwereteachers,universitylecturers,accountants,researchers,anddoctors. Thefindingspresentedhereshouldbeseenastheresultofthelong-termimmersioninthestudied phenomenonandengagementwiththeinterlocutors. 4. TransnationalandNationalExperiencesofLiturgy: ‘BeingatHome’ 4.1. LiturgyandSenses What unites the interlocutors of this research is that none of them (except two women from a Greek background), for various reasons, could be seen as ‘cradle’ Orthodox. Despite all of the differencesbetweentheculturalandpoliticalsituationsoftheOrthodoxChurchesinFinlandand Russia,therearesomeobviousparallelsintheirinterrelatedhistories. DuetothedecadesofSoviet suppressionofreligion,Orthodoxywasratherpassivelypresentinpeople’slives,andwasmainly transferred through elderly women or babushkas (grandmothers in Russian) [35,36]. In Finland, Orthodoxy was the religion of a ‘stigmatized minority’ up to the 1970s [18] and, therefore, many FinnishinterlocutorsalsoonlyhadpassiveexperiencesofOrthodoxy. Thistangibleexperienceof Orthodoxyformeda‘latentreligiousaffiliation’[37]thatmanyindividualsbuiltonintheirrediscovery ofOrthodoxspiritualityintheiradultlives. Corporealandemotionalexperiencesofliturgyhavebeen importantintheirpursuitoftheOrthodoxpath. This is how Maija, who was raised as a member of the (Protestant) Free Church of Finland, recollectsherfirstexperienceofliturgyintheNewValaamMonasteryinFinland,inherearlytwenties: IfoundOrthodoxyafterIfinishedhighschool. IwenttotheValaamMonastery,andit wasmoreabouthowIfelt[tunneasiainFinnish]thereduringtheliturgy,andthemonks 2 Thenameandthelocationofthechurchareomittedtoenhanceanonymityoftheinterlocutors.Naturally,theirrealnames arenotmentionedinthepaper,andcertainotherdetailshavealsobeenanonymized. Religions2017,8,23 6of14 singing. WhenIcamehomeandwenttotheservice[attheFreeChurchofFinland],itwas notthesame. Yes,itwasaliturgyinaparish,andalltheelementswerethere,butIwas thinkingthatitwasnotthesameasinValaam. Theservice[inValaam]wasveryintense, anditwasalive,andthisaffectedme. Manypeoplesaythatthereisapowerfulenergyin theValaamMonastery... Andtherewassomethingverymovinginthaticon[theValaam iconoftheMotherofGod]. IfeltitthatveryfirsttimeIwentthere. WhenIwasclosetothe icon,Ifeltpeaceinside,anditstayeddeeplyinmymemories[38]. Johanna,too,recollectsthatshefeltlike‘beingathome’whenshevisitedtheValaamMonastery, alsoinherearlytwenties. Marjacompares‘joiningthechurch’with‘cominghome’,whileMinnasays thatshefoundher‘spiritualhome’inOrthodoxy. Theword‘home’frequentlyappearsinpeople’s narratives,irrespectiveoftheirlinguisticbackgrounds.Therearemultiplemeaningsof‘home’,ranging fromaplacethatonephysicallyinhabits,tovarioussubjectiveexperiencesofhome[39],andtheuse ofthetermintheinterviewscapturesthesedifferentlevels. Shiftingexperiencesofhomemaysignify ‘movementwithintheconstitutionofhome’([40],p. 341). Varioussituatedandchangingexperiences ofhome(s)revealthatbeingathomeisalwaysamatterof‘howonefeelsorhowonemightfailto feel’,ratherthanamarkerofonespecificabode[40]. Uponherreturntowhatusedtobeherhome church, Maija failed to feel that way after she faced another kind of church service. Liturgy with flickeringcandles,icons,incense,andchoirsinging,wasexperiencedaswelcoming,andhome-like. Inotherwomen’snarratives,thefirstencountersofOrthodoxmaterialityarealsooftenrecollected asexperiencedonasensoryandintuitionallevel,connectingtosomethingfamiliarandseemingly known,thatonehadbeenlongingfor. Suchasensorialcomponentremainssignificantthroughoutyearsofparticipationintheliturgy. Manyemphasizethatthey‘likethesmell’inthechurch,thatchoirsinging‘touchedmyverysoul’, or