Longitudinal Change and Maternal Influence on Occupational Aspirations of Gifted Female American and German Adolescents Jennifer Nepper Fiebig Loyola University Chicago Erin Beauregard Emmanuel College this study assessed 43 gifted adolescent females in the United States and Germany over a 4-year period (in 7th or 8th grade and again during the 11th or 12th grade). factors that were examined included the daughter’s career selection, the prestige level and the education required to pursue that career, and the impact of the mother’s gender role attitudes on these factors. Both american and German girls remained consistent in their career selections over time and selected moderately prestigious careers. German girls, as compared to american, selected less traditional female occupations and careers that require more educational training. Giftedness, cultural differences, and the impli- cations for career counseling of gifted adolescent females are addressed. Numerous studies have examined vocational development, and researchers in various fields have attempted to explain why certain careers remain male-dominated despite the academic and cultural advances of women. A number of researchers have studied the career selection process of girls and women to try to understand their voca- tional development patterns (see reviews by Hartung, Porfeli, & Vondracek, 2005; Low, Yoon, Roberts, & Rounds, 2005). Gifted girls are of specific interest as researchers want to know if these early talents or vocational interests are realized and how they contribute to initial career choices. Thus, identifying developmental influences on adoles- cents and their selection of career paths is of particular importance, especially in gifted education. Jennifer Nepper Fiebig is faculty member in the psychology department at Loyola University Chicago. Erin D. Beauregard is a 2007 graduate of Emmanuel College, where she studied developmental psychol- ogy and English literature. Journal for the Education of the Gifted. Vol. 34, No. 1, 2010, pp. 45–67. Copyright ©2010 Prufrock Press Inc., http://www.prufrock.com 45 46 Journal for the Education of the Gifted • Vol. 34, No. 1 Studies have found that girls with high self-esteem are more likely to choose nontraditional occupations (Hartung et al., 2005; Watson & McMahon, 2005). In gifted adolescents, however, the positive rela- tionship between ability and self-efficacy (belief in one’s ability) may be negated by low self-concepts that many gifted adolescents hold (Kerr & Sodano, 2003). According to Kerr and Sodano (2003), the perfectionist qualities found in many gifted students often result in an inaccurate perception of their own skills and lower self-efficacy. Additionally, this trend is seen in females studying traditionally male-dominated fields such as mathematics, science, and engineering. Despite earning similar grades in these subjects as their male counter- parts, female students in high school and college consistently report feeling less competent and more unsure of themselves (Bandura, Barbaranelli, Caprara, & Pastorelli, 2001; Freeman, 2004). The National Science Board (2008) reported that during high school girls were more inclined than boys to study biology and chem- istry. Currently, women obtain more than half of all bachelor degrees awarded. However, men clearly outnumber females in engineering, physics, and computer sciences degrees and, as a result, women account for just 26% of this workforce. These facts make studying the career selection process of gifted female adolescents particularly relevant as gifted girls have the talents to major in male-dominated fields, but are not selecting to do so. Lubinski, Benbow, and Sanders (1993) suggested that gender differences in achievement among gifted students—espe- cially the underrepresentation of women in mathematics and science— are more a result of differences in interests than aptitude differences. In childhood and early adolescence, gifted girls display a higher interest in nontraditional and prestigious careers and report a higher self-efficacy for those fields than in late adolescence or early adulthood (Hartung et al., 2005; Kerr & Sodano, 2003; O’Brien, Friedman, Tipton, & Linn, 2000). Mendez and Crawford (2002) found that gifted girls in grades 6–8 were more apt to select prestigious or nontra- ditional female careers if they viewed themselves as highly motivated and hard working. Tracey, Robbins, and Hofsess (2005) observed that the interest areas of gifted adolescent girls remained relatively stable over the course of the 4 years from 8th grade through 12th grade, and O’Brien et al. (2000) saw that, although women may choose occupations that underutilize their abilities, the occupations match Occupational Aspirations of Gifted Females 47 their interests. However, with less than 1% of the 207 young women in that study ranking their career pursuits as more important than family pursuits, it appears that both gifted and nongifted girls may limit their career choices to occupations they see as being conducive to raising a family (O’Brien et al., 2000). Achter, Lubinski, Benbow, and Eftekhari-Sanjani’s (1999) study examined 432 gifted students at age 13 and then followed up when the students were 23 years old. Of the college majors selected by the gifted students, 23% of the vari- ance could be explained by their age (13 vs. 23 years), their ability, and their value scores. Gender alone could not be used to predict college major groupings. This research would suggest that career aspirations are affected by variables other than interest alone. Another topic of importance is the fact that parents play a signifi- cant role in the development of their children’s self-efficacy, thereby influencing the career choices that their children make. Researchers have found that, for both boys and girls, the