European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 83, October 2007 | 83-104 From Sarmiento to Martí and Hostos: Extricating the Nation from Coloniality Thomas Ward During the past two decades, studies of culture, politics, history, and literature have converged in what could be described as a dizzying rush to understand the relation- ship of ethnicity, mestizaje and nationality to enduring Latin American structures of coloniality (Anzaldúa 1987; Menchú 1992; Wade 1993; Rappaport 1994; Hale 1996; Mignolo 2000; De la Cadena 2002; Castro-Klarén and Chasteen 2003; Miller 2004; Moraña 2005; and Quijano 2006). Earlier, during the nineteenth cen- tury, these same problems were addressed from divergent ideological perspectives, albeit from within the liberal paradigm. In this paper I would like to discuss three foundational paradigms for interpreting national cultures as expounded in a trio of Hispanic American essayists whose ideas dominated the second half of the nine- teenth century. The first one put forth by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento (Argentina: 1811-1888) posits as fact a colonialist grid that supposes the superiority of one culture over others. The second postulated by José Martí (Cuba: 1853-1895) rejects the first in favour of what could be understood as an early postcolonial model based on equality, at once envisioning heterogeneous components coalescing for a mutually beneficial existence, while negating, at times, their differences. The third elucidated by Eugenio María de Hostos (Puerto Rico: 1839-1903) is rooted in the same enlightened precepts that inform the second, but radicalizes it, recommending miscegenation with the ultimate goal of a homogeneous population. This article will show how the latter two overcome the original paradigm as they establish a liberating discourse relevant to Latin America. Toward the formation of a posthumous intellectual community The birth of the modern Latin American essay represents another benchmark in the continuing debate pitting the concepts of ‘Civilization’ and ‘Barbarism’ against each other. The initial hypothesis offered by Aristotle’s poets had been ingrained into Western consciousness with a latter-day appropriation of the culturally in- formed maxim: ‘it is proper for the Greeks to govern the barbarians’ (bk. I, ch. 2, pp. 2-3). After the Middle Ages, the civilized baton passed from the Greeks to the Spanish as they built a transoceanic empire. As agents of ‘Civilization’, the Span- ish, whose justifications were mocked by the Dominican priest Bartolomé de Las Casas, were obliged to make ‘the barbarians – read Amerindians – live in a civi- lized and humane manner’ (2000, 28).1 This continuing rupture of humanity into two camps is taken up three-hundred years later by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento who defends it, and by José Martí and Eugenio María de Hostos who look for sub- tle and not so subtle ways to get beyond it. Why consider these three essayists together some might ask? The obvious an- Published by CEDLA – Centre for Latin American Research and Documentation | Centro de Estudios y Documentación Latinoamericanos, Amsterdam; ISSN 0924-0608; www.cedla.uva.nl 84 | Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe 83, octubre de 2007 swer is that they are among the most studied Latin American nonfiction authors of their century, each of whom came to be synonymous with his respective nation by establishing a new hybrid form of writer, Sarmiento the writer-politician, Hostos the writer-sociologist, and Martí the poet-diplomat. All felt the need to enter the civilization-barbarism debate yet were of a new breed, bringing an economic focus to the social projects they endorsed and pursued into their writing.2 And despite never actually meeting, each knew of the others and referred to them in his writing, Sar- miento to Marti, Martí to Sarmiento and Hostos, and Hostos to Sarmiento and Martí. Sarmiento was aware of Martí, may have even respected him slightly, enough to ask the Franco-Argentine author Paul Groussac to translate his essay on the Statue of Liberty into French (1895-1909, 46:173-176). Yet Sarmiento may have also made this gesture not for Martí so much but for the United States, the country he most respected, for when the Cuban criticized the ‘monster’, Sarmiento reacted strongly, saying he must ‘get regenerated, educated’, letting the giant nation of the north flow through his veins. Sarmiento flat out asks the younger essayist to be less ‘Latin’ and more ‘Yankee’ (1895-1909, 46:167). With such advice there was