CHAPTER –IV (A) FACETS OF INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY: DURING NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE PERIOD  In South Asian Context: Relations with Peripheral Actors  In Regional Context: Relations with China  In Extra Regional Context: Relations with Superpowers 92 In fast shrinking world the policy, people, incidents and events of each nation actor directly or indirectly influence the political dynamism of the country. In other words, the international system functions as an output to the domestic system of any polity. Contrary to this the domestic politics acts as an output to the international system1.Thus there is certainly increasing interdependence between domestic and foreign policy. The aspirations of all round development of the people in the developing political system perhaps cannot be fulfilled until it seeks aid and assistance from the developed countries. It may not be in position to safeguard its frontiers without procuring arms and ammunition from friendly countries and similar other sources. Similarly, the ethnic upheaval in one country may have its repercussion in the other country2.In both the cases the action of one country has a bearing on the political system of the other country, that is to say the bilateral relationship is based on a linkage. In later part of the seventies an academic effort was made by some of the academicians of the USA. They tried to analyze linkages with the help of economic theory i.e., changes in resource polity position in the total international foreign aid, ecological theory i.e., social fields in which and on which individuals operate and influence theory etc.3 but could not reach to any substantive conclusion. Obviously, no effort has been made to identify as to how the linkages shape and influence the relationships of the two national actors in the underdeveloped or developing region of the globe. An attempt is being made to study the phenomenon in South Asian Context. One may agree that the South Asian region is strategically vulnerable, economically developing and politically tension charged. The seven countries, namely India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Maldives, Nepal and Bhutan have traversed through a common past, have close ethnic relationship and fought almost the same problems, situated in close contiguous environment yet are not well placed to each other. The peripheral powers are not hesitant in inviting intrusive forces against the core in a bid to pressurize her while extracting benefits and fulfilling interest to their own conditions. Thus the sub-region faces an inherent hostility than smooth actors, 1 Micheal O’lary, “Domestic and International Politics in Under Developed Countries,” in J.N. Rosenau “Linkage Politics”, Free Press, NY, 1969, p.331. 2 Hans J. Margenthau, “Politics Among Nation,” Alfred A. Knol, 1960, p.148. 3 James, N. Rosenau, “Of Boundaries and Bridges,” (monograph), Centre of International Studies, Princeton University, 1960, pp. 30-39. 93 institution, people and process of each country has a definitive role in influencing the policies of not only their own state, but of the other nation actors also. The post second world war period witnessed a fierce battle of ideas between the two Super powers. Each power in an attempt to win over maximum numbers of neo-liberated Afro-Asian Countries not only provided them economic and technical assistance but pulled into the security alliances. In containing one another they indulged in proxy war. Thus the whole globe engulfed into a cold war politics, which encompassed any pattern that is predominantly a consequence of East-West relations. The question of foreign aid, space exploration, cultural exchange are the part of cold war environment. Super power politics in any sub- continent of interaction between Super powers and developing or under developed country in the form of influencer and influenced falls in the cold war environment. In the above perspective, the facets of India’s foreign policy may be categorized as followed -  In South-Asian Context: Relations with Peripheral Actors  In Regional Context: Relations with China  In Extra-Regional Context : Relations with Super Powers IN SOUTH-ASIAN CONTEXT: RELATIONS WITH PERIPHERAL ACTORS India and Pakistan: Pakistan was born out of the partition of India in 1947. It was created to meet the demands of Indian Muslims ‘for their own homeland.’ The erstwhile two parts: the East Wing or present-day Bangladesh is on the Bay of Bengal bordering India and Burma and the West Wing or present day Pakistan stretches from the Himalayas down to the Arabian Sea4 Accordingly in 1947, the Dominion of Pakistan, comprising West Pakistan with provinces of Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and the North West Frontier Province (NWFP), the East Pakistan with province of Bengal, became independent. The armed intrusions into the Kashmir by tribesmen from the NWFP 4 S.K. Chaturvedi, S.K. Sharma, Mahendra Kumar (ed.),“Encyclopeadia of SAARC”, Vol. 2, SAARC: Member Nations, Pragun Publication, 2006, p.230. 