M.M. Spafford, V.L. Nygaard, F. Gregor & M.A. Boyd / Navigating the Different Spaces 1 CSSHE SCÉES Canadian Journal of Higher Education Revue canadienne d’enseignement supérieur Volume 36, No. 1, 2006, pages 1 - 27 www.ingentaconnect.com/content/csshe/cjhe “Navigating the Different Spaces”: Experiences of Inclusion and Isolation Among Racially Minoritized Faculty in Canada Marlee M. Spafford School of Optometry, University of Waterloo Vicki L. Nygaard Intercultural Education and Training Program, University of Victoria Fran Gregor School of Nursing, Dalhousie University Marcia A. Boyd Faculty of Dentistry, University of British Columbia (Professor Emerita) ABSTRACT The intersection of multiple identities (e.g., racialization, gender, class) strongly determines an individual’s social location. In-depth interviews with 42 racially minoritized academics in Canadian universities allowed U.S. to begin to grasp the challenges faced by those who must negotiate the different spaces in an academy that is predominately white, Eurocentric and male. Using an anti-racist framework, we found that the level of inclusion that racially minoritized academics in our study felt within their workplaces depended upon their experiences with 1) acceptance (e.g., through hiring, promotion, and tenure); 2) visibility (e.g., in terms of perceived power in informal and formal work interactions); 3) support (e.g., via collegial and administrative encouragement, assistance, collaboration and resource support); and 4) mentoring (e.g., in terms of providing and seeking mentor experiences). Our fi ndings suggest that the increasing presence of 2 CJHE / RCES Volume 36, No. 1, 2006 racially minoritized academics may better serve institutional purposes of portraying a mission of diversity than actually achieving a mission of equity. RÉSUMÉ Le croisement des identités multiples telles que la racialisation, le genre et la classe sociale détermine fortement la position sociale de l’individu. Quarante-deux professeurs universitaires canadiens membres de minorités visibles se sont prêtés à une entrevue approfondie afi n de mieux comprendre les obstacles et défi s qu’ils doivent surmonter dans un milieu majoritairement dominé par des hommes blancs d’origine européenne. Analysées dans une perspective anti-raciste, ces entrevues indiquent que le niveau d’intégration au milieu académique perçu par ces professeurs issus de groupes minorisés est associé à certains critères tels que: 1) l’acceptation (comme l’embauche, l’avancement, la titularisation), 2) la visibilité (comme l’infl uence dans les relations de travail formelles et informelles), 3) le soutien (offert par les collègues ou l’administration par exemple) et 4) le mentorat (comme l’accès aux conseils d’un collègue plus expérimenté). L’analyse des résultats démontre que la présence accrue de professeurs issus de groupes minorisés sert surtout à affi cher que l’institution se diversifi e plutôt que de réellement améliorer l’équité entre les différents groupes sociaux. INTRODUCTION Interviewer: Do you think that as a woman, you do any of the work that you do – in your teaching or research – differently than comparable men do? Academic: I don’t know how to answer that question because I’m saying to myself, “I’m not just a woman, I’m a visible minority woman.” So it is that combination that . . . makes a big difference. I am the only non-White woman in the faculty. The above excerpt from our study of Canadian faculty1 points to the complexities created by the intersection of difference in an academy that is predominately White, Eurocentric and male. This academic (A16)2 was faced with the challenges of (in the words of participant A25) “navigating the different spaces” she occupied as a woman of colour in a White man’s world. Our work is informed by an understanding that the intersection of multiple identities (e.g., ethnicity, gender, class, sexual orientation, ability, age, size) strongly determines the individual’s social location (Alcoff, 1988; Dei, 1996; Maher & Tetreault, 1993). We contend that identities are not constructed individually and cannot be understood as separate entities, as liberal feminists assume about gender and racialization. The danger of liberal feminism is that the participant’s M.M. Spafford, V.L. Nygaard, F. Gregor & M.A. Boyd / Navigating the Different Spaces 3 experiences are seen through the normative lens of the White, middle-class experience (Alcoff, 1988; Dei, 1996; Maher & Tetreault, 1993). While gender- only analyses offer evidence that women are disadvantaged in the academy (e.g., Benoit, 2000; Reynolds, 2001; Wennerås & Wold, 1997), the increasing impact of additional identities must be examined to better understand the complexity of marginalization. In our study of the Canadian academy, we focused on eight academic disciplines (dentistry, education, law, nursing, optometry, pharmacy, social work, and sociology) that have been historically “White”3 