FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY Passionate Politics bell hooks South End Press Cambridge, MA Copyright © 2000 by Gloria Watkins Cover design by Ellen P. Shapiro Cover illustration by Laura DeSantis, © Artville Any properly footnoted quotation of up to 500 sequential words may be used without permission, as long as the total number of words quoted does not exceed 2,000. For longer quotations or for a greater number of total words, please write to South End Press for permission. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hooks, Bell. Feminism is for everybody: passionate politics / Bell Hooks. p.cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-89608-629-1 - ISBN 0-89608-628-3 (pbk.) 1. Feminist theory. 2. Feminism - Philosophy. 3. Feminism - Political aspects. 4. Sex discrimination against women. 1. Title. HQl190 .H67 2000 305.42'01 - dc21 00-036589 South End Press, 7 Brookline Street, #1, Cambridge, MA 02139 06 05 04 7 8 9 Printed in Canada CONTENTS INTRODUCTION Come Closer to Feminism 1. FEMINIST POLITICS Where We Stand 2. CONSCIOUSNESS-RAISING A Constant Change of Heart 3. SISI:ERHOOD IS STILL POWERFUL 4. FEMINIST EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS 5. OUR BODIES, OURSELVES Reproductive Rights 6. BEAUTY WITHIN AND WITHOUT 7. FEMINIST CLASS STRUGGLE 8. GLOBAL FEMINISM 9. WOMEN AT WORI( Vll 1 7 13 19 25 31 37 44 48 Copyright © 2000 by Gloria Watkins Cover design by Ellen P. Shapiro Cover illustration by Laura DeSantis, © Artville Any properly footnoted quotation of up to 500 sequential words may be used without permission, as long as the total number of words quoted does not exceed 2,000. For longer quotations or for a greater number of total words, please write to South End Press for permission. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hooks, Bell. Feminism is for everybody: passionate politics / Bell Hooks. p.cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-89608-629-1 - ISBN 0-89608-628-3 (pbk.) 1. Feminist theory. 2. Feminism - Philosophy. 3. Feminism - Political aspects. 4. Sex discrimination against women. 1. Title. HQl190 .H67 2000 305.42'01 - dc21 00-036589 South End Press, 7 Brookline Street, #1, Cambridge, MA 02139 06 05 04 7 8 9 Printed in Canada CONTENTS INTRODUCTION Come Closer to Feminism 1. FEMINIST POLITICS Where We Stand 2. CONSCIOUSNESS-RAISING A Constant Change of Heart 3. SISI:ERHOOD IS STILL POWERFUL 4. FEMINIST EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS 5. OUR BODIES, OURSELVES Reproductive Rights 6. BEAUTY WITHIN AND WITHOUT 7. FEMINIST CLASS STRUGGLE 8. GLOBAL FEMINISM 9. WOMEN AT WORI( Vll 1 7 13 19 25 31 37 44 48 10. RACE AND GENDER 11. ENDING VIOLENCE 12. FEMINIST MASCULINITY 13. FEMINIST PARENTING 14. LIBERATING MARRIAGE AND PARTNERSHIP 15. A FEMINIST SEXUAL POLITIC An Ethics of Mutual Freedom 16. TOTAL BLISS Lesbianism and Feminism 17. TO LOVE AGAIN The Heart of Feminism 18. FEMINIST SPIRITUALITY 19. VISIONARY FEMINISM INDEX ABOUT SOUTH END PRESS 55 61 67 72 78 85 93 100 105 110 119 125 INTRODUCTION Come Closer to Feminism Everywhere I go I proudly tell folks who want to know who I am and what I do that I am a writer, a feminist theorist, a cultural critic. I tell them I write about movies and popular culture, analyzing the message in the medium. Most people find this exciting and want to know more. Everyone goes to movies, watches television, glances through magazines, and everyone has thoughts about the messages they receive, about the images they look at. It is easy for the diverse public I encounter to understand what I do as a cultural critic, to un- derstand my passion for writing Oots of folks want to write, and do). But feminist theory - that's the place where the questions stop. In- stead I tend to hear all about the evil of feminism and the bad femi- nists: how "they" hate men; how "they" want to go against nature- and god; how "they" are all lesbians; how "they" are taking all the jobs and making the world hard for white men, who do not stand a chance. When I ask these same folks about the feminist books or maga- zines they read, when I ask them about the feminist talks they have heard, about the feminist activists they know, they respond by let- ting me know that everything they know about feminism has come into their lives thirdhand, that they really have not come close enough to feminist movement to know what really happens, what it's really about. Mostly they think feminism is a bunch of angry Vll 10. RACE AND GENDER 11. ENDING VIOLENCE 12. FEMINIST MASCULINITY 13. FEMINIST PARENTING 14. LIBERATING MARRIAGE AND PARTNERSHIP 15. A FEMINIST SEXUAL POLITIC An Ethics of Mutual Freedom 16. TOTAL BLISS Lesbianism and Feminism 17. TO LOVE AGAIN The Heart of Feminism 18. FEMINIST SPIRITUALITY 19. VISIONARY FEMINISM INDEX ABOUT SOUTH END PRESS 55 61 67 72 78 85 93 100 105 110 119 125 INTRODUCTION Come Closer to Feminism Everywhere I go I proudly tell folks who want to know who I am and what I do that I am a writer, a feminist theorist, a cultural critic. I tell them I write about movies and popular culture, analyzing the message in