94 led the Maharaja of Kashmir to seek military help from India. The Maharaja signed accession papers in 1947 and allowed Indian troops. Pakistan refused to recognize the accession5. Pakistan became a parliamentary democracy and in 1956 Pakistan was renamed as Islamic Republic of Pakistan. When Pakistan became a republic Governor General Iskander Mirza became President. In 1958, President Iskander Mirza, with the support of the Army, suspended the 1956 constitution imposed martial law and cancelled the scheduled polls. He was sent into exile by the Army and Mohammad Ayub Khan assumed control of a military dictatorship. Khan resigned in 1969 and handed over power to the Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan, who became President and Chief Martial Law Administrator6. General elections held in 1970 polarized relations between the Eastern and Western section of Pakistan. The Awami League, which advocated autonomy for the more populous East Pakistan swept the East Paksitan seats to gain a majority in Pakistan as a whole, while the Pakistan’s People’s Party (PPP), founded and led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, won a majority of the seats in West Pakistan. When negotiations to form a coalition government broke down, a civil war ensued. With the support of India, East Pakistan became independent in 1971 as Bangladesh, Yahya Khan resigned and Bhuttoo became President and the first Civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator. In 1970, Bhutto promulgated a new constitution and relinquished the presidency to become Prime Minister. When Bhutto proclaimed his own victory in the 1977 election, he was arrested by the opposition Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) leadership. Mohammad Zial-ul-Haq seized power and Bhutto were convicted and sentenced to death. Zia assumed the presidency and banned political activity in 1979. Zia died later in 1988 in air crash. The 1988 elections were won by the PPP and Benazir Bhutto formed a coalition government. President Khan dismissed the Bhutto Government in 1990 and after the new elections; Mohammad Nawaz Sharief became Prime Minister. His 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid, p.231. 95 Government was quite successful, but in 1993 Khan sacked the Nawaz Sharief Government7. The 1993 elections were won by the PPP. Benazir Bhutto formed a coalition government. However, in 1996 Leghari dismissed the Bhutto Government, charging it with corruption and implication in extrajudicial billings in Karachi. The 1997 elections were won by the Nawaz factions of the PML and he formed a government. In 1999 Chief of Army Staff Pervez Musharraf grabbed power in a military coup. He became Chief Executive. In 2001, Tarar quit and Musharraf became President. A parliamentary model was introduced in 2002. Pakistan passed a law enabling Musharraf to retain both the President as well as Army Chief’s posts. Its population is 157 million (UN 2004) and area is 796, 095 sq.Km (307,374 sq. miles) (excluding Pakistani-held parts of Kashmir). Its main exports are textile products, rice, cotton, leather goods. Agriculture is the mainstay of Pakistan’s economy employing almost 50 percent of the population. The country is now self sufficient in food. Pakistan’s industrial base is able to supply many of the country’s need in consumer goods although production has slowed in recent years8. India–Pakistan relations have been marked by conflicts and tensions ever since independence sixty years ago. The conflict was largely a result of the fears, jealousies and rivalries that marked the political process at work in India before freedom and culminated in the partition of the sub-continent9. After independence Pakistan’s foreign policy perceived India as the main threat to its sovereignty and territorial integrity and which was out to undo Pakistan. During partition the quick fix arrangement left a host of political, social and economic controversies which have cast a shadow on the relationship of the two countries ever since. The demarcation of the boundaries by Sir Cyril Radcliff, the division of assets by various joint commissions and other unresolved problems left a trial of bitterness on both sides. Not the least among these were the fate of 7 Ibid, p.232. 8 Ibid, pp.239-40. 9 Sisir Gupta, “Kashmir : A Study in India–Pakistan Relations,” Bombay : Asia Publishing House, 1967, p.1. 96 the princely states which included the controversial states of Hyderabad, Junagarh and Jammu and Kashmir10. . Throughout the period there were attempts on both sides to hold dialogues, to resolve problems wherever possible and to undertake Confidence Building Measures albeit on a smaller scale. Many contentious problems were resolved. The Nehru-Liaquat Agreement of 1951 sought to resolve problem of minorities in the two countries. The Nehru-Mohammad Ali meetings of Karachi and New Delhi were held on 25 July and 16 August 1953. The signing of Indus Water Treaty 1960, the Tashkent Declaration in 1966 and the Simla Agreement of 1972 were example of conflict resolution. During the NDA period India’s basic approach towards Pakistan was underlined by then Prime Minister Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s declaration that a stable, prosperous and secure Pakistan was in India’s interest. On 11 May India conducted three underground nuclear tests in the Pokharan range in Rajasthan11. India also testified the Trishul Missile, a short range triple missile, having a capability of being used as a surface-to-surface and surface–to–air missile at the Interiors Test Range (ITR) at Chandipur (Orissa)12.On 13 May India conducted two more nuclear tests at Pokharan. On 15 May in an interview to India Today Prime Minister Vajpayee declared that India was now a nuclear weapons state. Our nuclear policy was marked by restraint exercised for twenty four years after having demonstrated our capability in 1974, is in itself a unique example13. The action involved was balanced in that it was the minimum necessary to maintain what is an irreducible component of India’s national security calculus. Subsequently, Government had already amounted that India would observe a voluntary moratorium and refrain from conducting underground nuclear test explosions14.India’s strengthened capacity adds to her sense of responsibility. Indians do not intend to use these weapons for aggression or for mounting threats against any country. These are weapons of self-defence, to ensure that India is not 10 Nalini Kant Jha, “India’s Foreign Policy in a Changing World,” South Asian Publishers, New Delhi, 2000, p. 149. 