that they were ‘moved to tears’; they talk of the feeling of ‘trembling’ or ‘gooses bumps’ in the body. ThisishowthesensorialeffectsofliturgyaredescribedinthewordsofVera,aRussian-speaking practisingpsychiatrist,inherearlythirties: Solemnity. Sometimesthereissuchmomentinlife, somekindofbreakdown. Notlike somekindofquarrel,butsomeseriousstress. Somebodygotsickorsomeproblems,for instance,ataworkplace. Andthereisafeeling[oshchushchenie]oftearfulness,afeeling thatitisbad. Andthenitisgone. Andthereisapeakofbliss. Andtearsstreamdown, I don’t know...I don’t know how to explain it as it is well difficult to do it. Well you know, when you say that you are extremely deeply moved. There is this very feeling [oshchushchenie]...wellyouknow,itisactuallyoverwhelmingyou,andthereisalumpin thethroat...Idon’tknow,itisdifficulttoexplain[41]. VeraappliestheRussianwordoshchushchenie,whichdoesnothaveanydirecttranslationinto English.Yet,itsuseisimportant,asthistermimpliesa‘subjectiveimage’oftheworldandencompasses thewholerangeofsensesandsensations,tangibleandemotionalexperiences,andperceptions[42]. VeraandherfamilyhavestayedindifferentplacesinFinlandandattendedchurchservicesinlocal churches. Shementionsthat,although‘shehasbeenalwaysattractedbytheOrthodoxchurch’,shedid not really attend church in Russia, where one’s behaviour and clothes could be easily misjudged. Instead,shesaysthattheOCFismore‘democratic’,explainingthatshe‘foundherchurchinFinland, notinRussia’. Thisisalsoimportanttosensorialexperiencesofliturgy,asitstandsforthecomforting feelingofbeingathome. However,mostoftheRussian-speakinginterlocutorsappreciatethemulti-localityofOrthodoxy. They do not draw a particular difference between Russian and Finnish Orthodox churches, but rathertheirOrthodoxjourneytakesplacewithintheconstitutionoftheirtransnationalhome. Anfisa, forinstance,pointsoutthatshehasneverbeendisconnectedfromthechurch,andalwayslikedthe music,thesmell,andtheentire‘atmosphere’duringtheliturgy. Sheusedtoattendchurchservices, butlaterapprehendedOrthodoxywith‘awareness’whenshewasinFinland,throughherbrotherwho Religions2017,8,23 7of14 stayedinRussiaandactedasherspiritualmentor. Yet,shenotes: ‘ItallstartedinRussia,andthefirst EucharistIalsoreceivedinRussia.’ Onlysomewhatlater,shecametotheEasternserviceinFinland, startedregularlyattendingliturgies,andjoinedthechoir. The feeling of being at home is not necessarily rationally apprehended. It is often a non-cognitive,sensorial,andembodiedconnectionthatevokesacomfortingfeelingofbeingathome. WhenRussian-speakersorGreek-speakersparticipateintheliturgyintheOCF,theyalsoconnectto thereligiousaestheticsofglocalliturgyinFinland;theartoficonsandmusicthatincorporateRussian andByzantinefeatures(andoftenarenotfullyfamiliarwithinthecomplex,ambiguoushistoriesof Religions 2017, 8, 23 7 of 14 FinnishOrthodoxy). Theyencounterthesameimagesandfamiliarmelodiesthatconnectthemwith tthheeiirr hhoommeess,, wwhheerree tthheeyy wweerree bboorrnn.. TThhiiss iiss wwhhyy mmaannyy RRuussssiiaann--ssppeeaakkeerrss,, wwhheenn eenntteerriinngg aann OOrrtthhooddooxx cchhuurrcchh iinn FFiinnllaanndd,, mmaayy hhaavvee aa ffeeeelliinngg ooff ‘‘vveerryy hhoommee’’,, aass EElleennaa ppuuttss iitt ((FFiigguurree2 2)).. Figure 2. Church interior (iconostasis) in the Uspenski Cathedral in Helsinki. Photo by the author. Figure2.Churchinterior(iconostasis)intheUspenskiCathedralinHelsinki.Photobytheauthor. During liturgies, they also face and contemplate