World Archaeology ISSN: 0043-8243 (Print) 1470-1375 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rwar20 From value to desirability: the allure of worldly things Susanna Harris To cite this article: Susanna Harris (2017) From value to desirability: the allure of worldly things, World Archaeology, 49:5, 681-699, DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2017.1413416 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2017.1413416 © 2018 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. Published online: 15 Jan 2018. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 617 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rwar20 WORLDARCHAEOLOGY,2017 VOL.49,NO.5,681–699 https://doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2017.1413416 ARTICLE From value to desirability: the allure of worldly things Susanna Harris Archaeology, SchoolofHumanities,University ofGlasgow,Glasgow,UK ABSTRACT KEYWORDS In this paper, the author takes the approach that value is a judgment that Value;desirability; people make about things based on desire, and the potential of the effects Mediterranean;Etruscan; thosethingsengender.Onthisbasis,shearguesthattherearefiveprinciple textiles;representational artefacts waysthatpeopledesireobjects:throughmaterialproperties;inexpenseand exclusivity; as materials with conspicuous, sensory appeal; through object biography;andwhereobjectscanbesubstitutedoneforanother,anattribute knownasfungibility.Theseprinciplesprovideamultipleperspectivethrough which to investigate why and how people desire things. This approach to valueisexploredthroughacasestudyofthedesirabilityoftextilesduringthe emergence of the earlyurban centres in centraland northern Italy (900–500 BC)withinitswidergeographicalsetting.Addressingdesirability,ratherthan fixed concepts of luxury, wealth or prestige, opens up questions as to how andwhymaterialsandobjectsarevalued acrosssocialmatrices andaccord- ingtochangingambitionsduringthelifecourse. 1. From value to desirability ‘Value’ is a perennial topic in archaeology. For archaeologists faced with the material world of others,aconceptofvalueisessentialtointerrogatingpeople’sdecisionssurroundingthematerial culturetheymake,transactanduse.Recently,researchhasmovedawayfromastrictdefinitionof valuefoundinmonetaryworthandmeasure,towardsaconceptofvaluewheretheinterconnect- ednessofpeople,objectsandthings(BokernandRowan2014,2),andmutablecategoriesofvalue, incorporatingbodies,placesandobjects(PapadopoulosandUrton2012,21)isthenewstatusquo, leading to ‘unashamedly synthetic approaches to object value’ (Bevan 2010, 36). Value then is a broad concept, found in the significance, relevance, worth, sentiment and potential of an object, material orthing (see Porter [2012,337]). Andvalue is found inallmanner of things,materialand immaterial: metal, beads, jewellery, coins, ceramics, statues, textiles, gardens, buildings, abilities and events, to name the most obvious. When addressing value, one of the crucial questions that recurs is desirability. Why do people desire things?What is the allure of worldly goods?Why dopeople want stuff? To Simmel, writing on the philosophy of money, value is not an inherent property of an object (thought or event) in the way that colour or temperature can be, but a subjective judgement made by people (Simmel 1978, 59–63 [1907]). From this, he asserts that value is found in the longing for things that resist our desires, that raise possibilities to us, that in the moment before they are ours create the frustrationofwanting(Simmel1978,66–8).Inthisjunctureofdesiring,valueiscreatedthoughthe CONTACTSusannaHarris [email protected] ©2018TheAuthor(s).PublishedbyInformaUKLimited,tradingasTaylor&FrancisGroup. ThisisanOpenAccessarticledistributedunderthetermsoftheCreativeCommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivativesLicense(http://creativecommons. org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/),whichpermitsnon-commercialre-use,distribution,andreproductioninanymedium,providedtheoriginalworkisproperlycited,and isnotaltered,transformed,orbuiltuponinanyway. 