11 Dr. C.P. Thakur, Devendra P. Sharma, “India under Atal Bihari Vajpayee: The BJP Era,” UBS Publishers Distributors Ltd., New Delhi, p. 185. 12 Ibid, p.186. 13 “Nuclear India is Now A Reality, Not a Conferment We Seek,” India Perspective 1998, “Following is the text of the Statement made by Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in Parliament, “Evolution of India’s Nuclear policy,”on May 27,1998, p.5. 14 Ibid. 97 subjected to nuclear threat or coercion. We do not intend to engage in an arms race15.”India maintained effective export controls on nuclear material as well as related technology even though India was neither a party of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) nor a member of the Nuclear Suppliers Groups (NSGs)16.India was vigorously pursuing the policy of exploring the power of the atom for peaceful purposes only. It is harnessing nuclear energy for a variety of application in its developmental and welfare porgrammes so as to make the country self-reliant in every sphere17. India’s nuclear tests at Pokharan in May 1998 have had such a profound impact on the sub-continent that it had changed India’s attitude to her technology, economics, politics, defence, environment and perhaps even her attitude to life itself18.Increased focus on nuclear disarmament as the only comprehensive and durable non-proliferation measure would be the biggest gain from India’s exercise of its nuclear option19.India’s acquisition of nuclear weapons would sustain polycentric equilibrium in the world at large and Asia in particular. Indians ability to ensure its own self defence and to stand up to any political coercion and arm twisting was an essential element in the evolving polycentricism of the international order. As much as India’s non-alignment had moderated the cold war, its continued pursuit of moderate and independent foreign policy backed by its ability of protect its autonomy and core interests would be important factors in the evolving strategic environment20. India conducted nuclear tests in May and formally declared its nuclear weaponization is perhaps the most radical foreign and defence policy, decision taken since it became an independent Republic in August 1947. India had affirmed to itself and confirmed to the world its status as a full-fledged nuclear weapon state. India had acquired a fresh strategic position as a balancing factor both in regional and international power equations. The most important concern of 15 Ibid, pp. 4-5. 16 Ibid, p.13. 17Chidambaram, Chairman, Atomic Energy Commission,“India’s Nuclear programme : Essentially Peaceful,” India Perspective, 1998, p.14. 18Raja Ramanna, Former Chairman India’s Atomic Energy Commission, “The Impact of India’s Nuclear Explosions,” India Perspective, 1998, p.20. 19Air Commodore, Jasjit Singh, Director Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, “Summer of 98: Strategic Implications of a Nuclear India,” India Perspective, 1998, New Delhi, p.35. 20 Ibid,p. 37. 98 India in that post-nuclear testing phase was to convince the international community of its nuclear weapons capacity and to underline that this capacity was only to meet India’s security environments. Secondly, that this capacity will be managed with restraint and responsibility, poising no threat to peace and stability21. In the wake of tests, some countries withdrawing their Ambassadors, High Commissioners from India was an exercise in blatant hypocrisy, given those countries continuance of relations with other nuclear weapon states who had conducted nuclear test nearer to their territories and whose nuclear capacities provided a security umbrella to those countries22.To seek legal recognition as “Nuclear Weapons Power” it was obvious that the five nuclear weapon powers would not respond to this aspiration because of their carefully structured political strategic considerations to create a non-proliferation order to ensure their dominance in the nuclear world23.With the passage of time, political and strategic compulsions brought the nuclear weapons power to come to terms with the reality of India’s nuclear weapons status. India becoming a nuclear weapon state does not in any way diminish her commitment to global nuclear disarmament. On 6 April 1998 Pakistan announced the successful test of a ballistic missile, the Hatf V (Ghauri). Pakistan also announced that it had conducted tests of six nuclear devices on 28-30 May 1998. It said that the tests were in reaction to India’s nuclear tests carried out earlier in May 1998. The tests by India and Pakistan are infact, efforts to seek equal participation of the so-called Third World in the New World Order24.The possession of credible nuclear deterrent capabilities of China, India and Pakistan has virtually eliminated the probability of war in the region25. In response to these tests, Government of India’s official spokesman said that this event vindicated India’s assessment regarding the nature of Pakistani 21 J.N. Dixit, Former Foreign Secretary of India, “The Rationale of India Going Nuclear,” India Perspective, 1998, p.40. 