Theoretical Factors Affecting Parental Roles in Children’s Mathematical Learning in American and Chinese-Born Mothers Jessica H. Hunt and Bi Ying Hu Abstract This introductory qualitative study sought to explain American and Chi- nese-born mothers’ personal beliefs and experiences with mathematics, views of U.S. mathematics curriculum, and how these factors influenced motivation regarding roles played in their children’s mathematical learning through expec- tancy–value and attribution theories. The following eight themes were revealed from interview data with 11 mothers: (a) nature of math; (b) knowing math; (c) importance of math; (d) teaching math; (e) teacher competency; (f) par- ent competency; (g) parent as resource provider; and (h) parent as monitor/ motivator. The authors argue that similarities and differences between Ameri- can and Chinese-born mothers regarding their parental roles can be explained through the context of parental views of the importance of the subject and their involvement, through expectations for successful outcomes as a result of their involvement, and by feelings concerning the ability to control their chil- dren’s successes. Key Words: parents, perceptions, mathematics, teaching, parental support, American, Chinese, immigrant, mothers, roles, learning, expectations Introduction Parents’ roles and involvement in their children’s mathematical learning can lead to heightened performance in mathematics (Cai, 2003; Huntsinger & The School Community Journal, 2011, Vol. 21, No. 2 119 THE SCHOOL COMMUNITY JOURNAL Jose, 1997; Siegler & Mu, 2008). However, little evidence exists to show how mothers from different cultures support their children’s elementary mathemat- ics learning and, perhaps more importantly, why that support might differ. For instance, more research is needed to show the differences in (1) perceptions of the importance of mathematics learning, of the nature of mathematics, and of curriculum held by mothers from various cultural backgrounds (Gonzalez & Wolters, 2006; Jackson & Remillard, 2005; Tsui, 2005) and (2) how these perceptions are linked to ways in which different mothers support their chil- dren’s elementary mathematics learning (Cai, 2003; Wang, 2004). Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine Chinese- and American-born moth- ers’ beliefs about mathematics learning, curriculum, and their roles in their children’s mathematical learning through the lens of expectancy–value and at- tribution theories. The following review presents prior research on parental roles in mathematics as well as theories supporting factors that might increase involvement. First, a summary of research relating to how parents have been found to support their children’s elementary mathematics learning and expla- nations for why that support might differ is given. Next, expectancy–value and attribution theories are reviewed as a means to elaborate on how parents’ involvement with mathematical learning is likely to be influenced. Then the present study and its research questions are introduced. How Does Parental Involvement Support Children’s Mathematical Learning? The notion of parental involvement has been described through a three-fold definition of parental roles in children’s elementary learning: (1) parental be- havior, (2) personal involvement, and (3) intellectual involvement (Grolnick & Slowiaczek, 1994). Behavior was related to the amount of time spent in the school environment. Personal involvement entailed the act of relating to and pro- viding for a child’s “affective environment” (Klein, 2008, p. 96) while learning takes place. Lastly, intellectual involvement involved making relevant learning opportunities available to children. Prior research illustrates this definition. For instance, preparation time and effort spent on academics with respect to math- ematics homework and home-based support has been widely documented in the literature (Henderson & Mapp, 2002; Klein, 2008; Ma, 1999). This is both the personal and the intellectual involvement described by Grolnick and Slowi- aczek (1994). Chinese American children spent four times as much effort on homework as did other American children (Huntsinger & Jose, 1997). Addi- tionally, Chinese-born parents were found to spend more time on homework, structured their child’s time more efficiently, and showed encouragement for 120 MATERNAL ROLES IN MATH LEARNING mathematics-related activities, much more than American-born parents (Hun- tsinger & Jose, 1997; Huntsinger, Jose, Liaw, & Ching, 1997). The differences proved to be important with respect to children’s successes in mathematics. Thirty-seven percent of the variance in Chinese American children’s school success was predicted by parents’ intellectual involvement and commitment to their learning. Thus, the “how” is important when considering parental roles in children’s learning of mathematics. Cai, Moyer, and Wang (1997) expanded on the “how” when they identified the parental roles of resource provider, monitor, content advisor, and learning counselor in elementary school children’s mathematics learning (see