the medium. Most people find this exciting and want to know more. Everyone goes to movies, watches television, glances through magazines, and everyone has thoughts about the messages they receive, about the images they look at. It is easy for the diverse public I encounter to understand what I do as a cultural critic, to un- derstand my passion for writing Oots of folks want to write, and do). But feminist theory - that's the place where the questions stop. In- stead I tend to hear all about the evil of feminism and the bad femi- nists: how "they" hate men; how "they" want to go against nature- and god; how "they" are all lesbians; how "they" are taking all the jobs and making the world hard for white men, who do not stand a chance. When I ask these same folks about the feminist books or maga- zines they read, when I ask them about the feminist talks they have heard, about the feminist activists they know, they respond by let- ting me know that everything they know about feminism has come into their lives thirdhand, that they really have not come close enough to feminist movement to know what really happens, what it's really about. Mostly they think feminism is a bunch of angry Vll V1ll FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY women who want to be like men. They do not even think about feminism as being about rights - about women gaining equal rights. When I talk about the feminism I know - up close and per- sonal- they willingly listen, although when our conversations end, they are quick to tell me I am different, not like the "real" feminists who hate men, who are angry. I assure them I am as a real and as rad- ical a feminist as one can be, and if they dare to come closer to femi- nism they will see it is not how they have imagined it. Each time I leave one of these encounters, I want to have in my hand a little book so that I can say, read this book, and it will tell you what feminism is, what the movement is about. I want to be holding in my hand a concise, fairly easy to read and understand book; not a long book, not a book thick with hard to understand jargon and aca- demic language, but a straightforward, clear book - easy to read without being simplistic. From the moment feminist thinking, poli- tics, and practice changed my life, I have wanted this book. I have wanted to give it to the folk I love so that they can understand better this cause, this feminist politics I believe in so deeply, that is the foundation of my political life. I have wanted them to have an answer to the question "what is feminism?" that is rooted neither in fear or fantasy. I have wanted them to have this simple definition to read again and again so they know: "Feminism is a movement to end sexism, sexist exploitation, and oppression." I love this definition, which I first offered more than 10 years ago in my book Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center. I love it because it so clearly states that the movement is not about be- ing anti-male. It makes it clear that the problem is sexism. And that clarity helps us remember that all of us, female and male, have been socialized from birth on to accept sexist thought and action. As a consequence, females can be just as sexist as men. And while that does not excuse or justify male domination, it does mean that it INTRODUCTION IX would be naive and wrongminded for feminist thinkers to see the movement as simplistically being for women against men. To end patriarchy (another way of naming the institutionalized sexism) we need to be clear that we are all participants in perpetuating sexism until we change our minds and hearts, until we let go of sexist thought and action and replace it with feminist thought and action. Males as a group have and do benefit the most from patriarchy, from the assumption that they are superior to females and should rule over us. But those benefits have come with a price. In return for all the goodies men receive from patriarchy, they are required to dominate women, to exploit and oppress us, using violence if they must to keep patriarchy intact. Most men find it difficult to be patri- archs. Most men are disturbed by hatred and fear of women, by male violence against women, even the men who perpetuate this vio- lence. But they fear letting go of the benefits. They are not certain what will happen to the world they know most intimately if patriar- chy changes. So they find it easier to passively support male domina- tion even when they know in their minds and hearts that it is wrong. Again and again men tell me they have no idea what it is feminists want. I believe them. I believe in their capacity to change and grow. And I believe that if they knew more about feminism they would no longer fear it, for they would find in feminist movement the hope of their own release from the bondage of patriarchy. It is for these men, young and old, and for all of us, that I have written this short handbook, the book I have spent more than 20 years longing for. I had to write it because I kept waiting for it to ap- pear, and it did not. And without it there was no way to address the