mother’s career has a strong influence over the child’s career choices. Girls are much more likely to work outside the home if their mothers have a part-time or full-time job outside the home as well, and the traditionality and level of the mother’s career has a more significant impact on the choices of their children than does that of the father. The vocational aspira- tions of children are generally associated with the occupational level of the mother. Gifted girls whose mothers hold nontraditional posi- tions report a greater number of possible career choices and are more likely to enter male-dominated spheres themselves than are the daugh- ters of women who do not work or who work in traditional female fields (Hartung et al., 2005; Watson & McMahon, 2005; Whiston & Keller, 2004). Additionally, longitudinal research conducted by Bleeker and Jacobs (2004) showed that the mothers’ early gender role beliefs shaped their perceptions of their children’s ability at age 12 and that these perceptions ultimately continued to influence their daugh- ters’ career selection in nontraditional occupations (mathematics and science related fields) at age 24. The United States and Germany are Western cultural realms that should be comparable based upon the strong American influence on post-World War II Germany. However, given the many cultural similarities, there are also subtle differences that validate compari- sons in the field of career development (Costas, 2002). By specifically 48 Journal for the Education of the Gifted • Vol. 34, No. 1 addressing each country’s educational system and questions of gen- der equity, the career development of gifted female adolescents in the United States and Germany can be further examined. This sum- mary is based on a report of the German social and academic sys- tem by Costas (2002). The German academic system was founded on the Humboldtian ideal (unity between research and teaching) in 1810 and was so successful that it was exported to other countries, including the United States. Due to Germany’s numerous sustained accomplishments in science and research in the 19th and 20th centu- ries, academic careers and positions became socially prestigious and desirable and were occupied almost exclusively by males. This trend of gender segregation in academia continued to be present until the late 1980s (almost 30–50 years later than academic trends in the United States of America). Since 1990, the German federal government has provided funding programs to strongly promote women in science and achieve gender equality. It is important to realize that these affir- mative action programs are not limited to academia and to the top- level educational positions, but they are far-reaching instruments that have helped to overturn a centuries long gender inequality that was cemented at various societal levels. Fiebig (2003) examined gifted American and German early ado- lescent females and their desire to select certain careers. From a list of traditional female, neutral, or nontraditional (i.e., male dominated) careers, it was found that American gifted girls were selecting neutral career choices while the German girls were selecting somewhat more nontraditional choices. The current study expands on Fiebig’s (2003) earlier work by exploring longitudinal data on career choices in gifted adolescent females in the United States and Germany. The purpose of this study is to determine (a) if gifted adolescent females differ in their selection of possible career choices over time (7th/8th grade vs. 11th/12th grade), (b) the impact of their mother’s gender role attitudes, and (c) the extent that country of origin and cultural forces influence development. It was hypothesized that these talented girls would persist in their career selections and that if there were any differences, they would be minor. This hypothesis was based on a meta-analysis con- ducted on longitudinal vocational change (Low et al., 2005) and more specifically on work with gifted females (Tracey et al., 2005) that found vocational interests remain stable from middle school through high Occupational Aspirations of Gifted Females 49 school. Additionally, we anticipated that mothers working at least part- time and/or in nontraditional female occupations would have daugh- ters who were more apt to aspire to more male-dominated careers (e.g., Hartung et al., 2005; Watson & McMahon, 2005; Whiston & Keller, 2004). Based on the results of our previous study, we predicted German girls would select more nontraditional jobs than their American coun- terparts. The results presented here will add a critical longitudinal con- nection between gifted girls, cultural impact, maternal influence, and their career development. Method Participants Twenty-one American and 22 German gifted girls in the 11th or 12th grade and their mothers volunteered to complete a follow-up battery of separate inventory scales. The original study was conducted 4 years prior to the current study, when the girls were in the 7th and 8th grades (see Fiebig, 2003). Participants originated from Ventura County, CA, and from the states of Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg, Germany. Although multiple attempts were made to contact all previous par- ticipants and encourage their participation, only 57% of the original American population and 85% of the German population chose to take part in the current study. There was no measurable way to iden- tify whether these participant “survivors” were different from their nonparticipating counterparts. Due to their lower attrition rates and because the data collection procedure was identical, it would appear that the German girls are much more committed to the longevity of and participation in the study. Although this appearance may be sub- jective, it could be an early indication of