1’Gabriel's Wing/Annemarie Schimmel GABRIEL'S WING Annemarie Schimmel Gabriel's Wing/Annemarie Schimmel’2 3’Gabriel's Wing/Annemarie Schimmel Foreword During the 25 Years which have passed since the death of Muhammad Iqbal, hundreds of books and pamphlets, of articles and poems in honour of the poet-philosopher of Muslim India have been published, most of them in Pakistan, the country which is proud of calling him its spiritual father. In the West, too, his fame has spread perhaps more than that of any other modern Muslim thinker and poet. Unfortunately, the great output of studies into Iqbal’s work is not on the same line with the scholarly contents of these articles and books which, for a great part, dwell again and again upon the same main features of Iqbal’s thought. Whole books on his connection or disconnection with Islamic mysticism have been written without investigating the problem of Hallaj’s influence on the formation of his thought; learned views have been expressed as to his aesthetics, and nearly nobody has made, until now, a simple careful analytical index of the motifs and symbols Iqbal uses in his poetry, or of the meters he prefers, in short, of his poetical technique. The first useful attempts in this direction, the studies of Dr. Sayid Abdullah, are written in Urdu and therefore not available to a larger European audience. In Europe, only Alessandro Bausani who has introduced Iqbal in his Italian motherland, has made some fine critical remarks on his poetical-but also his philosophical-technique. The aim of the present book is not to add some more theories to those already existing. It will simply show Iqbal’s view of the essentials of Islam, i.e. the five Pillars of Faith, and the Creed which is taught to every Muslim child. K. Cragg was the first to arrange the chapters of a book-Call of the Minaret-according to the sentences Gabriel's Wing/Annemarie Schimmel’4 of the call to prayer, and when the plan of the present book was already made, I saw with pleasure that Constance Padwick in her work on Muslim Devotions had followed the course of the Muslim prayerrite for making understandable the spirit of Muslim worship. It seems that this form offers the greatest advantages to a writer whose main interest is concentrated on the religious side of his subject. For, starting from the simple propositions of the faith one can show-or at least hint at-how the Muslim thinker has followed the traditional pattern of thought,, and in how far he has neglected several parts, or interpreted them in quite a new and unexpected manner. It seemed, however, necessary to give a sketchy introduction to the religious situation of India at Iqbal’s time, a survey of his life, and of his artistic and theological ideals. Further, the influence that Eastern and Western thought have exerted upon him-positively or negatively -could not be left side, though it is not the purpose of our study to enter into details concerning his debt to European philosophy, or the way he changed Western ideas according to his concept of Islam. This side of Iqbal’s thought we leave to the philosophers who are more competent than the present writer. The same principle has been applied to Iqbal’s political and social ideas which are treated only in so far as they form an integrating part of his religious thought. To judge their practical implications, and their possible implementation into the present Republic of Pakistan, is far beyond our limit. Although it would be easy to quote to a larger extent from earlier publications I have tried to avoid that, making rather Iqbal himself speak than his commentators. Since only part of his work is available in translation full quotations were considered useful. I simply want to give a picture of Iqbal’s way of thinking, arguing, suffering, and again finding mental peace in the security of his religion _suspending judgment as far as possible though the book will be, in any case, an account of my personal experience with Iqbal’s work. I apologize for the English style of the present book. Every Britisher or American knows how small is the number of foreigners who have a real command over English. But for the hope that this study on Iqbal should be available to a larger audience in Pakistan and neighbouring countries I would surely not have attempted to 5’Gabriel's Wing/Annemarie Schimmel write in a language not my mothertongue. I am afraid that in spite of the help of some friends who did their best to brush up the style some clumsy phrases or awkward expressions have not yet been removed. As to the transcription I have, mostly, accepted the form of names as they are in use in the Subcontinent, f.i. Maududi instead of the correct Maududi, avoiding diacritical marks in most of them. I gladly acknowledge my indebtedness to a large number of friends and colleagues: I am deeply grateful to Prof. Dr. C. J. Bleeker who was kind enough to accept the book as a supplement to NUMEN. Prof. Dr. A. J. Arberry, Cambridge, kindly allowed me to quote in full from his poetical translation of several of Iqbal’s works. Prof. Dr. M. Hamidullah, Paris, took pains in reading carefully the whole manuscript and provided me with precious informations, esp. about