hordes of people in this nation who are daily bombarded with anti-feminist backlash, who are being told to hate and resist a move- ment that they know very little about. There should be so many little feminist primers, easy to read pamphlets and books, telling us all V1ll FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY women who want to be like men. They do not even think about feminism as being about rights - about women gaining equal rights. When I talk about the feminism I know - up close and per- sonal- they willingly listen, although when our conversations end, they are quick to tell me I am different, not like the "real" feminists who hate men, who are angry. I assure them I am as a real and as rad- ical a feminist as one can be, and if they dare to come closer to femi- nism they will see it is not how they have imagined it. Each time I leave one of these encounters, I want to have in my hand a little book so that I can say, read this book, and it will tell you what feminism is, what the movement is about. I want to be holding in my hand a concise, fairly easy to read and understand book; not a long book, not a book thick with hard to understand jargon and aca- demic language, but a straightforward, clear book - easy to read without being simplistic. From the moment feminist thinking, poli- tics, and practice changed my life, I have wanted this book. I have wanted to give it to the folk I love so that they can understand better this cause, this feminist politics I believe in so deeply, that is the foundation of my political life. I have wanted them to have an answer to the question "what is feminism?" that is rooted neither in fear or fantasy. I have wanted them to have this simple definition to read again and again so they know: "Feminism is a movement to end sexism, sexist exploitation, and oppression." I love this definition, which I first offered more than 10 years ago in my book Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center. I love it because it so clearly states that the movement is not about be- ing anti-male. It makes it clear that the problem is sexism. And that clarity helps us remember that all of us, female and male, have been socialized from birth on to accept sexist thought and action. As a consequence, females can be just as sexist as men. And while that does not excuse or justify male domination, it does mean that it INTRODUCTION IX would be naive and wrongminded for feminist thinkers to see the movement as simplistically being for women against men. To end patriarchy (another way of naming the institutionalized sexism) we need to be clear that we are all participants in perpetuating sexism until we change our minds and hearts, until we let go of sexist thought and action and replace it with feminist thought and action. Males as a group have and do benefit the most from patriarchy, from the assumption that they are superior to females and should rule over us. But those benefits have come with a price. In return for all the goodies men receive from patriarchy, they are required to dominate women, to exploit and oppress us, using violence if they must to keep patriarchy intact. Most men find it difficult to be patri- archs. Most men are disturbed by hatred and fear of women, by male violence against women, even the men who perpetuate this vio- lence. But they fear letting go of the benefits. They are not certain what will happen to the world they know most intimately if patriar- chy changes. So they find it easier to passively support male domina- tion even when they know in their minds and hearts that it is wrong. Again and again men tell me they have no idea what it is feminists want. I believe them. I believe in their capacity to change and grow. And I believe that if they knew more about feminism they would no longer fear it, for they would find in feminist movement the hope of their own release from the bondage of patriarchy. It is for these men, young and old, and for all of us, that I have written this short handbook, the book I have spent more than 20 years longing for. I had to write it because I kept waiting for it to ap- pear, and it did not. And without it there was no way to address the hordes of people in this nation who are daily bombarded with anti-feminist backlash, who are being told to hate and resist a move- ment that they know very little about. There should be so many little feminist primers, easy to read pamphlets and books, telling us all x FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY about feminism, that this book would be just another passionate voice speaking out on behalf of feminist politics. There should be bill- boards; ads in magazines; ads on buses, subways, trains; television commercials spreading the word, letting the world know more about feminism. We are not there yet. But this is what we must do to share feminism, to let the movement into everyone's mind and heart. Feminist change has already touched all our lives in a positive way. And yet we lose sight of the positive when all we hear about femi- nism is negative. When I began to resist male domination, to rebel