22 Ibid, pp.43-44. 23 Ibid,p.44. 24 What the World Media Has to Say...p.26, Der Tagespiegel June 3 1988, India Perspective 1998, Hans-Dietrich Genscher, “N-Tests : Attempts to Seek Equal Participation in World Order”. 25Jasjit Singh, Air Commander, Director Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis, “Summer of 98: Strategic Implications of a Nuclear India,” India Perspective, 1998, The New Delhi, p.37. 99 programme and policy as well as the measures India had taken. Overt nuclear weapon postures in the region had now ensured that war if it took place in the region would remain limited because of the risk of rapid escalation and the impact of the nuclear weapon factor26.He also said that Government of India had taken all steps necessary for safeguarding the nation’s security. During Prime Minister’s meeting with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharief in New York on 23 September 1998, the Foreign Ministers had reached an agreement on the modalities of the dialogue process. The subjects for the dialogue were agreed upon in June 1997, were Peace and Security, including, CBMs, Jammu and Kashmir, Siachen, Tulbul Navigation Project, Sir Creek, Economic and Commercial Cooperation, Terrorism and Drug Trafficking and Promotion of Friendly Exchanges in various fields. During talks on peace and security including CBMs in New Delhi in November 1998, India drew Pakistan’s attention to India’s security needs which were a function of its size and assets. New Delhi could not confine its military preparedness to the Western border alone, as the pre-eminent power in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. It’s concerns extend thousand of kilometers beyond its land and sea frontiers27. In this context India proposed the upgrading of existing CBMs and the need to put in place new CBMs, ranging from information exchange and improved communication links to exchange view on security concepts and nuclear doctrines. India also emphasized the need to build mutual confidence in the nuclear and conventional field. India had suggested a number of confidence building measures relating to attack on nuclear facilities and population centres and economic targets, regarding first use of nuclear capability, additional communication links between their respective armed forces, operational headquarters, and other similar steps. Pakistani stand had been that the core issue, i.e. the Kashmir problem should be resolved first and other issues can be taken up only later. This has led to a situation where even those problems where 26 Ibid, p.37. 27 “First Milestone of Long Yatra,” The Pioneer (India), India Perspective, March 1999, p.26. 100 agreements had been arrived at, actual signing and implementation of agreements is kept in abeyance28. During discussions on Jammu and Kashmir, India made it clear that the legal status of Jammu and Kashmir, i.e. that the entire state is an integral part of India, is clear and does not admit of any change. The accession of the state of Jammu and Kashmir to India was legal and complete but it was unacceptable to Pakistan in 1947. The Government of Pakistan calls it the core issue and regards it as the unfinished agenda of partition. To India legally it is it’s integral and inalienable part29...India also demanded that Pakistan cease forthwith its futile instigation and sponsorship of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir, which constituted a flagrant violation of provision of the Simla Agreement. The Pakistan Government supports the irregulars as a relatively cheap way to keep Indian forces tied down.30Although the irregulars may serve Pakistan’s interest in Kashmir when they target the Indian army, they also kill civilians and indulge in terrorism in violation of the international norms31.There are reports of the intelligence agencies of Pakistan indulging in utilization of drug money to fund the terrorist organization operating against India32. During talks on the Tulbul Navigation Project, India drew Pakistan’s attention to understanding that had been reached during earlier discussions on this subject and that could be the basis for a resolution of the issue. A draft agreement had been agreed upon between the two sides in 1991 in Islamabad33.The Pakistani reservations about the project concerned had more with the security aspects of the barrage and they also suspected Indian motivations in a project which could lead to India controlling the Jhelum’s flow into Pakistan34. During discussions on Siachen, India stressed the need for a ceasefire as a first step. On the subject of Sir Creek, India proposed that pending agreement on 28 Nalini Kant Jha,“India’s Foreign policy in a Changing World,” South Asian Publishers, New Delhi, 2000, p. 159. 29. .K. Subrahmanyam, “Keep Talking to Pakistan: But Formulate Realistic Strategies,” The Times of India, July 30, 2001. 30Jessica Stern, “Pakistan’s Jihad Culture,”ForeignAffairs, New York, November/December, 2000. 31 Ibid. 32Prof. Harvier Sharma,“Security Imperative For India In The Emerging Geopolitical Environment,”India Quarterly, Vol. LVII, no. 1, January-March 2001, Security Imperative, p. 17. 33 J.N. Dixit, “Anatomy of a Flawed Inheritance: India-Pakistan Relations: 1970-1994,” New Delhi, Konark Publishers, 1995, n.7, p.315. 34 Pakistan Horizon, Karachi, Vol. 47. no.1. 101