cultural differences. Giftedness: Original Selection Procedure in the Seventh or Eighth Grade (Fiebig, 2003) Selection of U.S. sample. In 2003, the first author of the cur- rent research conducted a study in which adolescents were selected 50 Journal for the Education of the Gifted • Vol. 34, No. 1 from two public middle schools and two private Catholic schools. Public school participants were selected based on their involvement in the Gifted and Talented Education (GATE) program, which is made up of students scoring in the top 2% on state-wide scholastic ability tests (California Department of Education, 2001). Private schools do not qualify for GATE funding, but both private school principals indicated that these girls would qualify as GATE students in a pub- lic school. This assessment was based on scores that the adolescents received on a national test in sixth grade, as well as their records of academic achievement (grade point average). Once girls were identified as gifted/talented, they were given an informational flyer with a permission slip to take home explaining the study and requesting their assistance. After both the mother and daugh- ter agreed to participate, the mother signed a permission, form, thereby agreeing that a questionnaire packet could be mailed to their home. Selection of German sample. Adolescents do not undergo annual nationalized assessment tests once they are placed in the gym- nasium (college-bound track of education) system. Therefore, another means of selecting gifted/talented students had to be devised. The states of Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg have organizations designed to assist gifted children and their parents. Gifted students enter the organizations based on recommendations from teachers or other school officials. Therefore, the coordinators of these gifted organiza- tions were contacted. After determining which of their members fit the study’s criteria (e.g., gifted, female, and in either seventh or eighth grade), these organizations sent informational flyers to the mothers of those members asking for their assistance. As with the American participants, questionnaire packets were mailed to the homes of those who agreed to take part in the study. Current Participants and Common Procedures Used in Both Countries The questionnaire packets were mailed to the mothers with a one-page set of instructions explaining what they received, the number of sec- tions in each packet, the estimated time for completion, and a request not to discuss their opinions or answers to questions until after their daughters had completed their packet. Questionnaire packets were Occupational Aspirations of Gifted Females 51 marked clearly as either the “Mother’s packet” or “Daughter’s packet.” Packets were completed at home, returned by mail, and once returned were assigned a number to maintain confidentiality. To encourage participation, all returned packets were entered into a $100 drawing. The mothers’ packet consisted of a consent form, the demographic section, and several open-ended questions. The mothers’ three open- ended questions asked if they were (1) currently employed—and if so, in what field of work and how many hours per week, (2) if they had obtained more educational/occupational training during the last 4 years, and (3) if they hoped their daughters would continue their education after high school. The daughters’ packet consisted of a brief demographic section, the Occupational Checklist (OCL), and a sec- tion containing open-ended questions. The daughters’ two open-ended questions focused on (1) if they anticipated continuing their education after high school and if so, what they plan to study and (2) if they hoped to have a career once they finish their education and if so, what career. The American and German questionnaire packets were identical except for the language. Packets were translated from their original English into German by a native German speaker. The German ver- sion was then translated back into English by a native English speaker. Discrepancies were discussed between the author and the two transla- tors to arrive at the final German version. Instruments Occupational Checklist (OCL). The Occupational Checklist (OCL) was developed by Brooks, Holahan, and Galligan (1985) to assess a female adolescent’s interest in nontraditional occupations. The OCL contains 75 occupations that are weighted according to how many women are represented in that career. Careers are defined as traditional if 70% or more of the workers are female (25 occupations = 1 point each), neutral if 30%–70% of the workers are female (25 occupations = 2 points each), and nontraditional if 30% or less of the workers are female (25 occupations = 3 points each). The adolescent was asked to select either “Might choose” or “Would not choose” for each career based solely on interest and the assumption that she has the ability, financial resources, and freedom to choose that occupa- tion. To obtain a mean Sex Type score, all the “Might choose” careers 52 Journal for the Education of the Gifted • Vol. 34, No. 1 are summed with the corresponding value for that item and the total is divided by the number of “Might choose” items checked. The higher the Sex Type mean, the more the girl favors nontraditional female occupations. Brooks et al. (1985) assessed the OCL with female middle school and high school students and the 2-week, test-retest reliability was reported as .85 and .86, respectively. The mean recognition of occupa- tions at the pretest for both groups was 97%. Rainey and Borders (1997) updated the occupation titles to correspond with the 1991 U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (e.g., “Grain buyer” was no longer on the 1991 cen- sus report and was replaced by “Animal caretaker” on the current list). For the present