against patri- archal thinking (and to oppose the strongest patriarchal voice in my life - my mother's voice), I was still a teenager, suicidal, depressed, uncertain about how I would find meaning in my life and a place for myself. I needed feminism to give me a foundation of equality and justice to stand on. Mama has come around to feminist thinking. She sees me and all her daughters (we are six) living better lives because of feminist politics. She sees the promise and hope in feminist move- ment. It is that promise and hope that I want to share with you in this book, with everybody. Imagine living in a world where there is no domination, where females and males are not alike or even always equal, but where a vi- sion of mutuality is the ethos shaping our interaction. Imagine living in a world where we can all be who we are, a world of peace and pos- sibility. Feminist revolution alone will not create such a world; we need to end racism, class elitism, imperialism. But it will make it possi- ble for us to be fully self-actualized females and males able to create beloved community, to live together, realizing our dreams of freedom and justice, living the truth that we are all "created equal." Come closer. See how feminism can touch and change your life and all our lives. Come closer and know firsthand what feminist movement is all about. Come closer and you will see: feminism is for everybody. 1 FEMINIST POLITICS Where We Stand Simply put, feminism is a movement to end sexism, sexist exploita- tion, and oppression. This was a definition of feminism I offered in Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center more than 10 years ago. It was my hope at the time that it would become a common definition everyone would use. I liked this definition because it did not imply that men were the enemy. By naming sexism as the problem it went directly to the heart of the matter. Practically, it is a definition which implies that all sexist thinking and action is the problem, whether those who perpetuate it are female or male, child or adult. It is also broad enough to include an understanding of systemic institutional- ized sexism. As a definition it is open-ended. To understand femi- nism it implies one has to necessarily understand sexism. As all advocates of feminist politics know, most people do not understand sexism, or if they do, they think it is not a problem. Masses of people think that feminism is always and only about women seeking to be equal to men. And a huge majority of these folks think feminism is anti-male. Their misunderstanding of femi- nist politics reflects the reality that most folks learn about feminism from patriarchal mass media. The feminism they hear about the most is portrayed by women who are primarily committed to gender equality - equal pay for equal work, and sometimes women and 1 x FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY about feminism, that this book would be just another passionate voice speaking out on behalf of feminist politics. There should be bill- boards; ads in magazines; ads on buses, subways, trains; television commercials spreading the word, letting the world know more about feminism. We are not there yet. But this is what we must do to share feminism, to let the movement into everyone's mind and heart. Feminist change has already touched all our lives in a positive way. And yet we lose sight of the positive when all we hear about femi- nism is negative. When I began to resist male domination, to rebel against patri- archal thinking (and to oppose the strongest patriarchal voice in my life - my mother's voice), I was still a teenager, suicidal, depressed, uncertain about how I would find meaning in my life and a place for myself. I needed feminism to give me a foundation of equality and justice to stand on. Mama has come around to feminist thinking. She sees me and all her daughters (we are six) living better lives because of feminist politics. She sees the promise and hope in feminist move- ment. It is that promise and hope that I want to share with you in this book, with everybody. Imagine living in a world where there is no domination, where females and males are not alike or even always equal, but where a vi- sion of mutuality is the ethos shaping our interaction. Imagine living in a world where we can all be who we are, a world of peace and pos- sibility. Feminist revolution alone will not create such a world; we need to end racism, class elitism, imperialism. But it will make it possi- ble for us to be fully self-actualized females and males able to create beloved community, to live together, realizing our dreams of freedom and justice, living the truth that we are all "created equal." Come closer. See how feminism can touch and change your life and all our lives. Come closer and know firsthand what feminist movement is all about. Come closer and you will see: feminism is for everybody. 