icons of Mary, Jesus, and other saints. In their Duringliturgies,theyalsofaceandcontemplateiconsofMary,Jesus,andothersaints. Intheir eyes, these figures do not belong to one single national realm, but rather transcend national borders. eyes,thesefiguresdonotbelongtoonesinglenationalrealm,butrathertranscendnationalborders. Victoria notes that, upon her first visit to a Finnish Orthodox church, she was pleasantly surprised to Victorianotesthat,uponherfirstvisittoaFinnishOrthodoxchurch,shewaspleasantlysurprisedto view what seemed to be an exact image of the Virgin that she had seen at the Valaam Monastery in viewwhatseemedtobeanexactimageoftheVirginthatshehadseenattheValaamMonasteryin Russian Karelia3, a copy of which she had also brought with her to Finland. RussianKarelia3,acopyofwhichshehadalsobroughtwithhertoFinland. A similar effect of Orthodox religious aesthetics can be observed among so-called transnationals, AsimilareffectofOrthodoxreligiousaestheticscanbeobservedamongso-calledtransnationals, who have moved and stayed in different places due to their work. For instance, Marta, a woman of whohavemovedandstayedindifferentplacesduetotheirwork. Forinstance,Marta,awomanof Greek origins, is a researcher who came to Finland 10 years ago. She notes that, with age, she has Greekorigins,isaresearcherwhocametoFinland10yearsago. Shenotesthat,withage,shehas realized the spiritual depth of the Orthodox tradition, but participation in liturgy has also meant that realizedthespiritualdepthoftheOrthodoxtradition,butparticipationinliturgyhasalsomeantthat she has joined with something that she has been ‘missing, maybe part of the identity I had in Greece’. shehasjoinedwithsomethingthatshehasbeen‘missing,maybepartoftheidentityIhadinGreece’. Individual artistry manifests in the various sensorial ways individuals from different backgrounds Individualartistrymanifestsinthevarioussensorialwaysindividualsfromdifferentbackgrounds engage with the Orthodox materiality of liturgy. These engagements often generate a therapeutic engage with the Orthodox materiality of liturgy. These engagements often generate a therapeutic feeling of being at home, in both metaphorical and literal senses. The glocal character of Finnish feeling of being at home, in both metaphorical and literal senses. The glocal character of Finnish liturgy—its national and transnational religious aesthetics—enables this artistry, and this feeling liturgy—its national and transnational religious aesthetics—enables this artistry, and this feeling amongst people from both Finnish and non-Finnish backgrounds. amongstpeoplefrombothFinnishandnon-Finnishbackgrounds. 4.2. Liturgy and Languages Individual artistry also shapes the various ways in which participants experience liturgy on a 3 TheexistenceofthetwoValaamMonasteries,oneinRussiaandoneinFinland,isanotherexampleoftransnational semOartnhtoidco lxeevnetal,n galenmde nhtso[w43 ]t.hese experiences change over a period of years. As mentioned above, although the main language of the liturgy is Finnish, liturgies are also held in Church Slavonic, Ancient Greek, Romanian, Serbian, and English. Some parts may be sung in Finnish, Swedish (the second official language of Finland alongside Finnish), and Church Slavonic during a single liturgy. When services are conducted in Church Slavonic, there are many Russian-speakers, including those who come from out of town, who attend the liturgy. Some don’t understand Finnish well enough to follow the service in Finnish, and as physiotherapist