682 S.HARRIS reciprocal sacrifice required in economic exchange (Simmel 1978, 80). In this way too, value is foundincomparison,becausepeoplearediscerning,evaluatingoneobjectorcategoryofobjects in terms of another. Simmel’stextprovidedafoundationfortheconsiderationofvalue.Archaeologistswidelyreject theideaofintrinsicvaluewithinamaterial,objectorskill.Insteaditiscommonlyheldthat‘valueis apropertythatisassignedtoanobjectinamannerthatarisesfromthesocialcontextinquestion, and it is to some, usually significant, extent arbitrary’ (Renfrew 1986, 158). Simmel’s ideas have beenusedtoquestionobjectvaluebasedonlevelsofaccessibilityanddesirability,acombination Wijngaarden (1999, 3) applies persuasively to analyse the value of different forms of Mycenaean pottery in Ugarit, Syria, 1600–1050 BC. Foxhall (2005) enlists this balance to differentiate staples, luxuries and semi-luxuries when investigating the expanding volume of goods that were moved around the Mediterranean in the eighth to sixth centuries BC. ForAppadurai(1986,13),itwasSimmel’snexusbetweendesireandthecircumstancesinwhich objects were circulated that caught his intellectual curiosity. Appaduriai’s edited volume on the ‘sociallifeofthings’provedpivotalinexploringthedesirabilityofobjectsintransactions,whether ascommodities,gifts,heirloomsorbribes.ArichinterpretationoftheIronAgeMediterraneannow exists using this approach (see Crielaard [2003]; Lyons [2003]; Mueller [2010]; Whitley [2013]). Additionally, Marx’s idea of labour value remains relevant, as the organization, time and skills devotedtomakingobjectscanchangetheirlevelofdesirability(e.g.JarvaandLipkin2014).Inthe sameway,theglossiness,patterns,colours,weight,durability,smellandotherinherentproperties ofmaterialsarealsoappealing(BokernandRowan2014,2).Thecautionisnotagainsttheinherent properties of materials or the value accrued by labour, but in the assumption that these objects are universally desirable. This debate has been well developed in the field of metals (e.g. Primas 2011, 129–30; Stork 2015, 122). Justasvalueisnotintrinsic,neitherisituniversal.Whatmaybevaluableinonetimeandplace may not retain this status elsewhere. The value of an object may indeed change across the social matrix; what is of value to elite women may not be of value to lower-ranking women, men or children.Forthevaluechoicespeoplemakeaboutmaterialandimmaterialgoodsarenotsomuch aboutthethingitself,butinwhatobjectivesitcanhelpthemattain(DouglasandIsherwood1996, 48–9 [1979]). Through these choices people are excluded and included in social groups, with outcomesimplicitinthepoliticsofidentity.Aspectsofthesedebateshavebeenreframedthrough understanding value as a system of action, in the larger whole of society (Graeber 2001, 254). Graeber’sthesisisbasedinthematerialworldofcloaks,beads,coins,wampumandtheactionsof potlatch,giftgivingandpeacepayments.Itistheimportanceofaction,however,thatrendersthe valueofobjectsdifficulttoidentifyinthearchaeologyofpastsocieties.Reflectingonthosethings considered to be valuable (jewellery, abilities, devotion) Graeber (2013, 219) surmises that ‘it’s genuinelyhardtosaywhatallthesehaveincommon,otherthanthatsomepeoplewishtheyhad them more than they already do.’ If value, then, is desirability, it is for the archaeologist to understand what is desirable, and what that desire engenders. I argue here that value is a judgment people make about things based on desire; this desire is for the thing itself and, importantly, for the effects those things engender. From this perspective, value is a relative concept based in a discerning relationship between people and things. To interrogatethisrelationship,Iproposethattherearefiveprinciplewaysthatpeopledesireobjects: (1) through their material properties – those inherent qualities of surface and matter that exist in reference to a person and situation; (2) in expense and exclusivity because objects are desirable duetotheirrelativerarity,qualityandquantity,andasaconsequencetheirlimitedaccessibility;(3) WORLDARCHAEOLOGY 683 Table 1. The five principles by which objects are desirable and the effects they engender. Principle Desirability Effect 1.Materialproperties Objectsaredesirablefortheirmaterialproperties, Thevalueofthematerialpropertiesofanobjectis thoseinherentqualitiesofsurfaceandmatter. thattheyenhanceaperson’scapacitytobeor Propertiesarerelational;itmaybethataproperty actinagivensituation. isperceivedtobemoredesirableinonecontext, lesssoinanother. 