1 FEMINIST POLITICS Where We Stand Simply put, feminism is a movement to end sexism, sexist exploita- tion, and oppression. This was a definition of feminism I offered in Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center more than 10 years ago. It was my hope at the time that it would become a common definition everyone would use. I liked this definition because it did not imply that men were the enemy. By naming sexism as the problem it went directly to the heart of the matter. Practically, it is a definition which implies that all sexist thinking and action is the problem, whether those who perpetuate it are female or male, child or adult. It is also broad enough to include an understanding of systemic institutional- ized sexism. As a definition it is open-ended. To understand femi- nism it implies one has to necessarily understand sexism. As all advocates of feminist politics know, most people do not understand sexism, or if they do, they think it is not a problem. Masses of people think that feminism is always and only about women seeking to be equal to men. And a huge majority of these folks think feminism is anti-male. Their misunderstanding of femi- nist politics reflects the reality that most folks learn about feminism from patriarchal mass media. The feminism they hear about the most is portrayed by women who are primarily committed to gender equality - equal pay for equal work, and sometimes women and 1 2 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY men sharing household chores and parenting. They see that these women are usually white and materially privileged. They know from mass media that women's liberation focuses on the freedom to have abortions, to be lesbians, to challenge rape and domestic violence. Among these issues, masses of people agree with the idea of gender equity in the workplace - equal pay for equal work. Since our society continues to be primarily a "Christian" cul- ture, masses of people continue to believe that god has ordained that women be subordinate to men in the domestic household. Even though masses of women have entered the workforce, even though many families are headed by women who are the sole breadwinners, the vision of domestic life which continues to dominate the nation's imagination is one in which the logic of male domination is intact, whether men are present in the home or not. The wrongminded no- tion of feminist movement which implied it was anti-male carried with it the wrongminded assumption that all female space would necessarily be an environment where patriarchy and sexist thinking would be absent. Many women, even those involved in feminist pol- itics, chose to believe this as well. There was indeed a great deal of anti-male sentiment among early feminist activists who were responding to male domination with anger. It was that anger at injustice that was the impetus for cre- ating a women's liberation movement. Early on most feminist activ- ists (a majority of whom were white) had their consciousness raised about the nature of male domination when they were working in anti-classist and anti-racist settings with men who were telling the world about the importance of freedom while subordinating the women in their ranks. Whether it was white women working on be- half of socialism, black women working on behalf of civil rights and black liberation, or Native American women working for indige- nous rights, it was clear that men wanted to lead, and they wanted FEMINIST POLITICS 3 women to follow. Participating in these radical freedom struggles awakened the spirit of rebellion and resistance in progressive fe- males and led them towards contemporary women's liberation. As contemporary feminism progressed, as women realized that males were not the only group in our society who supported sexist thinking and behavior - that females could be sexist as well - anti-male sentiment no longer shaped the movement's conscious- ness. The focus shifted to an all-out effort to create gender justice. But women could not band together to further feminism without confronting our sexist thinking. Sisterhood could not be powerful as long as women were competitively at war with one another. Uto- pian visions of sisterhood based solely on the awareness of the real- ity that all women were in some way victimized by male domination were disrupted by discussions of class and race. Discussions of class differences occurred early on in contemporary feminism, preceding discussions of race. Diana Press published revolutionary insights about class divisions between women as early as the mid-'70s in their collection of essays Class and Feminism. These discussions did not trivialize the feminist insistence that "sisterhood is powerful," they simply emphasized that we could only become sisters in struggle by confronting the ways women - through sex, class, and race - dominated and exploited other women, and created a political plat- form that would address these differences. Even though individual black women were active in contempo- rary feminist movement from its inception, they were not the indi- viduals who became the "stars" of the movement, who attracted the attention of mass media. Often individual black women active in feminist movement were revolutionary feminists (like many white lesbians). They were already