Indian Islam. It is impossible to enumerate all those friends in Pakistan who encouraged me in this work during the last years. There is scarcely any “Iqbalist” who did not give me some information. I desire to record my gratitude especially to Dr. Javid Iqbal, Lahore- our discussions provided me with a deeper insight into the character of his father. I am very indebted to the German-Pakistan forum, Karachi, under the able leadership of Mr. Mumtaz Hasan, and to the German Embassy, Karachi, who had invited me to my first lecture-tour in Pakistan in February 1958. To the Iqbal Academy, Karachi, I owe help in some crucial bibliographical matters. Special thanks are due to Mr. S. A. Vahid, Karachi, in whose hospitable house we often discussed problems connected with Iqbal; he read the first chapters of the present book, and introduced me to most of iqbal’s friends both in karachi and in Lahore. And I thank Mrs. Anny Boymann for typing the manuscript so carefully. Bonn, August 28, 1962. Gabriel's Wing/Annemarie Schimmel’6 Annemarie Schimmel ABBREVIATION (E) = English, (P) = Persian, (U) = Urdu. MP:The Development of Metaphysics in Persia, London 1908. (E). SR:Stray Reflection (1910, ed. Javid Iqbal (1961) (Numbers of Chapters quoted). (E) AK:Asrar-i Khudi (English Translation according to R. A. Nicholson’s Secrets of the Self, lines are Quoted), 1915. (P). R: Rumuz-i bekhudi (pages are quoted), 1918. (P) PM:Payam-i Mashriq (Pages are quoted), 1923. (P) BD:Bang-i Dara (Pages are quoted), 1942. Verse-translations of Shikwah and Jawab-i Shikwah given after A. J. ARBERRY’S translation. (U). ZA:Sabur-i Ajam (numbers of poems are quoted), 1927. Verse-translations after A. J. ARBERRY ,Persian Psalms. (P). GR:Gulshan-i raz-i jadid at the end of the Zabur-i Ajam. L: Six Lectures on the Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (1930), used in the edition of 1958. (E). J: Javidname (numbers of lines are quoted), 1932. (P). BJ:bal-i Jabril (pages are quoted), 1936. (U). ZK:Zarb-i Kalim (pages are Quoted), 1937. (U). AH:Armaghan-i Hijaz (Pages are quoted), 1938. (P and U). SS:Speeches and Statements. (E). 7’Gabriel's Wing/Annemarie Schimmel M:Maktubat (Letters: Iqbalname), two volumes. (U). CHAPTER ONE MUHAMMAD IQBAL The Historical Background That is my homeland, whence the cool breeze came to the Lord of Arabs sings Muhammad Iqbal proudly in his “national Song for Indian Children” (KU 114/98) — V(cid:152) Z(cid:131) ~Q (cid:240)M ˆ [†(cid:247) —VkT(cid:228)*(cid:138)¶(cid:148)Ư]uz (cid:236) (cid:132)z (cid:237)z Z(cid:247) (cid:212)(cid:236) (cid:132)z (cid:237)z Z(cid:247) alluding to a tradition according to which the Prophet Muhammad Had said once: “I feel the cool and refreshing breeze coming from India”. The relation between the Subhimalayan continent and Arabia during the approximately 1300 years which separate the Indo-Muslim poet-philosopher from the Prophet of Islam, have been more intense than one would expect. Long before Islam, maritime transports had established close commercial relation 1 between Arabia and India, “persons from Hind and Sind” used to come to some of the annual fairs in Oman. Only a short while after Muhammad’s death in 632, under the second caliph Umar, Muslim armies had occupied parts of Sind and Gujrat, as we are informed by Baladhuri and Ibn Qudama who affirms that the pressure on this frontier was relentlessly continued Gabriel's Wing/Annemarie Schimmel’8 under all the succeeding caliphs. In 711- the Year when in Spain the Battle of Xerxes de la Frontera took place, and in the North-East the Muslims had already entered Chinese territory-a lad of 17 years, Muhammad ibn al-Qasim conquered the fortress of Daibul near the mouth of the Indus, and followed the river upwards to Multan. From this time onward, Sind has been part of the Islamic Empire; Buddhism-then still prevalent-disappeared from this province, and Hinduism, cutoff from the main stream of Indian Brahmanism, developed in a less rigid and orthodox way than elsewhere. The Indus-valley became a centre of Islamic culture and learning whence a number of well-known scholars hailed. Yet, a larger impact of Islamic civilization on the continental North of India is visible only approximately three centuries later: with Mahmud of Ghazna, the Turkish Sultan of Afghanistan and Transoxiana the long list of rulers starts who entered the fertile lands of the Panjab through the Khaibar-Pass, and slowly extended the provinces belonging to Muslim princes. Mahmud has become notorious in Indian history as the destroyer of the famous Hindu-temple in Somnath in Kathiawar, the most southward point his armies reached-and his name has therefore been used as a symbol of idol-destroying power of Islam in Muslim poetry. With 2 him came al-Biruni, one of the greatest scholars that Medieval Islam has produced, and whose book on India, based on a sound knowledge of Sanscrit, is still of great use for our knowledge of Indian customs and religions. Mahmud laid the foundations for the Indo-Turkish dynasties which were to follow him during the centuries to come. Under his heirs, the city of Lahore became a great cultural centre-“a second Ghazna”-and still the tomb of the