little room for common ideological ground between the two thinkers. Beyond this ephemeral polemic, Sarmiento barely notices ‘the correspondent Martí’ who pub- lished frequently in the Argentine press. Regarding Hostos, there is silence. Martí most certainly feared alienating the man he once called ‘the Great Sar- miento’ (1963-1973, 7:368), someone who could be instrumental in the struggle for Cuban independence. His unvarnished sentiment is revealed in his often-cited essay ‘Our America’ where he offers a thinly veiled criticism of Sarmiento whose ‘easy pen’ was put to paper ‘to accuse his native republic of being incapable and irreparable’ (1963-1973, 6:16). Let us not forget what Martí most certainly had in mind: Sarmiento’s presidency (1868-1874) was given form by wars with mostly indigenous Paraguay, with rural caudillos like López Jordán, and with the Amerin- dian chieftain Calfucurá (Sorensen 1998, 132). All of these ethnic elements would have been viewed as barbarism by Sarmiento and as natural components of the nation by Martí and Hostos. For his part, Hostos offers a short biographical tribute to Sarmiento (1939, 7:31-39). In it he supposes that thinkers and sociologists will always respect the Facundo because it is ‘one of the most interesting intellectual creations’ (1939, 7:33). Yet he also states that Sarmiento is the perennial propagandist, a calling that besides [good] qualities also brings defects (1939, 7:32). While enumerating the things that Sarmiento said and did Hostos obliquely slides in his disapproval when he writes that his subject was ‘well-intentioned’, implying he made some errors (1939, 7:31). He praises the erudite politician while criticizing him: ‘What Sar- miento felt for [his] society, was more elevated, more reflexive, more rational and more dignified, but not reflexive and dignified enough’ (1939, 7:37). As with Martí, Hostos had to tread lightly in any condemnation of Argentina’s head of state to preclude alienating any aid that might eventually support the liberation of Puerto Rico and Cuba. This tact was made very clear in his essay ‘The Last Hecatomb’ (1873), published in the Argentine press toward the end of Sarmiento’s presidency. In it he implores the chief of state to recognize the Cuban patriots fighting for in- dependence trumpeting the idea that it would be in Argentina’s ‘economic inter- ests’ and would send a warning to Spain to boot (1939, 9:263-264). Whatever European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 83, October 2007 | 85 negativity Hostos expresses toward Sarmiento in the biography, in ‘El Perú’ (1939, 7:40-60), as we will see, he seems to have greater difficulty than Martí in freeing himself from the ideology of civilization and barbarism, even though in the end, he offers the most radical solution. Finally Martí and Hostos certainly knew of each other, but generally did not seek mutual solidarity. The former describes the latter as ‘the most profound ora- tor’ (1963-1973, 22:172), a ‘beautiful Puerto Rican intelligence’ (1963-1973, 8:55) to whom not enough attention is paid (1963-1973, 2:259). In a short note, he holds up his revolutionary colleague as a high moral authority on the subject of democ- racy (1963-1973, 8:53-54). For his part, Hostos generally maintains silence on the subject of the former, but upon his death in 1895, proclaims that his ideas were not his own but were of the Revolution. These same ideas, however, when expressed by Martí, took on a new lustre (1939, 9:484). While none of the three mentions the others more than a half-dozen times, the response of the two Antilleans to the pa- rameters established by the Argentinian is palpable, polemical and represents an early awareness of a condition that has come to be known as coloniality. Over the years their thought has been compared, Sarmiento and Martí (Mead 1976; Fernández Retamar 1982, 107-114; Sacoto 1998, 43-50; Porras 2001), and Martí and Hostos (Ferrer Canales 1990, 19-45; Arpini and Giorgis 1991; Rojas Osorio 2002; Gaztambide-Geigel 2004), but to this author’s knowledge, not much attention has been dedicated to Hostos and Sarmiento nor have the three been scru- tinized together to examine one single theme: race ideology as it relates to the lib- eral construction of national formations. The discussion must start with Sarmiento who was influential, in Marina Kaplan’s words, ‘on successive generations of Latin American writers’ (1994, 314). He achieved his period of maximum creative genius right about when Martí and Hostos were coming into the world, publishing his canonical Facundo: Civilización y