at odds with reformist feminists who resolutely wanted to project a vision of the movement as being solely about women gaining equality with men in the existing sys- 2 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY men sharing household chores and parenting. They see that these women are usually white and materially privileged. They know from mass media that women's liberation focuses on the freedom to have abortions, to be lesbians, to challenge rape and domestic violence. Among these issues, masses of people agree with the idea of gender equity in the workplace - equal pay for equal work. Since our society continues to be primarily a "Christian" cul- ture, masses of people continue to believe that god has ordained that women be subordinate to men in the domestic household. Even though masses of women have entered the workforce, even though many families are headed by women who are the sole breadwinners, the vision of domestic life which continues to dominate the nation's imagination is one in which the logic of male domination is intact, whether men are present in the home or not. The wrongminded no- tion of feminist movement which implied it was anti-male carried with it the wrongminded assumption that all female space would necessarily be an environment where patriarchy and sexist thinking would be absent. Many women, even those involved in feminist pol- itics, chose to believe this as well. There was indeed a great deal of anti-male sentiment among early feminist activists who were responding to male domination with anger. It was that anger at injustice that was the impetus for cre- ating a women's liberation movement. Early on most feminist activ- ists (a majority of whom were white) had their consciousness raised about the nature of male domination when they were working in anti-classist and anti-racist settings with men who were telling the world about the importance of freedom while subordinating the women in their ranks. Whether it was white women working on be- half of socialism, black women working on behalf of civil rights and black liberation, or Native American women working for indige- nous rights, it was clear that men wanted to lead, and they wanted FEMINIST POLITICS 3 women to follow. Participating in these radical freedom struggles awakened the spirit of rebellion and resistance in progressive fe- males and led them towards contemporary women's liberation. As contemporary feminism progressed, as women realized that males were not the only group in our society who supported sexist thinking and behavior - that females could be sexist as well - anti-male sentiment no longer shaped the movement's conscious- ness. The focus shifted to an all-out effort to create gender justice. But women could not band together to further feminism without confronting our sexist thinking. Sisterhood could not be powerful as long as women were competitively at war with one another. Uto- pian visions of sisterhood based solely on the awareness of the real- ity that all women were in some way victimized by male domination were disrupted by discussions of class and race. Discussions of class differences occurred early on in contemporary feminism, preceding discussions of race. Diana Press published revolutionary insights about class divisions between women as early as the mid-'70s in their collection of essays Class and Feminism. These discussions did not trivialize the feminist insistence that "sisterhood is powerful," they simply emphasized that we could only become sisters in struggle by confronting the ways women - through sex, class, and race - dominated and exploited other women, and created a political plat- form that would address these differences. Even though individual black women were active in contempo- rary feminist movement from its inception, they were not the indi- viduals who became the "stars" of the movement, who attracted the attention of mass media. Often individual black women active in feminist movement were revolutionary feminists (like many white lesbians). They were already at odds with reformist feminists who resolutely wanted to project a vision of the movement as being solely about women gaining equality with men in the existing sys- , , ! , I .1 4 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY tem. Even before race became a talked about issue in feminist circles it was clear to black women (and to their revolutionary allies in struggle) that they were never going to have equality within the exist- ing white supremacist capitalist patriarchy. From its earliest inception feminist movement was polarized. Reformist thinkers chose to emphasize gender equality. Revolution- ary thinkers did not want simply to alter the existing system so that women would have more rights. We wanted to transform that sys- tem, to bring an end to patriarchy and sexism. Since patriarchal mass media was not interested in the more revolutionary vision, it never received attention in mainstream press. The vision of "women's lib- eration" which captured and still holds the public imagination was the one representing women as wanting what men