2.Expense& Objectscanbeexpensiveduetotheirrarity,relative Thevalueofexpensive,exclusiveobjectsisthat exclusivity qualityorquantity,whetherinmaterials,skillsof theyprovideameansofcomparisonandserve thecreator,orotherfactors.Expensemakes toenhanceandjustifythedynamicsofpower, objectsexclusive,andexclusiveobjectsare legitimacyandorderastheydemonstrate desirableduetolimitedaccessibility. connections,networksandacquisitionability. 3.Conspicuous, Objectsaredesirablewhentheyappealtothesenses Thevalueofobjectswithconspicuous,sensory sensoryappeal inanagreeableway. appealisintheirabilitytoinfluencethe perceptionandbehaviourofothers. 4.ObjectBiography Biographyenhancesobjectdesirabilitywhenis Thevalueofobjectbiographyisthatitattaches createsconnectionstopeople,places,ideasor otherpeopletotheobject,afactorwhich otherthingsthatarethemselvesdesirable. extendsnetworksandrelationships. 5.Fungibility Objectsaredesirablewhentheyarepartofan Thevalueoffungibleobjectsisthattheycanbe establishedsystemofexchange,aspectsofwhich readilyexchangedforgoodsandservices, maybestandardized. becausetheysystemizethetransferofpayment, debtsandobligations. owing to their conspicuous sensory appeal, when objects appeal to the senses in an agreeable way; (4) in object biography; when through their life history objects are connected to people, places,ideasorotherthings;and(5)wherethingscanbesubstitutedoneforanother,anattribute known as fungibility, as these established systems of exchange enable the transfer of obligations, reciprocal payments and debts (Table 1). Theseprinciplesarenotmutuallyexclusive;materialsandthingsmaybevaluedinseveralways. Forarchaeologists,thesefiveprinciplesprovideaframeworktointerrogatedesirabilityandhence value from multiple perspectives. By addressing desirability, rather than fixed concepts of luxury, wealth or prestige, this opens up questions as to how materials and objects were valued across socialmatricesandaccordingtochangingambitionsduringtheagesandeventsofaperson’slife. 2. Iron Age textiles These ideas are explored through a case study of textiles during the emergence of Etruscan urbanization and early urban centres in central and northern Italy from the ninth to sixth century BC.Whydidpeopleoftheseearlyurbancentresdesiretextiles?Whatwastheallureoftextiles?For textiles of this period, a comparatively rich body of evidence includes examples of preserved textile fragments, rare textile garments found in burials, and representational artefacts including thesitulaart(figuralscenesengravedonbronzemirrors,bucketsandbeltbuckles)ofnortheastern Italy and the polychrome tomb paintings of central Italy dating to the sixth century BC; there are further representational artefacts of ceramic and stone. Many of these artefacts were locally produced, and are often recovered from well-furnished tombs and are dated by relative means. Suchrepresentationalartefactsarelikelytobehighlyselectiveintheircontent,beingmadeforthe elite and no doubt reflecting subjects that appealed to their tastes and suitability for funerary contexts. While there is ongoing debate as to whether representational artefacts are a reliable source of textile evidence (e.g. Lee [2015, 89–90]; Bonfante [2003, 1–2]) for good reasons, representational artefacts are a mainstay for understanding Etruscan and Venetic textiles and 684 S.HARRIS clothing (e.g. Bonfante [2003]; Zaghetto [2003]). Their content is reinforced by corresponding features in preserved textiles (Gleba 2008, 