Macalester College From Pagan To Christian: An Archaeological Study of the Transformation of Corinth in Late Antiquity Eli Weaverdyck A Thesis Submitted for the B.A. Degree in Classical Archaeology with Honors at Macalester College Joseph L. Rife (chair), Assistant Professor of Classics Nanette Scott Goldman, Adjunct Professor of Classics J. Andrew Overman, Professor of Classics Philip H. Sellew, Associate Professor of Classical and Near Eastern Studies, University of Minnesota 2007 Thank you to Joe, for all the help and advice, to Ali for the love and support, and to Coffee News Café, for never kicking me out. List of Figures 1. Photograph by Joseph L. Rife 2. Sanders, G. D. R. 2005. Archaeological Evidence for Early Christiannity and the End of Hellenic Religion in Corinth. In Urban Religion in Roman Corinth: Interdisciplinary Approaches, edited by Daniel N. Schowalter and Steven J. Friesen. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press. Figure 16.1. 3. Williams, Charles K. II, and Orestes H. Zervos. 1985. Corinth, 1984: East of the Theater. Hesperia 54, no. 1:55- 96. Plate 17 4. Williams, Charles K. II. Roman Corinth: The Final Years of Pagan Cult Facilities along East Theater Street. In Urban Religion in Roman Corinth: Interdisciplinary Approaches, edited by Daniel N. Schowalter and Steven J. Friesen. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Figure 8.16a- b. 5. Stroud, Ronald S. 1965. The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore on Acrocorinth Preliminary Report I: 1961-1962. Hesperia 34, no. 1:1-24. Plate 10. 6. Roebuck, Carl. Corinth XIV: The Asklepieion and Lerna based on the excavations and preliminary studies of F. J. de Waele. Princeton, NJ: American School of Classical Studies at Athens. Plan A. Table of Contents 7. Introduction………………………………………………. 1 8. Pagan and Christian…………………………………….. 10 9. Previous Scholarship……………………………………. 22 10. Anti-pagan Legislation………………………………….. 25 11. Local Histories………………………………………….. 29 12. Corinthian History……………………………………… 45 13. Corinthian Monumental Architecture…..………………. 52 14. Corinthian Sculpture……………………………………..69 15. Corinthian Cemeteries………………………………….. 83 16. Conclusion……………………………………………… 94 Chapter 1 Introduction Sometime between the death of Jesus and the present day, something drastic happened: the Western world as a whole abandoned traditional, polytheistic religion and embraced monotheism, first in the form of Christianity and then in the form of Islam. The state religion of the Roman Empire went from polytheism to Christianity, leading to the rapid growth and institutionalization of what was, originally, a radical cult on the fringe of Judaism. This religious transformation is the most enduring legacy of the Roman Empire. In America, the CIA World Factbook identifies 76% of the population 1 as either Protestant or Roman Catholic. Christianity emerged within the Roman Empire but remained a minority religion until it was adopted by Constantine in 312. Even then, with Imperial patronage and persecution of non-Christians, it took hundreds of years for Christianity to become the dominant religion throughout the empire. When Constantine converted, most people in the Empire were not Christian. Most people in the Empire would not even have thought to identify themselves on the basis of religious belief. Paganism was so entrenched that it was a part of life, as natural as waking, working, bathing and eating. The shift to a dominant monotheistic religion was a major undertaking that took generations, and progressed differently in different places. The Roman Empire was a very diverse place. It was made up of thousands of cities and towns across the Mediterranean on three different continents. Mass communication as it is known today was unimagined, and so universal conformity on the 1 CIA World Factbook (2007). 1 scale that we see it in the modern world was neither conceived of nor attempted. In general, Rome was content to let local authorities run their towns and provinces as they saw fit, so long as they paid taxes, honored the emperor, and kept the peace. Consequently, the process of Christianization varied from place to place. In some cities, Christian communities grew up quickly and dominated civic life from an early date. In other places, paganism remained the default religion of the town for much longer. Some cities, such as Gaza, showed both phenomena, with part of the town being converted quickly and the other part remaining pagan. The port of Gaza, Maiuma, was predominantly Christian even before the conversion of Constantine, so he gave it independence from the predominantly pagan main city, which was only Christianized 2 later in the fifth century. Despite the differences in process and rate, most towns in the Empire went from being predominantly pagan to predominantly Christian. There was some period of time when the balance tipped from paganism to Christianity, and Christianity went from being a minority upstart with powerful patrons to being the dominant religion of the region. This tipping point was the point of no return, when any hopes that Christianity might fade away and the traditional cults might regain preeminence were lost. Aspects of paganism were preserved within Christianity, and traditional cults survived long after this, but only as a minority religion, often practiced in secret, and doomed to eventual extinction. Because of this local variation, to study the process of Christianization in detail, one must limit oneself to a specific city and region, in this case, Corinth and the Corinthia region. In some cities, the literary record preserves a detailed account of the conversion to Christianity. In most cities, including Corinth, this is a luxury that modern scholars do 2 Trombley (1993) 188. 