Table 1). Table 1. Parental Roles as Identified in the Parental Involvement Questionnaire* Parental Role Description Motivator Parents provide emotional support for students’ learning. Parents provide an appropriate place to study, relevant Resource Provider reference books, or access to the library. Monitor Parents monitor child’s learning and progress. Mathematics Parents provide advice to their children on math content. Content Advisor Mathematics Parents understand their child’s current situation, learning Learning difficulties, potential, needs/demands, and provide Counselor appropriate support. *Cai, Moyer, & Wang, 1997 Cai, Moyer, and Wang’s (1997) research provided clear definitions for the “how” regarding ways parents help their children learn mathematics. Perhaps most importantly, Cai’s later cross-cultural research suggested the parental roles of motivator and monitor contributed the most in both U.S. and Chinese stu- dents’ problem solving performance, a widely used criterion for establishing mathematics proficiency (Cai, 2003). However, reasoning concerning why par- ents might become involved in these ways remains unclear. Thus, factors that have been offered as affecting varying parents’ involvement in mathematics are reviewed, namely, perceptions of teachers and curriculum and culture. Why Might Involvement in Mathematics Differ Among Parents? Perceptions of Curriculum and Teachers Perceptions and/or knowledge of curriculum may impact the roles parents play in their children’s learning of mathematics (Gal & Stoudt, 1995; Grolnick, Benjet, Kurowski, & Apostoleris, 1997; Jackson & Remillard, 2005; Sheldon 121 THE SCHOOL COMMUNITY JOURNAL & Epstein, 2005). In investigating reasons why parents may not become in- volved in children’s mathematics learning, changes in the school’s curriculum from more traditional to reform-based instruction has been cited as an obstacle (Gal & Stoudt, 1995; Sheldon & Epstein, 2005). “The emphasis on concep- tual understanding is new to most parents who are products of a school system that previously emphasized rules and procedures” (Jackson & Remillard, 2005, p. 70). However, reasons connected to mothers’ perceptions of newer curricula as a disruption of support may go beyond a lack of resources. Previous research has shown parents helping students with mathematics homework rooted in reform versus traditional curriculums produced a change in the help offered (Shumow, 2003). Assistance was provided in both situations, but the task giv- en produced different types of help (e.g., reform-based curricula resulted in less directed help; traditional curricula resulted in more step-by-step assistance). Culture Types of help offered to children by their parents in mathematics have also been explained through culture. Previous research showed American parents tended to attribute success in mathematics to those who possess a special tal- ent as opposed to those who worked hard and practiced (Hess, Chih-Mei, & McDevitt, 1986; Stevenson et al., 1990). As a result, American-born parents concluded mathematics success is more about innate ability and the success of the school setting. In contrast, Chinese and Chinese American parents believed mathematics success is about effort and practice (Hess et al., 1986; Huntsinger et al., 1997; Whang & Hancock, 1994). They provided their children earlier structured exposure to mathematics concepts and practice of skills through a formal, direct mode of instruction (Chao, 1994; Huntsinger et al., 1997). Thus, Chinese parents tended to attribute their child’s successes and failures in mathematics to controllable factors. Perceptions of the importance of math- ematics have also been shown to vary widely across cultures. American parents did not view the study of mathematics in elementary grades as important as the study of other subjects such as reading, language, and everyday skills (Cannon & Ginsburg, 2008). Explaining the “Why”: Expectancy–Value and Attribution Theories Culture and perceptions of curriculum begin to provide explanations why some parents may become more meaningfully involved in their child’s learning of mathematics than others, yet leave many unanswered questions relating to why culture and perception motivate parental involvement in different ways. For instance, views of the importance of mathematics is expected to influence 122 MATERNAL ROLES IN MATH LEARNING the support offered to children as they learn mathematics, but underlying reasons that cause the differences that occur have not been widely discussed outside of the explanation of culture. Furthermore, while it has been stated that differences exist in how American and Chinese-born parents view aspects of ability and effort as it relates to mathematics, the knowledge of why these differences affect parent’s motivation to support children in learning mathe- matics is not clear. Lastly, more needs to be known about why the perceptions of mathematics curriculums cause a difference in parental motivation to help their children. As underlying motivators caused by perceptions and culture become clearly defined, aid can