barbarie in 1845. Later, as the two Carib- bean pensadores were blooming into powerful intellects, embarking upon their lifelong quests to liberate Cuba and Puerto Rico from Spanish domination, they were forced to negotiate a complicated web of colonialism, liberalism, Latin Americanism, Pan-Americanism and the coloniality the interrelationship these agencies generated as they came together in business, diplomacy, journalism, lit- erature and nascent sociology. By that time, Sarmiento was not only a distin- guished essayist but a formidable Argentine politician, serving as the nation’s president. While they needed Sarmiento’s help in their respective liberation cam- paigns, his view of civilization and barbarism went against the grain of their pro- gressive thought despite the fact that all three shared a mutual faith in liberal doc- trine. To appreciate the multifaceted intellectual enquiry that the combined work of these three pensadores convenes, three constituent components must be contem- plated as part of the nation; these are the possibility and nature of national cohe- siveness, the social resilience of Amerindians, of blacks, and of mestizos and, how these social groups hold influence over the national body. The national unity problem: between civilization and nature As a liberal, Sarmiento was immensely concerned with inserting Argentina into the international economic system of his time. Buenos Aires, situated on a large river 86 | Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe 83, octubre de 2007 with direct access to Europe, was gradually developing a cosmopolitan character that set it apart from the rest of the nation rooted in Spanish/gaucho and indigenous cultures. This schism is apparent in the controversial Facundo, a text that opposes European-style urban ‘civilization’ to New World rural ‘barbarism’, despite betray- ing, as Ramos (1989, 30-31) has indicated, a palpable respect for certain rustic forms of life. Sarmiento was passionate in his speculation on national unity be- cause without the stability it implied, liberal economics could not take hold. When Sarmiento compares Buenos Aires to Córdoba, he finds the first to be worldly and the second, traditional, the one a breading ground for capitalism, the other the last bastion for Spanish feudalism. Sarmiento was evidently onto some- thing since much later, during the twentieth century, the University of Córdoba was, in the words of Nicola Miller, ‘the most conservative of Argentine academic institutions, still dominated by the ecclesiastical orthodoxies of scholasticism’ (1999, 56). Thus Sarmiento’s Córdoba not only represents Argentina’s failure to throw its lot with the European capitalists, it also symbolizes the ‘weakening of national linkages’ (1895-1909, 7:108). Later on, when Sarmiento has abandoned Facundo’s romantic enlightenment and embraced the Darwinian and Spencerian evolutionary thought of Conflictos y armonías de las razas en América (see Soren- sen 1998, 145), he wants to know what the nation is, fearing that it lacks ‘amalga- mation’, its structures needing to be ‘tightened up’, yet lacking the ‘cement’ to mould them all together (1895-1909, 37:27). Sarmiento was deeply troubled by the hordes of migrants of European descent fleeing Buenos Aires for the countryside where they would then produce a mixed-race people (1895-1909, 7:234). There, they would be less open to modern Western civilization and more prone to accept rural and/or oligarchic social models. In his condemnation of those ill disposed toward global-leaning liberalism, Sarmiento attached himself to a group of elites whose ‘economic interests [fell] within the international capitalist system’ (Hale 1986, 367). The famous writer-politician was a liberal who supported this para- digm, although he did not understand a primary feature of it that can be described as ‘neocolonial’, implying, as Hale (1986, 367) points out, ‘that independence was formal and superficial and that dependence was the deeper and more significant experience of the region’. This then is the liberal-neocolonial paradox that Sarmiento represents. In con- structing it, he was arguing for one group’s liberty, that which Mignolo calls ‘mod- ernity’. Yet he was also arguing to curtail the equality of other groups (gauchos, blacks, Amerindians), setting up a bifurcated condition Mignolo has dubbed colo- niality (2000, 51). This skewed intellectual system – ‘liberal ideas […] applied in countries which were highly stratified, socially and racially’ (Hale 1986, 368) – was oppressive to non-European forms of culture, building