45–57) and the extant semi-circular mantles and tunic- like textile garments from Tomb 89, Lippi necropolis, Verucchio, 725–675 BC (Stauffer 2012) that closely match those clothing shapes found in contemporary representational artefacts. The abun- dance of tools for producing textiles, such as spindle whorls and loom weights found in settle- ments, sanctuaries and burials (e.g. Vida Navarro [1993]; Gleba [2008, 91–159]; Meyers [2013]) indicatesthescaleandsignificanceoftextileproductionatthistime.Artefactswerestudiedat201 museum collections and archaeological sites. My aim with this case study is to reassess this category of material culture, textiles, through the five principles of value and to consider why textiles were valuable to the people of these early urban centres. 2.1. Material properties The first principle is that materials are desirable due to their properties. In Gibson’s concept of affordances and later adaptations of it, the material properties of an object are not fixed but relational; they depend on the environment and individual. The ‘affordance of anything is a specific combination of the properties of its substance and its surfaces taken with reference to ananimal’(Gibson1977,67)–takenheretorefertotheperson.Materialaffordancesaresociable, astheperceptionofmaterialsvariesbetweenpeople,evenwithinthesamesocialevent(Knappett 2004, 48).Textilepropertiescan besummarized as‘large,thinsheets ofmaterialmade fromfibre, whicharesoftandfloppyenoughtobeusedascoveringsforpeopleandthings’(Barber1991,5). Made of fibre, textiles inherit properties of the plant and animal fibres they originate from (Harris 2010,105–7).Asmaterialstheywrap,shapeandfold,andcanbeusedtocover,clotheandcontain (Harris 2008, 225–6). AsvariousartefactsofthefirstmillenniumBCMediterraneanshow,textileclothingwaswornby people across social matrices. Men, women, servants, children and divine beings all wear textiles, although the type and extent of clothing varies (Bondini 2006; Bonfante 2003; Lee 2015, 89–126). Clothingthebodywas(andis)desirableasitsimultaneouslyformsaportableenvironment,social personaandapersonalaesthetic(EicherandLeeEvenson2015;Watkins1984,xv–xviii),ameansof non-verbal communication (Wobst 1977), and can be changed according to intentions and situations (Woodward 2005). The desirability for textile clothing is therefore transmitted in these representational artefacts, as are preferences for cloth showing the patterns, shapes, borders and colours of textile clothing. From the early Iron Age (ca. 900–720 BC), through Orientalizing (ca. 720–575 BC) to Archaic period (ca. 575–480 BC), the number of representations of textile clothing increases with the development of early urban centres and the urban growth of the seventh to sixth century BC. PreservedtextilefragmentsfromburialsthroughoutItaly(Gleba2017)andthegarmentsfromthe Lippi necropolis, Verucchio, referred to earlier (Stauffer 2012, 244–5) confirm the textile and clothingshowninthedepictions.IntheearlyIronAge,representationsofpeopleinvasepainting, andbronzeandceramicstatuettes,aredefinedbybodyshapewithsimpleclothingornoclothing atall(seechronologicaloverviewse.g.Haynes2000;Richardson1983).BytheArchaicperiodand theriseofEtruscancities,acrossthemediaofstonesculpture,ceramics,bronzefigurines,andvase and wall painting, artists, by contrast, paid particular attention to the textiles that covered and clothedhuman bodies.That textiledetails wereincludedevenonvery smallfiguresatteststothe importance of representing textiles in these contexts. Men, women, servants and children are shown wearing contrasting combinations of textile clothing (Bondini 2006; Zaghetto 2003, WORLDARCHAEOLOGY 685 123–30). Here, textile clothing actively creates roles and relationships, engendering the tips and balances we refer to as social differentiation. This increased presence of textiles suggests that in these early urban societies, influence was gained through the material presence, colour, texture and drape of textile clothing. While