2 not have. Here we must rely on archaeology to tell the story of Christianization. In this investigation, I examine archaeological evidence from Corinth and, to a lesser extent, from the Isthmian Sanctuary and Kenchreai. I focus on evidence from an urban context for two reasons: first, rural evidence for Christianization is largely absent; second, the nature of the methods for rural conversion dictates this focus. Frank R. Trombley, in “Paganism in the Greek World at the End of Antiquity: The Case of Rural Anatolia and Greece,” writes: There is no sound evidence for the establishment of monasteries on mainland Greece before the ninth century…. It is unlikely that the rustics were largely converted without the steady catechetical work so abundantly 3 attested for western Asia Minor. Trombley argues that the countryside was converted through the evangelizing efforts of monks and that, without monasteries, there must have been little conversion of rural Greece. There was another mechanism, however, for the spread of rural Christianity. Inhabitants of the countryside could be converted through the conversion of a patron. When an aristocrat accepted Christianity, he would often mandate conversion for the rest of his household as well, including not only the nuclear family, but all the clients and 4 slaves dependent on him as well. A landed magnate living in Corinth might convert and force all the slaves and free people who worked his land in the countryside to abandon paganism. Thus, in the absence of monasteries, the only way for the Corinthian countryside to be converted was for elites in the urban center to convert. Previous scholars have studied the Christianization of Corinth, most notably Richard Rothaus in his book Corinth, the First City of Greece: an urban history of late antique cult and religion (2000), and various authors in Urban Religion in Roman 3 Trombley (1985) 345-346. 4 Chapter 5. 3 Corinth: interdisciplinary approaches (2005), edited by Daniel N. Schowalter and Steven J. Friesen. I hope to contribute somewhat different interpretations of the evidence from those suggested by previous scholars, as well as a contextualization of Christian Corinth within the larger Eastern Mediterranean. I begin with a brief examination of the categories of “pagan” and “Christian,” emphasizing that the category of “pagan” was defined by Christians as a non-group, that is, people who were not part of the groups “Christian,” or “Jew.” I also review basic aspects of non-Christian religions, such as the principle of do ut des, religious tolerance and syncretism. The persistence of certain pagan concepts and practices in Christianity blurs the line between Christian and pagan. I then summarize the climate of the third and fourth centuries and the adaptations of Christianity that allowed it to flourish, specifically the writers who portrayed Christianity as the preserve of Roman civilization in the face of barbarism. In the third chapter, I examine the benefits and limitations of the literary record and briefly review major scholarship in the field of late antiquity and religious transformation. I then move on to an investigation of Imperial legislation concerning paganism from Theodosius I through Justinian. Included in this chapter is an overview of the nature of Roman law as reactive and geographically specific, the effects of the codices of Theodosius II and Justinian, and the limitations on the enforcement of Roman law. Some edicts provide a glimpse of the religious situation in the empire as seen from Constantinople, and one can identify the change in ambition from Theodosius, who wanted to contain paganism, to Justinian, who passed a law to completely eliminate it. 4 In light of the heterogeneity of the Roman Empire, I dedicate the fifth chapter to a series of four case studies drawn from Frank R. Trombley’s major work Hellenic Religion and Christianization c. 370-529. I summarize the process of Christianization in Gaza, Alexandria, Aphrodisias, and Athens, and identify some general trends that are apparent in these cities, namely, Christianity’s adaptability and willingness to fulfill the needs of the pagans and not to force them to abandon their cultural paradigms. I argue that it is Christianity’s willingness to approach paganism on its own terms and its respect for non-Christian traditions that allowed it to become the dominant religion in the Roman Empire. After my investigation into the Roman Empire at large, I focus on Corinth, beginning with an overview of Corinthian history. Through Paul’s letters to the Corinthians, mentions in Eusebius, and the story of a bishop’s election, I conclude that Corinth had an old and well-established Christian community, even before the Christianization of most civic residents. I then examine Libanius’ oration to Julian in defense of Aristophanes, a Corinthian pagan, to evaluate the strength of paganism, especially in the aristocracy, in the fourth century. Finally, I review the earthquakes and sack of Corinth that made for a catastrophic end to the fourth century and the attendant shift in the archaeological record. No identifiably Christian remains predate the fifth century, and no identifiably pagan remains postdate the early sixth century. The fifth century was the period of transition in Corinth. My examination of Corinthian archaeology is broken into three sections: monumental architecture, sculpture, and cemeteries. In the section on monumental architecture, I examine the destruction of several temples, the use of the Fountain of the 5