modernity ‘on the backs of the rural class’ (Rama 1984, 74). For this reason Mignolo has affirmed that ‘modernity and coloniality are two sides of the same coin’ (2000, 50). Never- theless, the ‘system’ came to represent, as Hale has put it, a set of ‘generalized as- sumptions in the period after 1870’ (1986, 378), that is to say, in the period in which Martí and Hostos took up their pens to fight for Antillean independence. If Sarmiento’s mission was to forge more expansive links between Argentina and greater Europe, José Martí’s, beyond severing Spain’s political ties with Cuba, was to develop stronger links between it and the American republics. Thus if Sar- European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 83, October 2007 | 87 miento was transatlantic, actually declaring his presidential candidacy in Paris (Hale 1986, 371), Martí, at least before he became embittered, was Latin Ameri- canist.3 Put differently, if the former’s notion of Argentina was Eurocentric, the latter’s plans for Cuba were hemispheric (with a fearful eye on the United States). Martí’s identification with his country was so intense that Cintio Vitier once re- marked that it would be extremely difficult to separate the nation from the man (1981, 11). In fact, love of patria, the people, is a thick sentiment that pervades much of his writing and sets him miles apart from Sarmiento who treated the Argentine masses as if they were, as suggested by one critic, ‘an object’ (Miller 1999, 113). At the age of eighteen, in The Political Prison in Cuba (1871), Martí already perceives a quandary with the concept of ‘national integrity’ put forward by the Spanish politicians who persisted in their rule over the island (Martí 1963-1973, 1:48 and thereafter). The slogan of ‘national integrity’ is hypocritical for him be- cause it holds no sincere interest in including the totality of elements that make up the nation. It is a sugar-coated expression which justifies the domination of the American (the Cuban, in this case) by the European. Martí blurts out sarcastically that the ‘Volunteers are the national integrity’ (1963-1973, 1:62), this group being an urban military corps controlled by Madrid (see Carr 1966, 308), imposing ‘wholeness’ by force. Sadly, the ‘national integrity’ they offer is nothing more than a ‘dream’ that ‘moves and exalts and enraptures’ in Spain, while it ‘dishonours, whips and assassinates’ in Cuba (1963-1973, 1:65). Optimistically, the youthful Martí looks for a bright spot on the horizon, maintaining hope that the regime in Madrid has a sense of honour which will cause it to give up fusing two realities into one dominated by the stronger (1963-1973, 1:70). This type of imposed synthesis where modernity attempts to hide its coloniality can be deconstructed by standing Sarmiento’s theory of civilization and barbarism on its head.4 By bringing the Argentine essayist into the discursive frame, the po- litical becomes social, Caribbean resistance now taking the form of a conflict that Martí marks out between European and indigenous elements. In ‘Our America’ he decries the paradigmatic use of ‘civilization and barbarism’, declaring it a cover-up for a battle between ‘false erudition and nature’ (1963-1973, 6:17). By laying bare the lie that ‘civilization’ is an enlightened goal, Martí creates a Krausist opening to base good government on the ‘natural’ elements that can be used to reconstruct the nation from the ground up. This idea comes in part from the philosophy of Karl Christian Frederich Krause (1781-1832) whose most eloquent expression in Spain came in the works of Francisco Giner de los Ríos who puts it this way: ‘a natural manner defeats and banishes affectation’ (1919-1936, 3:225). While Giner would not have imagined the turns that Krausism took in the New World, he would have been pleased with Martí’s campaign against artificiality.5 ‘Erudition’, in a word, was erroneous for the Cuban when based on Eurocentric political tracts such as Sarmiento’s, or transatlantic ones drafted by Spanish politicians that had very little to do with a Caribbean reality given form by limited land, the extermination of the Amerindian, and, of course, having been what one intellectual historian describes as ‘the hardcore area of slavery in the Americas’ (Lewis 1983, 24), the slave sys- tem so severe that in many cases suicide was preferable to it (Knight 1974, 218). Hostos discusses the same problems as Martí but dodged the Sarmiento ques- tion by changing the terminology when their views diverged, using it when they 88 | Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe 83, octubre de 2007 came closer (at least in a structural sense). With respect to the former case, the city, specifically Havana, he warns in La peregrinación de Bayoán, is where the ‘strong destroy the weak’ (1939, 8:68); it is the site of ‘the usual depraved customs, the same vices, the same appearances of progress: luxury, ostentatiousness and opu- lence, but also the same ulcers, the same gangrene, the same virus’ (1939, 8:61). Conversely, the jíbaros, the mountain men, are the ‘philosophers of nature’: they represent humanity, for only reptiles can be found in the city (1939, 8:144). Re- garding nature, Hostos, follows the same general Krausist lines given form in Martí, foregrounding what Rama might describe as ‘dissonance in the lettered city’ (1984, 78; his emphasis).6 Such dissonance is to be expected. Rama describes these late nineteenth-century metropolitan areas as a ‘massive materialist society that was letting go of its timeworn spiritual values’ (1984, 112). With Hostos, Sar- miento’s burg is turned inside out, nature is praised, and artificiality rejected. With respect to the latter case, when Hostos takes a more pro-Sarmientine track, he turns his attention away from the Antilles and toward South America de- scribing Peru’s three geographic regions ethnographically with an eye on economic progress. Here Hostos delimits the national problem with a terminology that almost perfectly coincides with Sarmiento’s, despite Peru’s ethnic distance from the Southern Cone:7 The civilized population lives on the coast: it is composed of the white Creole race, of the Cholo, a mixture of indigenous and European ethnicities, and of the African with his various nuances: the white race predominates. The half- civilized population, or better stated, the civilization decivilized by coloniza- tion, inhabits the high tableland of the Andes: it is populated almost exclusively by the indigenous race, distributed in its two great families, the Aymara and the Quechua. The half-savage population inhabits the uncultured steps of the jungle region (1939, 7:51). Hostos’s Andes take on a social structure not so dissimilar from Sarmiento’s Ar- gentina, yet with a striking variation: among the coastal ‘civilized’, the writer- sociologist includes mestizos and blacks. There is, therefore, the possibility of any- one’s becoming civilized; it is simply a matter of education.8 This is borne out by his attributing the condition of ‘half-civilized’ not to race, but to the Spanish con- quest of Tahuantinsuyo. By elucidating the relentless persistence of coloniality even in a sovereign nation is to thus confront it directly, a necessary pass before cultural and national harmony can be ameliorated. Yet this hindrance to develop- ment is not limited to the Peruvian nation, for when Hostos later resolves the seem- ing urban-rural contradiction in his Treatise on Morality, he concludes that barba- rism lies just under the surface of each and every society (1939, 16:98). This idea brings us full circle to Mignolo’s proposition ‘that modernity and coloniality are two sides of the same coin’ (2000, 50). To adequately ferret out the structures of coloniality, racial, ethnic, and cultural categories must first be obtained from sub- conscious criteria in order to break them down;9 thus the next three sections will be concerned with theoretical approaches to Amerindians, blacks and mestizos. European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 83, October 2007 | 89 From undigested sustenance to a new Rome: Amerindians With most Latin American countries, the cornerstone of fact-based national formu- lations can be found in the Amerindian. During Sarmiento’s time a historical phe- nomenon generically known as ‘Indian Wars’ served to dig up that cornerstone in some countries and fill in the gap first with mestizos and then with European im- migration. Sarmiento looks in horror at the countries that had very developed non- uprootable indigenous populations at the time of the Spanish invasion, and hence are still defined by those people’s presence: ‘What does the future hold for Mexico, Peru and Bolivia and other Latin American States, the ones in whose innards still live the savage races or indigenous barbarians, like undigested sustenance?’ (1895- 1909, 11:38). Indigenous peoples in the belly of the national body represent a prob- lem because they ‘are incapable, even when forced, to dedicate themselves to hard and sustained work’ (1895-1909, 7:26). This ‘difficulty’ is the crux of the matter for Sarmiento, because if the Amerindian will not work for the white man’s mon- eymaking system, then the nation cannot be inserted into the nineteenth-century global network of industrial capitalism. When José Martí looks at some of those same nations (specifically Mexico and Guatemala) he sees great bygone civilizations and he becomes sensitive to the con- ditions in which their descendants live. Referring to the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, Martí echoes Bartolomé de las Casas when he censors ‘the Spanish victors who exaggerated or invented the defects of the defeated race, so that the cruelty with which they treated them would seem just and convincing to the world’ (1963-1973, 18:382). The tyrannies of the past have repercussions in the present because after the conquest no entire city or temple was left standing, not Tula, the Toltec capital, nor Tetzcoco, the centre of the Chichimec empire (1963- 1973, 18:385). Those people, ‘Cyclopian and titanic, mercantile, believers, fight- ers, agrarian and artistic’ (1963-1973, 19:443) were deprived of their greatness. Because pre-Colombian literature was inaccessible in Martí’s time,10 he turned to the Nahua-Spanish colonial chronicler Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl (1578-1650) and tries to reconstruct Tetzcoco and Tenochtitlán (1963-1973, 18:381), to put back what has been taken away. He also goes to the ruins in Guatemala and Mex- ico hoping to make them come alive. He notes that when the indigenous walk by the monuments they pay tribute to these great empires of yore by removing their hats (1963-1973, 18:384). Keeping the past in mind, Martí tries to restructure the present restoring what has been removed, alleviating it of colonialism’s heritage. In ‘Our America’, he proclaims that ‘governors, in Indian republics, learn Indian’ (1963-1973, 6:21). New ways of seeing must be established to incorporate the contemporary Amerin- dian into the new republics. He tells children to stop being embarrassed of their mother because she wears an indigenous apron (1963-1973, 6:16) and offers a cur- ricular challenge to universities to give the Incas preference over the Greeks (1963- 1973, 6:18). Yet Martí’s readings, his amateur anthropological study, and his theo- rizing on Native Americans were to define ‘Our America’, Mignolo cautions, rather than to ‘dialogue with indigenous populations of his time’ (2000, 140). This absence of intercultural discourse sets up a snag on the long rope leading out of coloniality but it does not diminish Martí as a theorist since, in his quest to tether 90 | Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe 83, octubre de 2007 that rope to a more enlightened solution than had previously been possible, he suc- ceeds in climbing up a step away from the colonial mentality.11 The solution he proposes squarely contradicts Sarmiento’s assessment of what was known as the ‘Indian Question’ during that time. Commenting on the inhabi- tants of Verapaz, the site of Las Casas’s famous Utopian experiment and home of the ‘fierce indigenous peoples of Olapa’, a community later broken apart by civil war during the 1980s, Martí praises their ‘intelligence’ and their capacity for ‘work’, despite their ‘rough habits’ (1963-1973, 7:165). He thus sidesteps the common tendency among the Creoles to praise the magnificent indigenous civiliza- tions of the past but reject their descendants in the present. Martí directly embraces these peoples in their past and present incarnations and offers solutions. By educat- ing them and cultivating their work ethic, their towns can gain prominence as they work the land helping Guatemala achieve financial independence and thus helping the country avoid ‘anxiously turning to foreign lands in search of labour and intel- ligence’ (1963-1973, 7:166). Much as with his articles associated with the first Pan-American Conference (2003, 1399-1418, for example), in these writings Martí preaches Latin American fiscal independence, a form of regional liberalism, in- compatible with the Anglo-Saxon variety preached by Sarmiento. Yet to get there, the white mindset must be completely revamped. The ‘Ladinos must be inculcated with sympathy and a feeling of connection to the indigenous peoples’ who should inspire not apprehension but warmth in the white man’s heart (1963-1973, 7:165). Thus with a stark attitude adjustment in the Ladino mind, the descendants of the Maya, now ready and accepted as workers, can be integrated into a hemispheric system of commerce. The first roadblock to coevalness in Martí’s thinking, which is to say, to seeing the Maya at a point on the human-evolution scale that, although