had. And this was the vision that was easier to realize. Changes in our nation's econ- omy, economic depression, the loss of jobs, etc., made the climate ripe for our nation's citizens to accept the notion of gender equality in the workforce. Given the reality of racism, it made sense that white men were more willing to consider women's rights when the granting of those rights could serve the interests of maintaining white supremacy. We can never forget that white women began to assert their need for freedom after civil rights, just at the point when racial discrimination was ending and black people, especially black males, might have at- tained equality in the workforce with white men. Reformist feminist thinking focusing primarily on equality with men in the workforce overshadowed the original radical foundations of contemporary feminism which called for reform as well as overall restructuring of society so that our nation would be fundamentally anti-sexist. Most women, especially privileged white women, ceased even to consider revolutionary feminist visions, once they began to gain economic power within the existing social structure. Ironically, rev- FEMINIST POLITICS 5 olutionary feminist thinking was most accepted and embraced in academic circles. In those circles the production of revolutionary feminist theory progressed, but more often than not that theory was not made available to the public. It became and remains a privileged discourse available to those among us who are highly literate, well- educated, and usually materially privileged. Works like Feminist The- ory: From Margin to Center that offer a liberatory vision of feminist transformation never receive mainstream attention. Masses of peo- ple have not heard of this book. They have not rejected its message; they do not know what the message is. While it was in the interest of mainstream white supremacist capitalist patriarchy to suppress visionary feminist thinking which was not anti-male or concerned with getting women the right to be like men, reformist feminists were also eager to silence these forces. Reformist feminism became their route to class mobility. They could break free of male domination in the workforce and be more self-determining in their lifestyles. While sexism did not end, they could maximize their freedom within the existing system. And they could count on there being a lower class of exploited subordinated women to do the dirty work they were refusing to do. By accepting and indeed colluding with the subordination of working-class and poor women, they not only ally themselves with the existing patriar- chy and its concomitant sexism, they give themselves the right to lead a double life, one where they are the equals of men in the workforce and at home when they want to be. If they choose lesbianism they have the privilege of being equals with men in the workforce while using class power to create domestic lifestyles where they can choose to have little or no contact with men. Lifestyle feminism ushered in the notion that there could be as many versions of feminism as there were women. Suddenly the politics was being slowly removed from feminism. And the assumption pre- , , ! , I .1 4 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY tem. Even before race became a talked about issue in feminist circles it was clear to black women (and to their revolutionary allies in struggle) that they were never going to have equality within the exist- ing white supremacist capitalist patriarchy. From its earliest inception feminist movement was polarized. Reformist thinkers chose to emphasize gender equality. Revolution- ary thinkers did not want simply to alter the existing system so that women would have more rights. We wanted to transform that sys- tem, to bring an end to patriarchy and sexism. Since patriarchal mass media was not interested in the more revolutionary vision, it never received attention in mainstream press. The vision of "women's lib- eration" which captured and still holds the public imagination was the one representing women as wanting what men had. And this was the vision that was easier to realize. Changes in our nation's econ- omy, economic depression, the loss of jobs, etc., made the climate ripe for our nation's citizens to accept the notion of gender equality in the workforce. Given the reality of racism, it made sense that white men were more willing to consider women's rights when the granting of those rights could serve the interests of maintaining white supremacy. We can never forget that white women began to assert their need for freedom after civil rights, just at the point when racial discrimination was ending and black people, especially black males, might have at- tained equality in the workforce with white men. Reformist feminist thinking focusing primarily on equality with men in the workforce overshadowed the original radical foundations of contemporary feminism which called for reform as well as overall restructuring of society so that our nation would be fundamentally anti-sexist. Most women, especially privileged white women, ceased even