textile clothing is obviously much older than urban societies, forsomereasonitbecamemoreimportantinrepresentationalartefactsinItalywiththeprocessof urbanization; the material properties of textile clothing were clearly a desirable part of urban life (Figure 1). Iftheubiquityofclothinginthemodernworldmakesusblinkeredtoitsmaterialeffects,itmay beeasiertoconsiderwhathappensinitsabsence.BythesixthcenturyBCinsitulaart,occasionally Figure 1. Textiles are desirable for their material properties. In representation, the desirability of clothing is shown in the care taken to represent it indetail. The figures engraved on the backof this bronze mirror from Galassina di Castelvetro, Modena, 500–450 BC are only a few centimetres high, yet their garments have lower borderscharacteristicofpreservedtextilematerialsofIronAgecentralandnorthernItaly.Themenweartunics and calf-length cloaks. Cloaks are the most consistent are the most consist length garments represented in situlaart,andmayrepresentastandardizedgarment.Thesceneisinterpretedaswomenandmennegotiating horsesbeforeamarriage.Mirrordiameter17cm.(DrawingadaptedbyJasmineParkerafterMonacoinPizzirani (2009, tav. 3). Original © Museo Civico Archeologico Etnologico di Modena). 686 S.HARRIS men, and more rarely women, are shown naked. In the Benvenuti Situla, Este, Italy, 550–500 BC, twounclothedmenfightaduel,acloakandhatlaidbesidethem(LuckeandFrey1962,62–6,fig. 8–11, table 65). Here, the absence of clothing is associated with their male athleticism. This appreciation of the athletic male nude blossoms in engravings on Bronze mirrors of the Late Archaic and Classical period in Etruria, reflecting the influence of Greek myth and religion on Etruscan art (Izzet 2007, 80). The athletic nudity of the duellers in situla art is altogether different from the three male prisoners shown without clothing on the same situla, their hands bound, led by armed, armoured men (Figure 2). Here, as in similar motifs in the Near East, the absence of clothing highlights the prisoners’ humiliation and loss of autonomy (Bahrani 2008, 112; Cifarelli 1998, 220). On the Bronze Mirror of Galassina di Castelvetro, Modena, 500–450 BC (Pizzirani 2009, 137–8) a couple are engaged in sexual intercourse; the only clothing which remains is the Figure 2. The desirability of textile materials can also be evident in their absence. In the lower frieze of the BenvenutiSitula, Este, Italy,550–500 BC,three maleprisonersare shownwithoutclothing,theirhandsbound, ledbyarmedandarmouredmen.Theirlackofclothinghighlightstheirlowlystatus.Thisisaltogetherdifferent from the two men fighting a duel, where nudity is associated with athleticism. Situla height 31 cm (Drawing Jasmine Parker after Lucke and Frey (1962, taf. 65). WORLDARCHAEOLOGY 687 woman’sheadscarf(Figure2).ThesamestateofundressoccursinthepaintingintheTombofthe Bulls, Tarquinia, 530 BC (Steingräber 1986, 350, 388–9). We may wonder what befell the woman who did not have textile to cover her head. The only fully unclothed woman is in the Pieve d’Alpago birthing scene from Belluno, Veneto, 525–500 BC (Gangemi 2013, 283). In this way, the verypresenceoftextileclothing,withitsmaterialpropertiestowrap,cover,shapeandcontainthe body stabilizes and morphs social relationships, as presented in representational artefacts. Textilesarenotdesirableforclothingalone.IntheTombofHuntingandFishing,Tarquinia,510 BC, painted textiles cover the banquet beds and cushions, hang from trees and create the festive canopy (Steingräber 1986, 293, 388–9). As sails, textile material captures the wind’s energy to create motion. This is seen in the billowing sails on an oinochoe attributed to the Tarquinian ‘PittoredellePalme’,700–675BC(Bruni2013,770).TraderelationsofthefirstmillenniumBCwere foundedinseatransportandtextilesailspropelledships,peopleandcargofromporttoport.The desirability of textile sails is that these vast sheets of material harnessed energy and so enabled fast,large-scalecommunicationsandtrade,sofoundationaltotheearlyurbancentresofItalyand