sui generis and thus not assessable by means of a Western metric, is not retarded. I use the term ‘coevalness’ here, as Fabian does: to attempt to see two civilizations as if they were in the same temporal moment as opposed to the ‘denial of coevalness’ which juxtaposes the modernity of one against the primitiveness of the other (1983, 31). Such an achievement, if possible in the face of Western ethnocentricity, would create the possibility of a heterogeneous civilization comprised of many disparate cultures. The problem, as Mignolo suggests, is that Martí does not poll the indige- nous to see what they want regarding education and economics. Such a conversa- tion would help to bridge the modern-colonial gap and approach a range of vision based on coevality. There is no way to know with certainty what the Maya thought when Martí was there, but we can hypothesize that they would not have been inter- ested in Western-oriented schools nor in liberal doctrines and practices. During the 1980s, the Quiché intellectual Rigoberta Menchú tells her anthropologist inter- viewer that for her and her family not studying is preferable to becoming Ladinized (Westernized) (1992, 230). Therefore what was indeed an enlightened and progres- sive stance for Martí’s time still does not negotiate with the subaltern to develop a more inclusive paradigm. And Martí was still capable of stereotyping, describing the Amerindian as encircling ‘us’ (1963-1973, 6:20), much the way they did in those skewed Cowboy and Indian movies we all saw as children. At other times the Native American is ‘artistic’, ‘resigned, intelligent’ or ‘passionate and generous’ (1963-1973, 7:117-118, 158). Fortunately, Martí does not categorize to colonize as European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 83, October 2007 | 91 many of his land-owning contemporaries did, for he was also quite capable of as- signing similar typologies to people of European extraction: ‘the worried French, the anxious North Americans, the recommendable Germans and the solemn Eng- lish’ (1963-1973, 7:117118). The practice of pigeonholing has been around for a while, Las Casas himself saying that the indigenous were ‘modest, easily embar- rassed, honest, mature, composed, mortified, and wise’ and that these features were ‘innate and natural’ (1988-99, 6:439-440). This way of thinking survived at least to Martí’s time. Susan Gillman reminds us that ascribing ‘psychic and social charac- teristics to different races, as Martí does, is typical of the nineteenth-century Euro- pean intellectual tradition of romantic racialism’ (1998, 93). The Cuban revolu- tionary grew out of that value-system, overcoming it in some ways, using it to ar- gue for a more tolerant social fabric that accepted all peoples into a regional liberal standard. Thus Martí enlightened his consciousness by great degrees, but not to the point the objective of coevalness demands in the fight to achieve societies free from the colonialities of the past. Eugenio María de Hostos’s initial perception of Caribbean indigenous peoples is derived from two sources: the historical fact that they were wiped out due to hardship and disease soon after the Spanish took over the islands, and his reading of Las Casas’s Brevisima relación de la destrucción de las Indias. He is forced to conclude in his Caribbean novel La peregrinación that ‘people of the noble race […] now only live in history’ (1939, 8:55). Hostos also reads the 1569 poem La araucana de Ercilla whose Mapuche protagonists, still called by the colonialist term Araucanian in Hostos’ time, are portrayed as ‘the first defenders of the Arau- canian nation’ (1939, 6:236). But those heroes as well as the Caribbean Taino na- tion no longer exist. There must accordingly be an effort to condemn what hap- pened across two continents and to try to recover what has been forgotten: ‘Cortés and Pizarro have ruined in the name of Spain, two civilizations, that could and should be utilized [as models]’ (1939, 16:99; see also 2:242). A dual sentiment can be discerned in this protestation, the ‘civilized’ conquistadors are capable of de- stroying civilization, and the Quechuas (Incas) and the Nahuas (Aztecs) were hu- mane societies, useful in giving form to subsequent American civilizations. In this he anticipates Aimé Césaire who, even from the perspective of the Francophone Caribbean, would also lament the destruction of both these same master civiliza- tions (1972, 42). Hostos’s novel La peregrinación resurrects as a model the Tainos depicted in Las Casas’s Brevísima, which for its part tried to rectify the