to consider revolutionary feminist visions, once they began to gain economic power within the existing social structure. Ironically, rev- FEMINIST POLITICS 5 olutionary feminist thinking was most accepted and embraced in academic circles. In those circles the production of revolutionary feminist theory progressed, but more often than not that theory was not made available to the public. It became and remains a privileged discourse available to those among us who are highly literate, well- educated, and usually materially privileged. Works like Feminist The- ory: From Margin to Center that offer a liberatory vision of feminist transformation never receive mainstream attention. Masses of peo- ple have not heard of this book. They have not rejected its message; they do not know what the message is. While it was in the interest of mainstream white supremacist capitalist patriarchy to suppress visionary feminist thinking which was not anti-male or concerned with getting women the right to be like men, reformist feminists were also eager to silence these forces. Reformist feminism became their route to class mobility. They could break free of male domination in the workforce and be more self-determining in their lifestyles. While sexism did not end, they could maximize their freedom within the existing system. And they could count on there being a lower class of exploited subordinated women to do the dirty work they were refusing to do. By accepting and indeed colluding with the subordination of working-class and poor women, they not only ally themselves with the existing patriar- chy and its concomitant sexism, they give themselves the right to lead a double life, one where they are the equals of men in the workforce and at home when they want to be. If they choose lesbianism they have the privilege of being equals with men in the workforce while using class power to create domestic lifestyles where they can choose to have little or no contact with men. Lifestyle feminism ushered in the notion that there could be as many versions of feminism as there were women. Suddenly the politics was being slowly removed from feminism. And the assumption pre- 6 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY vailed that no matter what a woman's politics, be she conservative or liberal, she too could fit feminism into her existing lifestyle. Obvi- ously this way of thinking has made feminism more acceptable be- cause its underlying assumption is that women can be feminists without fundamentally challenging and changing themselves or the culture. For example, let's take the issue of abortion. If feminism is a movement to end sexist oppression, and depriving females of repro- ductive rights is a form of sexist oppression, then one cannot be anti-choice and be feminist. A woman can insist she would never choose to have an abortion while affirming her support of the right of women to choose and still be an advocate of feminist politics. She cannot be anti-abortion and an advocate of feminism. Concurrently there can be no such thing as "power feminism" if the vision of power evoked is power gained through the exploitation and oppres- sion of others. Feminist politics is losing momentum because feminist move- ment has lost clear definitions. We have those definitions. Let's re- claim them. Let's share them. Let's start over. Let's have T-shirts and bumper stickers and postcards and hip-hop music, television and ra- dio commercials, ads everywhere and billboards, and all manner of printed material that tells the world about feminism. We can share the simple yet powerful message that feminism is a movement to end sex- ist oppression. Let's start there. Let the movement begin again. 2 CONSCIOUSNESS-RAISING A Constant Change of Heart Feminists are made, not born. One does not become an advocate of feminist politics simply by having the privilege of having been born female. Like all political positions one becomes a believer in feminist politics through choice and action. When women first organized in groups to talk together about the issue of sexism and male domina- tion, they were clear that females were as socialized to believe sexist thinking and values as males, the difference being simply that males benefited from sexism more than females and were as a conse- quence less likely to want to surrender patriarchal privilege. Before women could change patriarchy we had to change ourselves; we had to raise our consciousness. Revolutionary feminist consciousness-raising emphasized the importance of learning about patriarchy as a system of domination, how it became institutionalized and how it is perpetuated and main- tained. Understanding the way male domination and sexism was ex- pressed in everyday life created awareness in women of the ways we were victimized, exploited, and, in worse case scenarios, oppressed. Early on in contemporary feminist movement, consciousness-raising groups often became settings where women simply unleashed pent- up hostility and rage about being victimized, with little or no focus on strategies of intervention and transformation. On a basic level 7