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Robinsona a Department of Sociology, University of California, Santa Barbara, USA First published on: 05 November 2010 To cite this Article Robinson, William I.(2010) 'Giovanni Arrighi: Systemic Cycles of Accumulation, Hegemonic Transitions, and the Rise of China', New Political Economy,, First published on: 05 November 2010 (iFirst) To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2010.512657 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563467.2010.512657 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. NNeeww PPoolliittiiccaall EEccoonnoommyy,, iiFFiirrsstt,, 22001100 REPUTATIONS Giovanni Arrighi: Systemic Cycles of Accumulation, Hegemonic Transitions, and the Rise of China 0 1 0 2 r be WILLIAM I. ROBINSON m e v o N 5 1 9 4 : 9 0 This article surveys and critically assesses the life work of Giovanni Arrighi, a : At renowned historical sociologist and world-systems scholar who passed away in ] s 2009. In a trilogy of books published between 1994 and 2007 Arrighi develops r e us themasterconceptofhistheoreticallegacy,systemiccyclesofaccumulation,and al advances an original reading of the history and dynamics of world capitalism as n r e a succession of hegemonic episodes, each one more expansive than the previous t n i and culminating in crises and chaotic transitions. He anticipated the rise of a rm aChinese-ledEastAsiaastheemergenttwenty-firstcenturycentreofareorganised o f n worldeconomyandsociety.Arrighiisfaultedforfailingtodevelopanytheoryof i [ : politics,thestateandcollectiveagencyinhisconstruct,forhislackofattentionto y B socialforcesfrombelow,andforhisdismissalofrecenttheorisingonglobalization. d e d a o l n w Keywords: Arrighi, world-systems, cycles of accumulation, hegemony, globali- o D sation, China Giovanni Arrighi died in June 2009 at the age of 71 after a year-long bout with cancer. One of the most noted historical sociologists and political economists of his generation, Arrighi was a key contributor to the approach to the study of world capitalism known as world-systems analysis. His long and illustrious career spanned four continents and brought him into collaboration with an extra- ordinary group of scholars and organic intellectuals of the international left, who developed path-breaking critical analyses in the latter decades of the twentieth century of development, underdevelopment and the world capitalist system. William I. Robinson, Department of Sociology, University of California, Santa Barbara, USA. E-mail:[email protected] ISSN1356-3467print;ISSN1469-9923online/10/000001-14#2010Taylor&Francis DOI:10.1080/13563467.2010.512657 William I. Robinson Among them were Immanuel Wallerstein, Andre Gunder Frank, Samir Amin, Walter Rodney, and John Saul. He will best be remembered for his trilogy of works analysing the history and structural dynamics of world capitalism, The Long Twentieth Century; Money, Power, and the Origins of Our Times (1994); Chaos and Governance in the Modern World System (co-authored with his partner, Beverly Silver and several other collaborators, 1999), and Adam Smith in Beijing: Lineages of the Twenty-First Century (2007). In these works, Arrighi develops the central concepts of his theoretical legacy: systemic cycles of accumulation; hegemonic transitions; and the rise of a Chinese-led East Asia as the emergent centre of a reorganised world economy and society. Arrighi was born in Milan in 1937 and studied economics at the University of Bocconi, also in Milan, in a department that was ‘a neo-classical stronghold, untouched by Keynesianism of any kind.’ During his graduate studies, Arrighi 0 firstranandthenclosedhisfather’sfirm,andalsohelpedtomanagehisgrandfather’s 1 0 2 factory,apositionthatconvincedhimthatthe‘elegantmodels’ofneo-classicalecon- r be omics were ‘irrelevant to an understanding of the production and distribution of m ve incomes’ (Arrighi 2009: 61–2). Upon graduation in 1960 he went to work as an o N unpaidteachingassistantandalsotookajobwithUnileverasatraineemanagerto 5 1 9 help make ends meet. Years later, he would reflect on this brief experience in the 4 9: world of capitalistbusiness,from his father’s family-run shop to hisgrandfather’s 0 : Fordistfactory,tothemultinationalUnilever:‘[thisexperience]taughtmethatit’s t A ] very hard