be given to parents to change their views and thus increase their motivation to help their children in meaningful ways as they learn mathematics. Expectancy–value theory and attribution theory are based in the notion of motivation and could explain differing parents’ motivation to help their children learn mathematics in ways identified as meaningful in pre- vious research (Cai, 2003). Expectancy–Value Theory In expectancy–value theory, individuals’ expectancies for success and the value placed on succeeding are deemed important determinants of motivation to perform different tasks (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002; Wigfield & Eccles, 2002). All parental involvement in mathematical learning is likely to be influenced by parents’ perceived importance of mathematics (value) and an expectation of success that may result from their involvement (expectancy). Expectancies and values are assumed to be positively related to each other and are linked to psy- chological and social/cultural factors. Expectancy There exists a connection between the expectation to do well in a given situation and one’s belief in his or her own ability and perceptions of oth- ers’ abilities in expectancy–value theory (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002; Wigfield & Eccles, 2002). Ability beliefs are defined as broad beliefs about competence in a given domain and tend to include an individual’s comparative sense of com- petence along with beliefs about his or her own ability. For instance, a mother who views herself as inadequate and the teacher as adequate may act differently than one who views the teacher as inadequate and herself as able to help. Value Task values are determined by influences such as the features of the task, the importance of success or failure to the individual, and the believed prob- ability of success. Generally, expectancy–value theory outlines four areas that constitute task value: attainment value, intrinsic value, utility value, and cost. 123 THE SCHOOL COMMUNITY JOURNAL Attainment value involves the personal importance of doing well, while in- trinsic value involves the enjoyment the individual gets from performing the activity (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002; Wigfield & Eccles, 2002). Utility value is determined by how much a person values a particular task with respect to fu- ture plans or goals, and cost is defined as the negative aspects of engaging in a task. Variables are influenced by individuals’ perceptions of other peoples’ at- titudes and expectations for them, by their affective memories, and by their own interpretations of their previous achievement outcomes. Many of these variables are also evident in attribution theory. Attribution Theory Attribution theory suggests parental involvement in mathematics depends heavily on the controllable or uncontrollable factors involved in the task and the connected need for achievement (Weiner, 1972, 1988). The notion of con- trollability separates causes under a person’s control from causes one cannot control. Ability, for instance, is classified as a stable, internal cause, while ef- fort is classified as unstable and internal. Attributing an outcome to a stable cause such as ability or skill has a stronger influence on expectancies for fu- ture success than attributing an outcome to an unstable cause such as effort. This is an important point when considering parental roles and why certain parents become more involved than others, as one’s beliefs about the cause of children’s successes or failures have important implications for what the parent may choose to do or not to do regarding the child’s achievement. Moreover, attribution models, like expectancy–value models, include link- ages between ability and effort and the need to achieve. Weiner (1988) explains: Individuals high in achievement motivation perceive that effort is an im- portant determinant of outcome (high effort produces success and low effort results in failure). On the other hand, persons low in achievement needs perceive that outcome is only weakly influenced by how hard they have tried. However, they do believe that personal failure is caused by a lack of ability. (p. 96) The Current Study The current study will expand understanding of the nature of involvement in students’ mathematical learning by explaining the influences of moth- ers’ perceptions and beliefs toward mathematics and their knowledge of the curriculum on their motivation to assume varying parental roles through ex- pectancy–value and attribution theories. Specifically, this research answers 124 MATERNAL ROLES IN MATH LEARNING the following questions: (1) What are Chinese- and American-born mothers’ personal experiences in learning mathematics and views of their child’s math- ematics curriculum? and (2) Why might their views and experiences influence parental motivation to engage or not engage in meaningful parental roles sup- porting their child’s mathematics learning? Methods Setting The study took place in a metropolitan area of central Florida. Researchers identified two sites that would serve well