the Mediterranean. Textilesare desirable when their materialproperties andpresence enhance a person’s capacity to be, or act in, a given situation. This is as true for the simple textiles used to make ordinary clothingorsails,asitisfortheelaboratetextileswhicharedesirableforotherreasons.Asclothing materials, textiles enhance a person’s ability to form relationships, and their persuasiveness to others (Joyce 2000, 69). This persuasiveness is dependent on perception; a garment that is impressive to one individual may be oppressive to another. Materials form a relative scale; worn textiles, unfashionable or poor-quality clothing, damaged sails or bags with holes may prove ineffective in achieving the intended outcome, and hence prove less desirable. 2.2. Expense and exclusivity Valueisfoundwherethereisexpenseandexclusivity.Thisistypicallythoughtofasthoseobjects that are rare, exotic in appearance or of highly sophisticated craftsmanship or difficult to acquire (Riva 2005, 203). Expense and exclusivity are closely related, although not exactly the same thing. Expensive items may at times be necessary for all members of society, for example a marriage dowry, but exclusive objects are those that only an elite can access and are therefore likely to become symbols of authority and legitimacy (Joyce 2000, 70–1). For this reason, it is the expense that makes objects desirable and exclusive. Foxhall (2005) presents a concept of staples versus luxuriesandsemi-luxuries,wherebymanypeoplecanhaveasmallamountofavaluablething,but few can have a lot of it. This balance of value through desirability and accessibility has been explored in the trade of Mycenaean ceramics in Ugarit, Syria (Wijngaarden 1999). Similarly, differencesinquantityandqualitycanproviderelativescales,enablingadesireformoreorbetter. Experimental and historical research demonstrates that hand-produced textiles are laborious and resource-intensive to make, especially so those fine, patterned or especially large textiles (e.g. AnderssonandNosch[2003];BenderJørgensen[2012];Costin[2013];JarvaandLipkin[2014]).The level of fineness, the rarity of the dyes, the level of skill required to make textiles provide a tangible,relativescaleofexpense,atoncelimitingaccessibilityandcreatingexclusivity.Setwithin local fluctuations of economy and fashion2 it is the exclusivity created through expense that sets those materials and things apart as desirable. Across the Mediterranean, textiles with very fine threads which were woven closely together were more expensive and exclusive than those of coarser thread. They required more time and 688 S.HARRIS skill to produce (Jarva and Lipkin 2014, 25). In preserved textiles, fineness is measured by the thinness of the yarns and density of threads, establishing a relative scale of quality. Such graded textiles are attested throughout Italy in the early Iron Age (Gleba 2008, 84–5). For example the finest textiles in the ninth century BC burial at Sasso di Furbara, Caolino, Lazio, were woven in threads 0.1–0.2mm in diameter with 30–45 threads per centimetre of weaving; the coarsest was woven in threads 0.8–1.5 mm in diameter and 3–18 threads per centimetre (Mamez and Masurel 1992). This attests to the comparative nature of value, as textiles can be ordered both technically and by eye. Terminology from the Egyptian Ramesside Period (1186–1069 BC) and Old Assyrian texts includes four qualities of textile, from the finest, ‘royal linen’ to ordinary ‘smooth cloth’ (Veenhof 1972, 144–213; Janssen 1975, 256, 436); the exclusivity of fine textiles is therefore underscored by the hierarchy in terminology. In Etruscan tomb paintings textiles are patterned and colourful. Purple bands edge the mantle of the tomb owner in the Tomb of the Augurs, Tarquinia, 550 BC (Steingräber 1986, pl. 19); a colour identified with the expense and exclusivity of shellfish purple. The very large, decorated textilesusedtomakeclothtentsrequiredahugeamountofwork,especiallyaspatterning,suchas the animal