to identify one specific form as “typically” capitalist. Later, studying s er Braudel, I saw that this idea of the eminently adaptable nature of capitalism was s u something that you could observe historically’ (Arrighi 2009: 62). Indeed, one of l a rn the hallmarks of world-systems scholarship with which Arrighi became closely e nt associated is the longue dure´e, or the long historic view that identifies enduring i a cycles,tendencies,structuresandpatternsofstructuralchange. m r fo The turning point that would take Arrighi’s down the path of the systematic n [i study of historical capitalism came in 1963, when he moved from Italy to take : y a position as Lecturer in Economics at the University College of Rhodesia and B ed Nyasaland (UCRN) in what was then Rhodesia: d a o l n w Itwasatrueintellectualrebirth.Themathematicallymodelledneo- o D classical tradition I’d been trained in had nothing to say about the processes I was observing in Rhodesia, or the realities of African life...Gradually, I abandoned abstract modelling for the concrete, empirically and historically grounded theory of social anthropol- ogy. I began my long march from neo-classical economics to comparative-historical sociology. (Arrighi 2009: 62) This ‘long march’ would lead Arrighi to take up a number of core themes in the following decades and would also involve engagement with anti-colonial and worker struggles. Thematically, we could divide his scholarship into his early work on the colonial economy, labour supply, development, and national liber- ation; a later, brief focus on Marxist praxis and on imperialism; and then on to the extended, systematic study of historical capitalism as expounded on in the trilogy mentioned previously. 2 Reputations The‘SouthernAfricanparadigm’:laboursupplies,proletarianisation,and neo-colonialism DuringhistimeinAfrica,Arrighipublishedanumberofinfluentialessaysonthe politicaleconomyofAfrica,focusingonlaboursupplyandthecolonialeconomy, eventuallycollectedinabookco-editedwithJohnSaul,EssaysofonthePolitical Economy of Africa (1973). In one of these essays, ‘Labour Supplies in Historical Perspective,’ Arrighi observed that the full proletarianisation of the Rhodesian peasantry created contradictions for the colonial accumulation system. Wages could be held down so long as the workers’ peasant families and home villages couldassumethecostsoftheworkers’reproduction.However,fullproletarianisa- tionunderminedthismechanismwherebytheAfricanpeasantrysubsidisedcapital accumulation and thus complicated the ability to exploit labour and required the regimetobecomemorerepressive.SeveralofArrighi’scontemporaries,including 0 01 Martin Legassick and Harold Wolpe, were observing a similar phenomenon 2 r throughout the region. They concluded, in Arrighi’s own words, that ‘the whole e b m southern region of Africa...was characterised by mineral wealth, settler agricul- e v No ture and extreme dispossession of the peasantry. It is very different from the 15 rest of Africa.... [Which] were essentially peasant-based’ (Arrighi 2009: 63). 9 4 TheworksofArrighiandhiscontemporariesinthe1960sbecameknownasthe : 9 0 ‘Southern Africa Paradigm’ on the limits of proletarianisation and dispossession. : At Some would draw on the paradigm to develop theories of ‘articulated modes of ] s production,’ such that the reproduction of more than one mode (e.g., peasant- r e us based and capitalist) in the colonial economy, rather than backward, was func- al tional to the dominant capitalist mode (see, for example, Freund, 1985). Arrighi n r e himself would use the insights of the paradigm to derive broader conclusions on t n i the history and nature of world capitalism, as I will explain below. He would a rm later debate Robert Brenner and others who, studying the transition from feudal- o f n ismtocapitalisminEurope,insistedthatfullproletarianisationfavouredcapitalist i [ : development.