for participant recruitment. First, a Chinese church was selected to recruit Chinese-born parents because it serves primarily Chinese-born families and individuals who live in the Central Flor- ida area. There are approximately 20 Chinese families and 30 individuals who attend the church on a weekly basis. Out of these 20 families, approximately 15 of them have children who are currently attending public schools in central Florida. Second, a community clinic was selected to recruit American-born parents because it regularly offered free diagnostic testing services in math- ematics to school-aged children. There are about 15 families per year who use the clinic services offered 3 times per year. Every family who uses clinic services has at least one child attending public school in central Florida. Families who use the clinic services do so to obtain information on their child’s mathematics aptitude. The testing could be provided for any child, from gifted to normal- ly achieving to one who is struggling. We knew that many of the families who used the clinic services resided in areas in close proximity to the Chinese church, which was another reason the clinic was utilized for recruitment. Participants Mothers needed to meet certain criteria in order to participate in the study. Chinese-born mothers had to have been a parent of at least one elementa- ry-aged child (Grades 1–6), received their primary education in China, and immigrated to the United States (acculturation). American-born mothers had to have been a parent of at least one elementary-aged child (Grades 1–6), received their primary education in the United States, and had American citi- zenship. The criteria were used to identify a comparative group of parents who received their education in two distinct cultural settings. Further, we wanted to ensure that teachers who served the children of the parents we interviewed had comparable backgrounds with respect to degree earned and years of teaching. The equity sought in these characteristics was important because we did not want to obtain answers based on the quality of teaching and pedagogy given 125 THE SCHOOL COMMUNITY JOURNAL as opposed to parental preferences and beliefs regarding their child’s learning of mathematics. All teachers of the sampled mothers’ children were found to hold bachelor degrees in education and had teaching experience of 4–7 years. Sampling Procedure We used a purposive sampling procedure in recruiting participants. The sample was purposive in that we needed mothers whose children were taught by teachers of comparable backgrounds (see above) and who lived in areas ser- viced by the same schools, thereby assuring more control of similar curriculums and teaching experience being used in classrooms. The first author worked with a representative from the clinic to identify potential participants. She telephoned the potential participants and explained the purpose of the study. Once mothers expressed interest in participating in the study, she arranged interviews times and mailed consent forms to interested parents’ homes. The second author received permission from the leader of the Chinese church to recruit study participants. She contacted all qualified participants (n = 5) in person and everyone volunteered to participate. Together, the researchers re- cruited a total of 11 mothers of elementary-aged children (M child age = 9 years) for the current study. Demographics For the American participants, we attempted to obtain a relatively diverse sample of mothers. American-born demographics are made up of exactly one- third Caucasian (n = 2), one-third African American (n = 2), and one-third Latina (n = 2) parents. English was the primary language spoken in all but one participant household, where Spanish was the primary means of com- munication. Each participant was her child’s primary caregiver. The mothers noted their occupations as (1) accountant, (2) special education teacher, (3) housewife, (4) administrative assistant, (5) general education teacher, and (6) research assistant/associate, with all reporting middle socioeconomic status. Demographic variables for Chinese mothers reflected similarities and dif- ferences with American participants. All Chinese participants reported being middle socioeconomic status except one parent who self-identified as low so- cioeconomic status. All participants reported Chinese as the primary spoken language in their homes. Each participant was her child’s primary caregiver. Mothers listed their occupations as (1) software engineer, (2) manager, (3) bookkeeper, (4) housewife, and (5) professor. Table 2 further summarizes par- ticipants’ demographics for both participant groups. 