Slava expresses: ‘Of course, it is easier to follow in Church Slavonic, and the liturgy unfolds better’. Although many understand liturgy in Finnish, some also note that liturgy in Church Slavonic is particularly moving and, in the words of Ivan, ‘sounds smoothly’, ‘probably because this tradition is hundreds of years old’. Others simply say that it is so ‘touching’ because it is in Russian. Similarly, Marta and Evgenija, women of Greek origins, 3 The existence of the two Valaam Monasteries, one in Russia and one in Finland, is another example of transnational Orthodox entanglements [43]. Religions2017,8,23 8of14 4.2. LiturgyandLanguages Individual artistry also shapes the various ways in which participants experience liturgy on a semantic level, and how these experiences change over a period of years. As mentioned above, although the main language of the liturgy is Finnish, liturgies are also held in Church Slavonic, AncientGreek,Romanian,Serbian,andEnglish. SomepartsmaybesunginFinnish,Swedish(the secondofficiallanguageofFinlandalongsideFinnish),andChurchSlavonicduringasingleliturgy. WhenservicesareconductedinChurchSlavonic,therearemanyRussian-speakers,includingthose whocomefromoutoftown,whoattendtheliturgy. Somedon’tunderstandFinnishwellenoughto followtheserviceinFinnish,andasphysiotherapistSlavaexpresses: ‘Ofcourse,itiseasiertofollowin ChurchSlavonic,andtheliturgyunfoldsbetter’. AlthoughmanyunderstandliturgyinFinnish,some alsonotethatliturgyinChurchSlavonicisparticularlymovingand,inthewordsofIvan,‘sounds smoothly’,‘probablybecausethistraditionishundredsofyearsold’. Otherssimplysaythatitisso ‘touching’ because it is in Russian. Similarly, Marta and Evgenija, women of Greek origins, make effortstoattendliturgiesinGreek,whichisusuallyfollowedbyagathering,andbytalkingovercoffee withaGreekpriestandotherGreekslivinginFinland. Thispointstothetherapeuticeffectoffeeling athomeamongstnon-FinnishOrthodoxthroughthelanguageoftheliturgy, butalsothroughthe broadersocialinteractionwithpeoplefromsimilarculturalbackgrounds. Thelanguageofliturgyisnotsimplyamediumfortransmittingthemeaningofthewords,butis irrevocablyinscribedintheholisticexperienceofliturgy,andevolvesoveryears.Forinstance,Johanna, aFinnish-speakingwoman,hasbeensinginginachurchchoirformorethantwentyyears,andshe pointsoutthatnotasingleliturgyhaseverbeenthesame: ithasalsovariedacrossdifferentlifestages, andeventheseasonandweatheraffectsthewaysinwhichliturgyhasbeenexperienced. Shedescribes that,inherearlieryearsofengagements,perfectingthesingingtechnique,enjoyingthephysicaland emotionalsensations,andhearingoneselfintheharmonywithothers,werewhatsheenjoyedmost. Shenotesthat,whenthesingingtechniquewasimproved,shestartedpayingmoreattentiontothe textsofthehymnsandverses. SometextshavebeenfamiliartoJohannasinceherchildhood,during whichtimeshewasstudyingtheBibleinherLutheranschoolclasses. Yet,thosetextscomealivewith musicinherliturgicalexperience: Ihaveknownsome[texts]asIwasattendingreligiousclasses,andheardwhattheBible says. Butwhenyousingthosetextsyourself,almostthesametextsorrelatedtothesame matter,thenintheseversesthematterstartstocomealive. Sometextshavebeentranslated fromRussianinsuchawaythatOldFinnishwaspreserved. Sowhensomeunusualword comes,thenyoustartthinkingofitsdeeper...Ofcourse,apersonlivesthroughdifferentlife phases,andatsomepointIstoppedbeingstressedduringliturgy. Ididnotthinkonlyof singing,butIstartedtolistentowhatapriesthadtosay,veryexcitingly[44]. Otherinterlocutors,too,pointoutthat,duringliturgy,hymnsandverses‘open’textsindifferent