‘Theproblemwiththesimple“proletarianisationofcapitalistdevel- y B opment”models isthatit ignoresnotjust therealities ofsouthern Africa’s settler d e d capitalism but also many other cases, such as the United States itself, which was a o nl characterisedbyatotallydifferentpattern – acombinationofslavery,genocideof w Do thenativepopulationandtheimmigrationofsurpluslabourfromEurope’(Arrighi 2009: 64). In1966ninelecturersattheUCRNwerearrestedforpoliticalactivities,among themArrighi,anddeported.ArrighiwenttoDaresSalaam,atthetimeanoutpost for exiled national liberation movements of southern Africa, a mecca for exper- iments in what president Nyerere and others referred to as African socialism, and in general for radical Third World intellectuals. Arrighi spent three years at the University in Dar es Salaam, where in his own words he: Metallkindsofpeople:activistsfromtheBlackPowermovement in the U.S., as well as scholars and intellectuals like Immanuel Wallerstein, David Apter, Walter Rodney, Roger Murray, Sol Picciotto, Catherine Hiskins, Jim Mellon, who later was one of the founders of the Weathermen Underground, Luisa Passerinit, 3 William I. Robinson who was doing research on Frelimo, and many others, including John Saul. (Arrighi 2009: 63) InTanzaniaArrighiturnedhisattentiontothenatureofthenewregimesemerging from decolonisation and to broader questions of neo-colonialism. Several essays he wrote while in Tanzania appear to presage his subsequent shift to the study of capitalism at the world-systemic level (see, inter alia, Arrighi, 1970). In1969ArrighireturnedtoItalyatatimeofpoliticalfermentinthecountryand tookupalectureshipattheUniversity ofTrento,themain centreofstudentmili- tancyatthetimeandtheonlyuniversitythathadadoctoralprograminsociology. There, he jumped into left-wing politics. Having arrived from the frontlines of militant anti-colonial struggles in Africa, Arrighi found the student and the worker movements in a troubling state of flux and disarray. Militant workers 0 andstudentleftistshadrejected thetraditionalCommunistunionsas‘reactionary 1 0 2 and repressive’ and had formed ‘anti-politics’ groups like Potere Operaio and r be Lotta Continua as alternatives. Arrighi and several of his students developed the m ve idea of finding a Gramscian strategy to relate to the movement and formed the o N Gruppo Gramsci, which according to Arrighi was conceived in order to incubate 5 1 9 organicintellectualsoftheworkingclassinstruggle.Theautonomistamovement 4 9: that would be so influential – politically as well as intellectually – in the next 0 : several decades – emerged out of these efforts. Again, in his own words: t A ] s er That’swheretheideaofautonomia – oftheintellectualautonomy s u oftheworkingclass – firstemerged.Thecreationofthisconceptis l a rn nowgenerallyattributedtoAntonioNegri.Butinfactitoriginated e nt in the interpretation of Gramsci that we developed in the early i a 1970s, in the Gruppo Gramsci co-founded by Madera, Passerini m r fo and myself.... As the collectives [Colletiti Politici Operai, n [i CPO’s, or autonomous worker collectives] developed their own : y autonomous practice, the Gruppo Gramsci would cease to have a B ed function and could disband. When it actually was disbanded in d oa the fall of 1973, Negri came into the picture, and took the CPOs l n w and the Area dell’Autonomia in an adventurous direction that o D was far from what was originally intended. (Arrighi 2009: 66–7) In 1973, Arrighi took up a teaching position in Cosenza and remained there until his move to the United States in 1979. At this time, Arrighi led a research working group in Calabria that drew on his labour supply research in Africa to study migration from the agricultural south of Italy to the industrial north. Once again, Arrighi argued that capitalist development did not necessarily rely on full proletarianisation. In 1978, Arrighi published The Geometry of Imperialism (1983), a work that anticipates the more pondered and sweeping historical study of world capitalism that he would take up over the next three decades. It is a rather confusing book in which he attempts to typologise imperialism, to compare hegemonies in the history of capitalism’s international relations and, in his words, to conceptualise a ‘topological space.’ Ironically, the book’s con- clusion seems to concur with what scholars of capitalist globalisation argue 4 Reputations today.ArrighidistinguishesfromearlierimperialismsaUS‘multinationalimperi- alism’ led by the expansion of multinational corporations. The extra- territorial spread of multinational corporations increasingly frees them from the restrictions of nation-states and from the ‘unruliness’ and high cost of the labour force responsible for declining profits. This expansion weakens the nation-state and increases the homogeneity and interdependence of nations. Arrighi’s later work would not follow up on this observation. Moreover, with his departure from Italy Arrighi would not return to such activism. Arrighi and the world-systems paradigm In 1979 Arrighi joined Wallerstein and Terence Hopkins as a professor of soci- ology at the Fernand Braudel Centre for the Study of Economies, Historical 0 Systems, and Civilizations at the State University of New York at Binghamton. 1 0 2 The Fernand Braudel Centre became known as the main centre of world- r be systems analysis, attracting scholars from all over the world. World-systems m ve theory shares with a number of critical approaches to international relations and o N international political economy a common genealogy that traces back to Marx 5 1 9 and his critique of capitalism, and in turn grew out of a long tradition in 4 9: Marxist and radical analyses of world capitalism dating back to the writings of 0 : V.I. Lenin, Hilferding, Rosa Luxembourg, and other early twentieth century t A ] theorists of imperialism. However, accounts of world capitalism among radical s er academics and political actors began to diverge in the post-World War II s u period. In particular, more traditionally oriented approaches followed Marx’s l a rn view that capitalism would develop the forces of production worldwide as it e nt spread, while others saw the backwardness and underdevelopment of some i a regions of the world as the alter-ego of the advancement and development of m r fo others. A number of schools emerged that argued that the very nature and n [i dynamics of world capitalism resulted in global inequalities among countries : y and regions, bringing about the development of some and the underdevelopment B ed ofothers.ThisviewwasfirstputforwardbythestructuralschoolofRau´lPrebisch d oa andtheUnitedNationsEconomicCommissiononLatinAmericainthe1950sand l n w 1960s,followedbymoreradicalandexplicitlyneo-Marxistdependencytheorists o D – orthe‘dependentistas’ – ofthe1960sand1970s.Atthesametime,radicalintel- lectuals and political leaders from other parts of the Third World, such as Samir Amin and Walter Rodney, were reaching similar conclusions, inspired in part bytheLatinAmericans.ItwasinthismilieuthatWallersteinforgedhisdistinctive world-systems theory. Bythelate1970s,world-systemstheoryhadbecomeestablishedasanalterna- tive perspective from which to examine issues of capitalism, development and world inequalities. Although Arrighi was closely identified with the world- systems paradigm, he rejected the notion of a single ‘world-systems theory’ as developed by Wallerstein. Instead, he argued that the Fernand Braudel Centre’s particular approach to the study of world capitalism should be considered more loosely as a ‘world-systems perspective or analysis’. World-systems analysis ‘as a distinctive sociological paradigm’ typically departs, Arrighi maintained, ‘from what had been the two main substantive contentions of world-systems scholars: 5 William I. Robinson the persistence of the core-periphery structure of the global political econo- my...and the long-term, large-scale nature of the processes’ identified with contemporary world capitalism (Arrighi 2005: 33). The world-systems paradigm shares several additional assumptions that dis- tinguishitfromotherapproachestothestudyofglobalpoliticaleconomyandhis- torical and contemporary world capitalism. The world economy is a system of interconnectednationaleconomiesthatbringtogethernationalcapital(especially national financial power) and states that struggle to move up the hierarchy of states and the value-added pecking order. For world-systemists, key actors are rival states operating in an inter-state system, each in competition with the others. These competitive nation-states within an inter-state system are the sub- units of analysis and the larger unit of analysis is the interaction between these sub-unitsandtheworldsystemovertime.Inthisregard,theparadigmappearsas 0 a left-wing variant of realism in the field of international relations. Consistent 1 0 2 withtheworld-systemsparadigm,aterritoriallogicisimmanenttohistoricalcapit- r be alism,asarerivalnationalcapitalsandstatecompetition.Capitalorfirmsinterna- m ve tionalise but this constitutes the international activity of rival national capitalist o N groups and firms. In Wallerstein’s words, states ‘are by definition rivals, bearing 5 1 9 responsibilitytodifferentsetsofrivalfirms[myemphasis]’(Wallerstein2004:56). 