126 MATERNAL ROLES IN MATH LEARNING Table 2. Participant Demographics. Immigrant Chinese-born American-born parents Characteristic parents (n = 5) (n = 6) Mean Acculturation 14.1 years 32.4 years (natives) Mean Educational Level Master’s degree 4-year college degree Mean age of children 11-0 (years-months) 7-0 (years-months) Author-Researcher Perspectives The identification of a researcher’s positionality in a qualitative research proj- ect is important because the researcher becomes the instrument by which data is collected and analyzed (Glesne, 2006). The first author spent a good amount of time reflecting on her own subjectivity regarding this research project and what that meant to her position as a researcher. As a former mathematics teach- er, she was confident in her knowledge of mathematics. Her experiences with her own parents and what they assigned as mathematics homework included a wide variety of applications, drills, and concepts that were often embedded into situations in daily life. In regards to data collection and analysis, she ex- pected her inquisitive nature to result in the reporting of themes and voices of participants, even though they may have differed from her own. The second author speaks Chinese as her native language, and she also at- tended the Chinese church regularly that was selected as one of the study sites. She was born and raised in China and came to the U.S. to study exceptional education at the age of 21. The second author also loves learning and teaching aspects of mathematics. She remembers how by first grade she had mastered the multiplication facts table and won the first prize in a math competition. She loved playing math games and solving math problems. She found such tasks interesting and engaging. Her math teachers were good at explaining problems and made them understandable to her even though her elementa- ry school was poor and math manipulatives were not available for teachers or students. She later found out that most of her peers grasped conceptual understanding of math concepts naturally through a combination of didac- tic discussion, drawing pictorial illustrations, and making references to daily materials. Currently, the second author is the mother of an early elementary student. She is actively involved in her son’s mathematics learning through (1) teaching math concepts by connecting to daily life applications and us- ing concrete materials as well as drawing pictorial illustrations, (2) reinforcing declarative knowledge by playing instructional board games and online com- puterized games, (3) challenging him to solve mathematical problems in order 127 THE SCHOOL COMMUNITY JOURNAL to foster a love for learning mathematics, and (4) building his self-confidence by doing all the above consistently and habitually. Throughout the course of this study, the researchers have attempted to acknowledge their own feelings about mathematics and the teaching of math- ematics and have tried not to inflect their position into research data. Efforts were taken to interpret all research data in full awareness of the researchers’ “lens” by using various verification strategies (Creswell & Miller, 2000). Verification of data analysis, resulting codes and themes, and guards against external threats to validity were achieved through a variety of means. First, three independent coders reviewed transcripts at stages two and three of data analysis (Grbich, 2007). Codes were deemed to be reliable if the three coders achieved 80% agreement or greater. Coders reached consensus on their dis- agreements. Second, reliability of source information was obtained through the use of verbatim translation (Grbich, 2007). Finally, participants were shown results of the analysis as a means of member checking to ensure consistency in data reporting (Creswell & Miller, 2000; Glesne, 2006; Grbich 2007). Data Collection Procedures Interviews were the primary data collection method employed in the study to gain an in-depth understanding of the research questions. We wanted moth- ers to experience comfort and freedom to express their opinions freely and thus generate a range of issues and thoughts expressed in response to interview questions. Each mother participated in one interview session focusing on par- ents’ perceptions of mathematics teaching and learning and questions relating to each mother’s perceived roles in her child’s mathematical learning. After agreeing to take part in the study, a time to complete the interview session was arranged. Each interview session took from 20 to 50 minutes to complete. The first author held all individual interviews with American-born mothers. The second author held all individual interviews with Chinese-born mothers in the church. Chinese participants all elected to be interviewed face-to-face in Chinese at the Chinese church on a Sunday after lunch. Interviews with Chinese-born mothers took two Sunday afternoons. All American participants chose to utilize telephone interviews to adhere to individual schedules except one mother, with whom the first author conducted a face-to-face interview at the clinic. The Spanish-speaking mother was interviewed in Spanish by the first author with the aid of a translator. An interview protocol was utilized during the interview process (see Ap- pendix). Questions used were largely open-ended, allowing participants to supply researchers with as little or as much information as they felt necessary to express their thoughts on questions posed (Glesne, 2006). The interviews 128