great mystic Hujwiri, commonly known as Data Ganj Bakhsh, is venerated by the population; Hujwiri was one of the first authors in Persian language of a systematic treatise on Sufism, Islamic mysticism, and has exerted 3 wide influence in the Panjab through his personal saintliness. This is a phenomenon typical of Indian Islam: though the kings had military and political authority, the islamization of the country is due almost completely to the Sufi saints who wandered throughout the country, and who, far away from the methods of hairsplitting 9’Gabriel's Wing/Annemarie Schimmel scholastic theologians, tried to teach people the simple practical faith of Islam and the ardent love of a personal God. Just as Hujwiri and his followers were nuclei for the spread of Islam in the Northern Panjab, so Khwaja Muinaddin Chishti-who visited Lahore in 1190-settled for similar purposes in Ajmer (Rajputana) which just had been added to the Empire of the so-called Slave-kings (Turkish Mamluks) who had shifted the capital to Delhi where still the magnificent Qutub Minar-named after the saint Qutbaddin-rests as a symbol of their vigorous religious fervour. In Ajmer, amidst the Rajput warrior clans, a similarly large mosque was erected; but today the attraction of the town lies in the sanctuary of Muinaddin Chishti (d. 1236), whose Sufi order, the Chishtiya, is still thriving, 4 and has influenced Indian culture widely. the pupils of the Saint and his followers spread over the country, north and south, and whilst Gisu Daraz (He with the long curls) preached mystically tinged Islam in the Deccan, where at that time Muslim kingdoms like that of the Bahmanids were founded, Nizamuddin Auliya (1253-1325) went to Delhi and outlived there seven kings, and inspired innumerable people; his mausoleum which contains also the tomb of the most versatile poet and musician of his age, Amir Khusrau, is still in the hands of his family. Already somewhat earlier, Baba Farid Shakarganj (d. 1265) had attracted the masses in the environment of Pakpathan in the Panjab, where his anniversary is still celebrated. These Chishti Saints who united love of God with love of humanity, are mainly responsible for the impregnation with Islamic ideas of great parts of the lower classes in India, and it seems that the love mysticism they preached and practiced, which was based on a personal god, has had some influence on the development of the Indian bhakti-mysticism that started growing in 5 that very time. Popular singers who used the folk languages as a medium of expression and raised them to literary rank, popularized these ideas among both Hindu and Muslim circles: When Mohammedanism, with its strong grasp of the reality of the Divine existence and, as flowing from this, of the absolutely fixed and objective character of truth, came into conflict with the haziness of pantheistic thought and the subjectivity of its belief, it Gabriel's Wing/Annemarie Schimmel’10 necessarily followed, not only that it triumphed in the struggle, but also that it came as a veritable tone to the life and thought of Upper India, quickening into a fresh and more vigorous life many minds which never accepted for themselves its intellectual sway (Bishop Drefroy).6 Besides the Chishtiya, other Sufi orders from the Western Islamic world entered Indian territory in about the same period: in Multan the Suhrawardiya centred around the attractive personality of Bahauddin Zakariya (d. 1266)-a pupil of Omar Suhrawardi-under whose influence the mystical poet Fakhraddin cIraqi remained for a long time; it was probably through this medium that the ideas and works of both Fariduddin Attar, the Mystical poet, and of Ibn Arabi, the pantheistic theosophist, were introduced to Indian Islam. The oldest Islamic order, the Qadiriya (Abdulqadir Gilani died in 1166) succeeded somewhat later in winning more and more adherents in India. It started from Uch, the old centre of Suhrawardiya, and until now the largest part of the Qadiriya is recruted from the subcontinent where they have a remarkable influence on mystical literature. The relations between the different orders were very friendly, and jealousy and rivalry between them 7 belong only to a later period. The Turks have always been defenders of sunnitic Islam, and so were, in a moderate degree, the mystical orders. But the propagation of Shia ideas in India is also a factor which cannot be overlooked. Ismailiya Propaganda is recorded in Sind and Multan as early as 10th century, and in the 14 century a most active dai, Shah Sadr, won many Hindus in Sind for the Ismailiya; the propaganda also 8 reached the South, where the rulers of Golconda were Shia. The Shia Community of the Bohoras-who had segrated from the Ismailiya after 1094, Nizar’s death-became established in India at 9 the same time. Carried on by the leaders of these different movements, Islam slowly and steadily spread in the country, whereas the names of the dynasties changed rather quickly. The Kings of the Slave Dynasty of Delhi- who had to resist the Mongol invasion (-Chingiz-Khan invaded the country in 1221, persecuting the last Chwarizmshah to Attock, and his descendants sacked Lahore in 1286) -were replaced