4 9: ArrighisharedwithworldsystemistsandwithIRscholarsintherealisttradition 0 : this state structuralism that subordinates classes and social forces to states as the t A ] central historical actors and posits the territorial logic of fixed nation-states and s er their rivalry through the inter-state system as an immanent organising principle s u of world capitalism (see my discussion and critique, Robinson 2001). These l a rn tenets underpinned the theoretical construct he would develop from his arrival e nt at the Fernand Braudel Centre up until his final work, Adam Smith in Beijing. i a He never seriously contemplated the possibility that more recent globalisation m r fo may exhibit qualitatively novel properties and that could involve discontinuities n [i with the historic pattern of world capitalist evolution and hegemonic transition : y that he mapped and theorised. As I will elaborate on below, he dismissed as B ed ‘globalisation speak’ the global capitalism interpretation of late twentieth and d oa early twenty-first century world dynamics with which I myself, among others, l wn am associated.1 o D Master concepts: systemic cycles of accumulation and hegemonic transitions AdecadeandahalfafterarrivingatBinghamton,in1994,Arrighipublishedwhat could be considered his magnus opus, The Long Twentieth Century. In it, he develops his master concept of systemic cycles of accumulation (SCA). Arrighi presents in TheLongTwentiethCentury a structuralist model ofthedevelopment of the capitalist world-system over the last 600 years involving a series of four ‘long centuries,’ each with its associated hegemonic centre. As world-systems scholar Christopher Chase-Dunn noted at the time of its release, ‘[t]his is a new world-systems version of the “stages of capitalism” literature’ (Chase-Dun 1996: 164). He draws on Braudel’s conceptualisation of the capitalist world- economy as a ‘layered system,’ with three tiers. The bottom layer is comprised 6 Reputations ofsubsistenceproduction.Smallcommodityproducersandfirmsstructuredbythe market are in the middle. The top layer of the world economic hierarchy is com- prised of finance capitalists (haute finance) who control the means of payments and extract huge profits by combining their own organisational forms with the political-military power of particular states. For Braudel, as for Arrighi, only thistoplayeristermed‘capitalist.’ArrighiappliesBraudel’sframeworktoident- ify four SCAs, or century-long periods of hegemony based on combinations of economic power with territorial state (political) power, each epoch involving increasing scope, greater intensity, and shorter duration. Each of these cycles beginsinoneterritorialstatearoundsomeinnovativereorganisationofcapitalism thatgivesthestateaproductiveadvantageandplacesitinthecentreoftheworld system and in the position of hegemonic power. ThefirstcyclecentredontheItaliancitystatesinthesixteenthcenturyfollowed 0 by the rise of hegemony of the Netherlands in the seventeenth century, to nine- 1 0 2 teenthcenturyBritainandthentotheUnitedStatesafter1945.EachSCAinvolves r be twophases,a periodofmaterial expansion followed byaperiod inwhichmarket m ve saturationandcapitalistcompetitionlowersprofits.Inthesecondphase,thelocus o N of accumulation shifts to finance capital; haute finance comes to dominate the 5 1 9 hegemonic power by manipulating financial services to sustain profit making. 4 9: ArrighifollowsBraudel,anddepartsfromtheclassicalMarxistaccount,insituat- 0 : ing finance capital not as a particular twentieth-century stage in the development t A ] of world capitalism, but a recurrent, cyclical phenomenon dating back at least to s er the thirteenth-century Italian city-states. ‘An increasing mass of money capital s u sets itself free from its commodity form, and accumulation proceeds through l a rn financial deals’ (Arrighi 1994: 6). For a few years financialisation appears to e nt create renewed prosperity, as it did during Britain’s belle epoque of 1896–1914 i a andfortheUnitedStatesfromthe1980sandthe1990s.However,thisprosperity m r fo is