ways. Some also underline the special power of archaic prayers, especially in Ancient Greek and ChurchSlavonic. Forinstance,Victoria,aRussian-speakingOrthodox,mentionsthatassheimmersed intheOrthodoxtraditionandprayers,shelearnttoappreciateChurchSlavonicmoreasa‘deeply poetic’ and ‘metaphorical’ language, with weighty words and subtle meanings. Similarly, Marta mentionsthatoneancientprayerinAncientGreekisespeciallypowerfulandbeautifultoher,although when translated into English, ‘it does not make sense at all’. The prayer that Marta refers to is a prayerthatisaddressedtotheHolyGhost‘OHeavenlyKing’,whichbeginsallprayers,andLiturgy inparticular: Yes,itisbeautifultoreadandmakessenseinoldGreek. ButasIwasgoingtotranslateit, thereisnosense. Itislikethat‘You,thatyouhaveallthepowerintheworld,andletYour Kingdombecometruealsonotinheaven,buthere,andempowerustodothegoodand showus,ifpossible,towhichwaytofollow,andmakeuswiseandcomeandliveinsideus asthegoodoftheeternalgoodtohelpusdothesethings. Youarethetreasureofthepoor Religions2017,8,23 9of14 andtheGiveroflifetoeveryone. ComeandrelieveusfrommanysiC.’Somethinglikethat, butitmakesnosense,youknow[45].4 Thus, cognitive engagement with aspects of the language of the liturgy is linked to sensorial and embodied experiences. Some attend liturgy in archaic languages that they don’t understand, butneverthelessfeelconnectedtothechurchservicethroughthe‘beauty’ofthelanguage. Multiple engagements with the ancient Trisagion prayer, which includes triple recitation ‘Holy God, Holy MightyOne,HolyImmortalOne,havemercyonus’,andissungduringliturgy,isagoodexample. The fieldwork and interviews show that this prayer ‘reaches’ individuals through the medium of different languages and varying music arrangements. For Minna, the Trisagion ‘reaches’ when performedinFinnishasa‘Slavicmelody’;forMarta,whenitisinAncientGreekorChurchSlavonic asaByzantinechant;andforPolina,itisinFinnishasaByzantinechant,adoptedforFinnishchoral singing. Insomecases,itisnotonesingleconfigurationofthelanguageandthemusic,butitsmultiple variations and engagement over time, that makes it work. As Victoria notices: ‘Sometimes I get the deep meaning of a certain word when I hear and sing it in both Finnish and Church Slavonic languagesandduringmanyservices‘. Manyinterlocutorsfindthatarchaicwordsgeneratedifferent experiencesandmeanings. Itseemsthatarchaicwordstendtobemorepoeticanddeep,thusoffering analternativetotheinstrumentallanguageofmodernity. Thesevariousexperiencesanddynamic workonthelanguagesillustratepeople’screativityandartistryinparticipationduringliturgy. Words seemtocarryandinterplaywiththe“authentic’innerlifeexperiencesofindividuals’([30], p. 50). TheseengagementsdisclosethatthesemanticdiversityofglocalFinnishliturgyenablesthisartistry, andallowsaconnectiontoOrthodoxyasametaphorical,spiritual,andactualhome. 4.3. ShiftingExperiencesofLiturgy Asevident,thenatureofindividualexperiencesofliturgyisintrinsicallydynamicandshifting. Experiences may change across one’s life span and under various life circumstances. Many Russian-speakers who sing in the choir, for instance, point out that joining the choir helped them betterunderstandandimmerseinliturgyintheFinnishlanguage. Minna,aFinnish-speakingsinger, on the contrary, points out that temporary withdrawal from the choir due to her motherly duties, positivelyaffectedherprayerconcentration,andeventuallyhelpedwhenshestartedsingingduring liturgiesagain: Thereareofcoursemanychurchsongs,whichopentextsinacompletelydifferentways. ItwasalsogoodformethatIhadnotbeensinginginachurchchoirforalongtimeasI hadtobewiththechildrenandotherstuff. Andduringthistime,myconcentrationon prayersgraduallysomehowimproved,whenIdidn’tsinginthechoir. Especiallywhen therearenewmelodiesandotherthings,thenonehastoconcentratemoreonthatyousing correctly,ratherthanwhatyousing. Butwhenthemelodyiswell-known,thensinging becomesaprayer[46]. Thisnarrativeillustratesthatliturgicalexperiencesaretightlyintertwinedwithpeople’shome practices, and are subject to change. Natalia’s case is also an interesting example of that. Natalia recollectsoneepisodefromherlife,thattookplacewhenshehadrecentlymovedtoFinland,andasan artteacher,haddifficultiesinfindingajob. Shehadappliedforahighlycompetitivecourse,organized forteacherswhohadearneddegreesinothercountries,toallowthemtoteachintheFinnishschooling system. Bythattime,Nataliahadreceivedananswerthatshewouldbeabletoattend,onlyiftwo otherparticipantscancelledtheirparticipation. Itwasatthatmomentinherlifethatshehappenedto beinHelsinkiandcametotheliturgyintheUspenskiCathedral: 4 Oneofmostcommontranslationsofthisprayer,usedinLiturgyinEnglishis:OHeavenlyKing,theComforter,theSpiritof Truth,Youareeverywhereandfillallthings,TreasuryofblessingsandGiverofLife,Comeandabideinus,cleanseusfrom everyimpurity.Andsaveoursouls,OGoodOne. Religions2017,8,23 10of14 I came to the big icon of Jesus Christ. The icon depicted Jesus—that icon is near the altar—andthechildrensurroundingJesus. Iapproachedthaticonandsaid: ‘Lord,Idon’t knowwhichpathIamtotakeinFinland,whichprofession,whattodo? You’,Iamsaying ‘helpmeandguideme. Idon’tknowwhattodo’...‘Lord,ifitismeanttobe,andyouwant metobecome[findmyself]inFinland...IfthesocietyneedsthatIwouldbeateacher,help mepleasefindmypath’. Andthemiraclehappened. Thatautumn,duringthefirstdaysof September,asecretaryfromtheinstitutecalledmeandsaid: ‘Youareaccepted,comeand study’[47]. Natalia successfully completed the course and has been working as an art teacher since, ‘surroundedbychildren’.Natalia’sstoryshowsthatexperiencesofliturgyarenecessarilyembeddedin anindividual’severydaylife,andevolveaccordingly.Italsodisclosesbothanationalandtransnational dynamic: sheturnstoJesus,thetranscendentalfiguredepictedintheicon,inherattemptstofindher placeinthenewnationalrealm. Hernarrativehighlightsthegeneralobservationthateachindividual Religions 2017, 8, 23 10 of 14 mayhaveauniqueexperienceoficonsduringliturgy,andindifferentlifesituations. SSiimmiillaarrllyy,,I vIvanan,a, Ua kUrakirnaiianniaRnu sRsuiasns-isapne-sapkeinagkitnragn strnaantisonnaatil,ownahlo, hwahsow horakse dwaonrkdeldiv eadndin lCivaenda dian, ECnagnlaadnad,, Eanngdlnanodw, iannFdi nnloawnd i,nt aFlkinslaabnodu, ttathlkesp aebrosount atlhsei gpneirfiscoannacle soigfnthifeicfiagnucree osfa tnhde ifciognusreosf SatnNd iiccoolnass aonf dStM Naicryo.laFso arnhdim M,aMrya.r Fyo(ro rhiMmo, tMhearryo f(oGro Mdoatshtehre oVf iGrgoidn aiss rtehfee rVreirdgitno iisn rOefretrhroeddo txoy i)ni sOarstshoocdiaotxeyd) wis itahss‘coocsimateicdw wisidthom ‘c’oasnmdi‘ca llw-aicscdeopmta’n caen’d,a n‘adllS-atcNceicpotlaanscwe’i,t hanindd uSltg eNnciceoalansd wkiintdhn iensds.uIlngethnecem aidnsdt okfintdrannessns.a Itino nthael mmoidvsets ,otfh terafingsunaretioonfaSlt mNoicvoelsa, st,hken foigwunrea soft hSet pNrioctoelcatso, rkonfotwranv aesll etrhse, hparostbecetcoorm oef etrsapveeclilaelrlsy, chlaoss ebetocoImvaen e.sApegcaiianll,yI vcalonses atyos Itvhaant. aArgeaailniz, aItviaonn soafy,sa nthdact lao sreenaeliszsattoio,nt hoefs, eanfidg