scene in the tent band of the Tomb of the Hunter, Tarquinia, 550 BC (Figure 3), is the most costly form of textile (Cleland, Davies, and Llewellyn-Jones 2007). The accumulation of objectsoflowexpense,suchassimpleorcoarsetextiles,canalsobeexclusive.Itis theenormous quantities of textiles required for a ship’s sail, for instance, that renders them expensive and exclusive, not their fine quality. For this reason, sail textiles were valuable for their sheer size, material and labour investment (Gabrielsen 1994, 146–8). Expensiveandexclusiveobjectsoperatebyincludingandexcludingpeopleorgroupsofpeople throughtheirownership;suchobjectsarevaluedasmarkersofsocialidentityandrank.Thevalue ofexpensive,exclusiveobjectsisthattheyarereadilyusedtoenhanceandjustifythedynamicsof power,legitimacyandorder(Joyce2000)astheydemonstratesuperiorconnections,networksand acquisition ability. On the downside, the value of expensive and exclusive objects can change quickly; their value may also be eroded by fluctuation in accessibility due to new trade routes, substitutes and innovations in the exploitation of resources, or swift changes in style or taste. 2.3. Conspicuous, sensory appeal Conspicuous, sensory appeal describes the value and desirability of objects that are attractive to thesensesinanagreeablewayand,indoingso,influencetheperceptionandbehaviourofothers. This touches on elusive art historical concepts such as beauty (e.g. Joyce 2000, 69), art and aesthetic (Coote and Shelton 1992, 4–8), and the value of art and aesthetic (Porter 2012). In terms of effect, the conspicuous, sensory appeal of objects is that they attract attention, are impressive and can be influential. Gell described this as the ‘Technology of Enchantment’ (Gell 1992). This enchantment is the agency of the object, which is enhanced through the appeal of stunning and culturally resonant materials. The visual domain is an obvious means of sensory appeal; decorated, glittery, colourful and bright surfaces capture attention in a heightened way (Wells2008,43–7).Approachesto‘sensibleobjects’haveemphasizedtheirsensoryappealbeyond the visual sphere, and engendering responses through texture, touch, movement or sound (Edwards, Gosden, and Phillips 2006, 12). Textiles, with their material properties of tactile and fluid texture, ability in clothing to shape the body to conform to aesthetic norms of the period, andamplesurfacestocolour,patternandenhance,arereadycontendersforconspicuous,sensory appeal. WORLDARCHAEOLOGY 689 Figure 3. Textilesaredesirablefortheirexpenseandexclusivity.Thiscolourful,patternedpavilionpaintedinthe Tomb of the Hunter, Tarquinia, 550 BC, shows the attention of the painter to enhance the tomb with splendid textiles.Withitsdyedpanelsandanimalfrieze,realversionsofalargetextilecanopylikethiswouldhaverequireda substantial amount of work, skill and resources. Such canopies were likely expensive to make, and so exclusive, desirableitems(©MIBACT.MuseoNazionaleEtruscodiVillaGiulia–Roma.FotoMauroBenedetti). Across the Mediterranean in the late second and early first millennium BC, extensively pat- terned, brightly coloured, translucent, fine and amply layered or draped textiles adorn images of pharaohs, divinities, royalty, priests and priestesses, and those men and women claiming social status. The Polledrara statue from the ‘Isis Tomb’ at Vulci (575–550 BC) shows a woman or goddess, her hand extended in offering (Verri et al. 2014). Here, a typically Etruscan cloak, tunic andbeltarecarvedingypsumandpaintedwithred,green,blueandblackpigments.Thecloakis trimmedwithbordersandpatternedhemsinblackandEgyptianblue;thetunicisfinishedwithan intricate, colourful lotus-flower design. The effectiveness and desirability of these textiles comes notonlyfromtheirexpense,butintheirabilitytoimpressothersthroughtheirallure,theirbeauty, and what I call here their conspicuous, sensory appeal. We are impressed by the bright, intricate pattern of the painted textiles on the Polledrara statue. And that still enchants us today.