illusory; it is ‘a sign of autumn’ – the term coined by Braudel and evoked n [i frequently by Arrighi. Money lending, deficit spending and war profiteering : y concealcrisesofoveraccumulationandforeshadowthedeclineofthehegemonic B ed power. In the longue dure´e, the declining hegemon’s autumn is another rising d oa hegemon’s spring. l n w Hegemonic transitions are characterised by a period of systemic chaos as well o D asorganisationalrevolutionsinanewlyemerginghegemonicblocofbusinessand governmental institutions and spatial shifts in the epicentres of world accumu- lationthatbringsaboutstructuralchangesintheworld-system.The‘GenoeseDia- sporaSCA’ – asArrighitermedit – involvedexternalfinancialinfluenceoverthe Iberian states. The Dutch SCA ‘internalised protection costs’ because finance capitalists came to control and utilise the Dutch state. The British SCA ‘interna- lised production costs’ by enclosing much of the nineteenth-century industrial revolution and raw materials production within the boundaries of the British empire.AndtheUSSCA‘internalisedtransactioncosts’bytheexpansionofmul- tinationalcorporationstoincludeinsidethesecorporationsagreatportionofthose transaction costs that previously took place between separate firms. Arrighi con- cludedTheLongTwentiethCenturyaffirmingthatthecrisisofthe1970ssignalled the fading of US hegemony, suggesting a future Asian SCA based on flexible accumulation and outsourcing. 7 William I. Robinson The theory of hegemonic transition as systemic change laid out by Arrighi in The Long Twentieth Century provides much of the theoretical guidance for Chaos and Governance in the Modern World System, which appeared in 1999 – thesameyearthatArrighileftBinghamtontotakeapositionatJohnsHopkinsUni- versity. In it, Arrighi, his wife and writing partner Beverly Silver, and several collaborators attempt to make greater sense of the late twentieth-century and to shine some predictive light on the future by analysis of systemic change in earlierperiodsoftransformationintheworldsystem.Thisendeavourisundertaken throughanexplorationofseveralinter-relatedcontroversies. Oneisthechanging balanceofpoweramongstates.Arrighiandhiscollaboratorssuggestthatthelate twentieth-centurysawrenewedGreatPowerrivalry,system-widefinancialexpan- sion centred on the declining US hegemon, and the emergence of new loci of power, in particular, East Asia. However, the late twentieth-century was peculiar 0 insofarasitischaracterisedbyanunstable‘bifurcationofmilitary[US]andfinan- 1 0 2 cial [East Asian] global power’ (Arrighi and Silver 1999: 95). Another was the r be balance of power between states and business organisations. The transitions m ve fromtheoldjoint-stocktradingcompaniestotheBritishsystemoffamilybusiness o N enterprise, and then to the US-based system of multinational corporations is 5 1 9 exploredasbackdroptothelatetwentieth-centuryreorganisationofstate-business 4 9: relations basedon transnational decentralisation,thespread ofinformal network- 0 : ing, and the subordinate revival of small businesses around the world that have t A ] weakened the regulatory capacity of even the most powerful states. s er Athirdisthepowerofsubordinategroupsintheworldsystem.Thistopic,laid s u outinonechapterauthoredbySilver,istheonlyplaceinthetrilogythatfocuseson l a rn socialforcesfrombelow(Silver[2003]subsequentlypublishedamoreexpansive e nt treatmentofthistopic).Thesystem-wideexpansionsintradeandproductionthat i a characterised each period of hegemony were based on social compacts between m r fo dominantandsubordinategroups.Thesecompactsbecameundonethroughintra- n [i elite conflict and unrest from below as competition among states and capitalist : y enterprises during hegemonic transitions undermined the conditions necessary B ed for the reproduction of social compacts. Growing social conflict, spurred on by d oa rising polarisation during the ‘financialisation’ period of hegemonic decline l n w gives way to new compacts as emerging hegemons reorganise world production o D on novel foundations. Arrighi and his colleagues saw the late twentieth-century processcreatingnewsocialforces-throughincreasedproletarianisation,feminisa- tion,andchangingspatialandethnicconfigurationoftheworld’slabourforce–that thedecayinghegemonicorderwillhavegreaterdifficultyaccommodating. Arrighi’s is