ucrleossehnaevses ctoo,m theewsei tfhigaugree.s Ihvaavne actotemned swcihthu racghe.s eIvrvanic easttwenhdesn cehvuerrcpho ssesribvliec,esw whihcehnoefvteern pporsosdibulcee, swthhiechfe oelfitnegn opfro‘bdeuicnegs itnheR ufesesliiango roUf ‘kbreaiinnge ’info Rruhsimsia. Iotr cUankraalisnoe’b efoars hsuimm. eIdt ctahna ta,lgsiov ebne athsseuimmepdo rtthaantc, egiovfeMn athrye aimndpoSrttNaniccoe loasf ,Maaurnyi qauneds Spta cNeiocopleanss, au punthiqrouueg shpaIvcaen o’spepnesr suopn atlhernoguagghe mIveannt’sw pitehrstohneairl iecnognasgdeumrienngt lwitiuthrg yth. Neiro tiacbolny,s thdeufirignugr eliotufrSgtyN. iNcooltaasbilsym, tuhceh fvigenuerera toefd Sitn NFiincnoilsahs Oisr tmhoudcohx yv,eannedramteadn yinc hFuinrcnhisehs aOrrethdoedvooxteyd, atnodt hmisansayi ncht.uBrcehloews a,rae pdheovtootgerda tpoh th(Fisig suarinet3. )Bsehlooww,s at hpehoictoognraopfhS t(FNigicuorlea s3,) fsrhaomwesd tbhye eicloabno roaft eSflt oNrailcoalrarsa,n gfreammeendt sbcya reeflualbloyrmatae dfelobryalt waorrarengguelmarenptasr ticcairpeafnutllsyo fmliatduerg yb,ya stwyeot arneogtuhlaerr epxaarmticpipleanoftsi nodf ilvitiudrugayl,s ’aas rytiestt raynoatnhderc reexaatmivpitlye. of individuals’ artistry and creativity. FFiigguurree 33.. TThhee iiccoonn ooff SStt NNiiccoollaass ddeeccoorraatteedd wwiitthh fflloowweerrss.. PPhhoottoo bbyy tthhee aauutthhoorr.. Anfisa’s story (above) provides another illustration of shifting experiences of liturgy. According Anfisa’sstory(above)providesanotherillustrationofshiftingexperiencesofliturgy. Accordingto to her, she was raised in an ordinary Soviet family, where most family members were atheists. She her,shewasraisedinanordinarySovietfamily,wheremostfamilymemberswereatheists. Shestarted started attending church services as an adult, enjoying the smell of incense and the music. It took her attendingchurchservicesasanadult,enjoyingthesmellofincenseandthemusic. Ittookherseveral several years to receive her first Eucharist in Russia, with the help of her brother, who guided and yearstoreceiveherfirstEucharistinRussia,withthehelpofherbrother,whoguidedandsupported supported her. Soon, she started attending liturgies in Finland as well. The major shift in her her. Soon,shestartedattendingliturgiesinFinlandaswell. Themajorshiftinherexperienceofliturgy experience of liturgy is evident in an extract from the interview with Anfisa that took place half a year after she had joined the choir in the Finnish Orthodox parish: This is such a great blessing to be there, breath that air, be able to sing to the glory of God. It is not possible to describe it. One has to really merely stand there and feel it. And there is always some trembling [in the body]. And when you leave the temple, and everything went well. And then you understand that it is not because of us, it is not our merits, that everything went well. But everything went fine, and there were less mistakes, and the sound was beautiful, and you feel it, and other people feel it…and then people come and thank you. But how can you explain people: ’It is not me, understand me. It is not me. I am the instrument’ [48]. 5. Discussion This paper has adapted Roudometof’s glocalization framework for a transnational anthropological exploration of liturgy in the Orthodox Church of Finland. The paper has shown that the OCF is a specific example of the entanglement of nationalization and transnationalization. It does not readily fit in the mainstream categorization of national vs. diasporic churches; rather, its glocal