colonialist colloquy of Columbus’s diaries. Hostos’s rhetoric signifies an early attempt to cast off the intellectual forms that curb indigenous and black forms of life, innate to the subsequent discourses of indigenismo and négritude. Later, when Hostos was able to spend some time in Peru and observe native Andeans up close,12 he would find certain faults with them, adapting the paradoxi- cal attitude Méndez has described as ‘Incas Sí, Indios No’, the adoration of the Incan Empire and the sub-estimation of their descendants. Thus, despite coming down on the side of the Amerindian during the ideology wars of that time (1939, 2:121; 4:44), he duplicated Martí’s foible, falling into the trap of stereotyping, de- claring that the Andeans suffer from apathy (1939, 7:45). In this preconception he is closer to Sarmiento than Martí for the ‘apathy’ he perceived most likely was resistance to Creole debt-peonage practices. Nevertheless, it would be unfair to 92 | Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe 83, octubre de 2007 judge nineteenth-century essayists by twenty-first-century criteria. We can simply say that Hostos, and to an even greater extent Martí, did not reduce the Amerindian to the non-sentient entities prescribed by extremely liberal intellectuals such as Sarmiento. In fact, as this paper begins to suggest, a detailed study would probably show them to be much closer to Bartolomé de las Casas who saw the first Ameri- cans as living and breathing humans. From ‘savage’ blacks, to ‘race-free’ and ‘harmonious’ blacks As with Amerindians, Sarmiento views blacks as members of ‘a savage race’ (1895-1909, 7:221).13 He arrives at this conclusion by the same logic as always, people of African heritage impeded the integration of Argentina into what Waller- stein would later call the modern world-system. This is because blacks, who cus- tomarily came from the same regions of a diverse continent, clung on to their pre- vious national cultures with surprising success in Argentina, a fact of which Sar- miento was acutely aware: ‘They form associations according to whatever African people they belong; they have public meetings, public funds, and a strong sense of belonging to the group that sustains them as they live among the whites’ (1895- 1909, 7:221). While we cannot know with certainty how many belonged to each ethnic cluster, Sarmiento’s assessment is essentially correct and we do have a feel- ing for what those clusters were. Schávelzon lists several, Mandingos, Bantus, Congoleses, and Benguelas (2003, 71). Since many still spoke the African lan- guages of their heritage and were thus excellent purveyors of intelligence, Juan Manuel de Rosas and the power structures of his dictatorship (1835-1853) set them up as Federal spies against the Unitarians (Bernand 2003, 78-79). Thus on a basic level the Unitarians (cosmopolitan liberals) were at a tactical disadvantage in their civil war with the Federales (rural conservatives). And, taking the long view, as long as Rosas was the Governor of Buenos Aires (Argentina did not actually achieve a national presidency until the 1860s), there could be no fostering of a worldly wise climate that would generate free trade. Since blacks were part of that antiliberal force, Sarmiento had difficulty in accepting them. He admits this in an- other context. In an article lambasting José Martí’s criticism of the United States, he praises Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin for what he calls ‘the sof- tening of the owner’s hearts’. Here is where Sarmiento’s honesty is both shocking and admirable: he finds that in the Uncle Tom scenario, ‘the black race was free and equal’, admitting that this is ‘something that we the whites can still not swal- low’ (1895-1909, 46:172). Without reading too much into this bisemantic state- ment, we can simply say Sarmiento admired the slow march toward equality while acknowledging how difficult this was for the former slave owners. Summarizing his attitude toward blacks, they have been caught up in Porteño political intrigues adversely affecting the liberal nation; they have been freed from slavery in the great northern nation, and are now moving toward parity with the whites there, a reality that is difficult for elites to bear. What Sarmiento does not say, and what we hope he thinks, now that Rosas is gone, is that he himself wishes to accept black humanity, that it is in the national interest to do so. Racial fear was not limited to the Unitarian-Federal dispute in the Southern Cone or to the plantation class in the United States. In a Caribbean defined by a