a core-centric (and inevitably Eurocentric) view of world capital- ism. He is not concerned in the trilogy either with the rest of the system, except for China and East Asia, and, more egregiously, in my view, with class and socialforcesfrombelow.Itisthe‘toplayer’oftheworld-system,andespecially, (national) finance capital and their corresponding core states, that concerns Arrighiandthatseemstobetheonlylevelwhereprocessesofhistoricaldetermi- nation are at work. Apart from the one chapter in Chaos and Governance men- tioned above and a couple of other essays (see especially Arrighi 1990) we find virtually no role of agency from below; labour movements, the exploited classes and the colonised played a minor role in the trilogy, and class analysis 8 Reputations does not figure in Arrighi’s ontology of world capitalism or among his methodo- logicalarsenal.Eventhecapitalistclassofhegemonicpowersappearstocollapse into hegemonic states as predilect macro-agents of history. Indeed, it is hard to find collective agency in Arrighi’s trilogy beyond the immediate policies of state managers. On the one hand, Arrighi’s focus is on deephistoricalstructures.Ontheother,whenagencyisbroughtintothenarrative itisatthebehaviourallevelofthepolicydecisionsofstatemanagersorproximate policy makers. For instance, the turn from Fordism-Keynesianism to neo-liberal- ism,orthenewroundofUSinterventionisminthewakeof9/11,asdiscussedin AdamSmithinBeijing,areattributedsimplytoaconsciousattemptbyUSpolicy makers to recover declining US hegemony. There are no mediating levels here betweenhisanalysesofdeepstructuralprocessesandbehavioural-leveldecisions ofstatepolicymakers.Insum,Arrighihasnotheoryofpoliticsthatcouldtakeus 0 beyond the behavioural, descriptive level of agency. 1 0 2 Arrighiwasnotunawareoftheselimitations.Hestatedinaninterviewshortly r be beforehisdeaththat‘TheLongTwentiethCenturybecamebasicallyabookabout m ve the role of finance capital in the historical development of capitalism, from the o N fourteenth century. So Beverly [Silver] took over the work on labour.... 5 1 9 because I could not focus on the cyclical recurrence of financial expansions and 4 9: material expansions and, at the same time, deal with labour’ (Arrighi 2009: 74). 0 : Yet this will remain unsatisfactory for those who would impute some causal t A ] role in the financial and material dynamics of capitalism to the struggles s er between distinct social and class forces. s u Relatedly,althoughstatesareatthecentreofArrighi’stheoreticalsystemthere l a rn is no theoretical treatment of the state or analysis of what social forces make up e nt states in his overall ontological conception of world capitalism. Arrighi follows i a Weber and more recent institutionalists such as Tilly in his view of the state as m r fo aterritoriallyboundpowerinstitutionandinthedualismofthestate(thepolitical) n [i and capital (the economic) as spheres that relate externally to each other. Hence, : y thegenesisofcapitalismtakesplacewhenthetwofuseintheItaliancity-statesin B ed the thirteenth century, as discussed earlier. d oa Arrighi and other world-systemists see a new round of inter-core rivalry over l n w which state will be the next hegemon in the wake of declining US hegemony. o D ForArrighi,asforhisfellowworld-systemistsandformanyinternationalrelations theorists, hegemony is associated with the dominance of a particular country and predicatedonthatcountry’snationalproductsout-competingtheproductsofother countries. Neither Arrighi nor other world-systemists have been willing to con- templatethattheremaybeachangingconfigurationofsocialspacethatredefines therelationshipbetweenspaceandaccumulationandinvolvestransnationalclass and power relations that are not coterminous with a framework that posits rival national powers competing for hegemony through the inter-state system (but see Chase-Dunn 2010). Nevertheless, in the age of globalised production one is hard-pressed to find evidence that supports the notion of each country producing and trading its own national products. Many of the twenty-first-century develop- ments Arrighi discusses in the trilogy are put forth within the realist framework thatprecludesalternativeexplanationssuchasthosesuggestedbyscholarsofglo- balisation. In Adam Smith in Beijing, for instance, he insists, that the shift 9