study, as with Fiebig’s (2003) study, the updated list from Rainey and Borders was utilized. Additionally, the current authors examined the female-to-male ratio for the 75 occupations listed (to assure that occupations were still traditional, neutral, or nontraditional female occupations) against the 2000 U.S. Census Bureau (2004) data for workers between the ages of 35–54 and in large occupations, defined as 500,000 workers who are employed year round and full-time. Given this criteria (which excludes small businesses or self-employed jobs such as an artist or a plumber), 20 occupations out of the 75 were listed and all 20 held consistent to the 1985 OCL statistics for traditional, neutral, or nontraditional female occupations. The Education Level scores are calculated in much the same man- ner as the Sex Type scores. Occupations are assigned the following point values: 1 = occupations requiring a high school degree or less; 2 = occupations requiring a bachelor’s degree, but less than a mas- ter’s degree; and 3 = occupations requiring a graduate degree or more. Therefore, all the “Might choose” careers are summed with the cor- responding value for that item and the total is divided by the number of “Might choose” items checked. The Prestige Level score is based on the occupational pres- tige values cited in the Duncan Revised Socioeconomic Index of Occupational Status (Stevens & Featherman, 1981). The first author located all of the OCL occupations on the Index, recorded each occupation’s prestige value, and tallied up each value and divided by the total selected by each girl to arrive at their mean prestige score. The prestige values ranged from 18.06 (restaurant cook) up to 87.14 (physician). Occupational Aspirations of Gifted Females 53 Gender role attitudes of the mothers. The Attitudes Toward Women Scale for Adolescents (AWSA) was created to assess adoles- cents’ attitudes about women’s roles and rights in society (Galambos, Petersen, Richards, & Gitelson, 1985). The AWSA, derived from the short form of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale (Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1973), is composed of 12 items on a 4-point Likert scale (1 = agree strongly, 4 = disagree strongly). Questions are designed to assess attitudes regarding the roles and rights of women in educational, occupational, and intellectual domains (e.g., “On the average, girls are as smart as boys”) as well as dating and social etiquette (e.g., “It is all right for a girl to ask a boy out on a date”). The higher the score, the less traditional the attitudes. Fiebig (2003) used the AWSA to test both the daughters and mothers. For the current study, the moth- ers’ AWSA scores from 2003 are being compared against the current OCL scores of the daughters. For the maternal population in 2003, internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) was calculated as .72 for the American mothers and .78 for the German mothers. Demographic questionnaire. Each mother completed a brief written questionnaire regarding her age, ethnicity, and open-ended questions (as listed above). The daughters were also asked to complete a brief demographic questionnaire that asked about their grade level, age, ethnicity, their talent area, and open-ended questions also listed above. Data Analysis First, descriptive statistics were run to assess similarities or dif- ferences from the original study to the current follow-up study on various subscales (see Table 1 for Time 1 and Time 2 mean scores). A repeated-measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) was employed to assess whether the findings were significant by addressing three questions: (a) is there a difference between pre- and post-data or (b) between countries (United States and Germany), and (c) is there any interaction between pre- and post-data and the country of origin? Correlations were run on the mothers’ gender role attitudes and their impact on the daughters’ OCL scores including the educational and prestige levels. Additionally, as only a few of the questions for both mothers and daughters were open-ended in nature, these answers were first 54 Journal for the Education of the Gifted • Vol. 34, No. 1 Table 1 American and German Means and Standard Deviations at Time 1 and Time 2 Variable American mean (SD) German mean (SD) OCL: Sex Type Score—T1 1.98 (.17) 2.13 (.23) OCL: Sex Type Score—T2 1.91 (.16) 2.13 (.24) Traditional—T1 8.10 (5.6) 5.59 (4.60) Traditional—T2 7.42 (4.75) 4.77 (4.49) Neutral—T1 10.29 (3.96) 9.05 (4.09) Neutral—T2 8.90 (2.32) 8.82 (3.51) Nontraditional—T1 6.47 (3.19) 7.32 (3.98) Nontraditional—T2 5.10 (3.21) 6.64 (3.63) Total OCL Selected—T1 24.86 (11.15) 21.95 (10.96) Total OCL Selected—T2 21.43 (8.14) 20.23 (9.53) Education Level—T1 2.75 (.19) 1.78 (.26) Education Level—T2 1.77 (.24) 1.83 (.26) Prestige Level—T1 53.05 (5.60) 52.84 (8.46) Prestige Level—T2 52.45 (7.50) 55.50 (7.50) Note. T1 = Time 1; T2 = Time 2; OCL = Occupational Check List. typed verbatim and then coded manually by the authors. Any differ- ences in coded responses were discussed and corrections were made accordingly. American population. The girls ranged in age from 16 to 18 years old (M = 16.86, Sd = .91), with 12 from grade 11, 8 from grade 12, and one who did not reveal her grade. The mothers’ ages ranged from 39 to 56 (M = 48.12, Sd = 3.42). Eighteen of the mothers and 19 of the daughters were Caucasian, and one daughter and mother were Hispanic. The remaining two mothers classified themselves as “other,” and one daughter did not declare. As assessed by Fiebig (2003), the modal education for all of the mothers in the original study was a bachelor’s degree, but ranged from 8 to 21 years of education (M = 15.68, Sd = 2.47). All mothers had worked at some point in their adult life and more than half were cur- rently working.