and, with the exception of nursing and social work, male (Evans, 2004, McLean, 2003). Racially minoritized4 students and academics have reported experiences of disconnection and isolation in the American higher education system (Blackwell, 1989; Boice, 1993; Reid & Wilson, 1993). These experiences of inclusion or lack thereof for racially minoritized academics needs to be assessed across the Canadian landscape as there are indications that non-White Canadians too are treated differently than their White counterparts (Dhruvarajan, 1996; Hannah et al., 2002; Mukherjee, 2001; Ng, 1994; Rajagopal, 2002). Our goal in this paper is to identify and understand some of the challenges faced by racially minoritized academics in Canadian universities. We approach this goal using the interpretive lens of an anti-racist framework in an attempt to inspire dialogue that may lead to real changes in equity within Canadian academic institutions. Conceptual Framework Anti-racist critical theory argues that (1) racialization has and continues to be a fundamental organizing principle of society; (2) racism is “normal” in that it is “the usual way society does business, the common, everyday experience of most people of color” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001, p. 7); (3) racially minoritized people have a unique voice because of their social position and experiences of oppression; and (4) social justice is a central goal of anti-racist frameworks (Calliste, 2000; Dei, 1996; Dua & Robertson, 1999; Luther et al., 2003; McDowell & Jeris, 2004). Anti-racist critical theorists view “race” as a social construct that legitimates various asymmetries of power. They interrogate and challenge practices, both public and private, that hinge on racist epistemologies (e.g., Calliste, 2000; Collins, 1998; Dei, 1996). We argue that the academy, where the everyday business is the construction and dissemination of knowledge, is an important place to examine epistemologies that can and do constrain its users and their future. Negotiating the Different Spaces in Academia The intersection of racialization and gender affects hiring patterns in higher education. Rajagopal (2002) found that, in Canada, women and racial minorities represent a higher proportion of hires among non-tenured than among tenure- 4 CJHE / RCES Volume 36, No. 1, 2006 track faculty. In the mid-1990s, faculty of colour accounted for only 10% of the American professoriate and these appointments were concentrated in two-year colleges and non-tenure track positions (Astin et al., 1997). These patterns of inequity are reported widely (CAUT, 2004; Levinson & Weiner, 1991; Menges & Exum, 1983; Palepu et al., 1998; Petersdorf et al., 1989; Turner, et al., 1999; Wild, 2000; Wilson, 1987) and they echo the racial exclusivity of elite professions (Sokoloff, 1992; Staples, 1984). Contingent academic workers (i.e., full-time non-tenured, part-time non-tenured, sessional, contractual, and part-time adjunct), comprise between one-third and two-thirds of the North American academic workforce (CAUT, 2004; Moser, 2000; Mullens, 2001; Mysyk, 2001; Tudiver, 1999).5 These “invisible faculty” (Gappa & Leslie, 1993) face heavy workloads, reduced salaries, limited visibility and restricted benefi ts (Muzzin, 2003; Nygaard, 2002). With racially minoritized faculty making up a large sector of the academic contingent workforce, the plight of contingent workers is particularly relevant to racially minoritized academics. Studies of academics suggest that women and racially minoritized individuals are judged more harshly than their White male counterparts. The largest body of literature examining North American racially minoritized academics pertains to Black men and women. Their experiences refl ect similar themes in studies of other racially minoritized academics (e.g., Graveline, 2000), although some have suggested that the experiences of Blacks represent some of the most dramatic examples of academic racism in North America (Lewis, 1992; Palepu, et al., 1998; Turner et al., 1999). With a professorial representation of only 0.7%, “Aboriginal Canadians are largely absent from the ranks of academia” (CAUT, 2004, p. 1); this fi nding is suggestive of systemic racism. The relatively larger representation of Asian academics, particularly in science and engineering, has supported misconceptions that Asian faculty enjoy “exemplary” experiences (Turner et al., 1999; p. 28) devoid of racial or ethnic bias (Nakanishi, 1993). Yet, Asian academics have reported negative experiences due to stereotyping that undermine their career satisfaction (Astin, 1982; Mukherjee, 2001; Nakanishi, 1993; Turner et al., 1999). Overall, the literature provides a negative portrait of the work lives of racially minoritized academics. They are vastly under-represented among those with PhDs (Chandler, 1996; Sokoloff, 1992) and those with full-time faculty appointments in higher education (Allen et al., 2000; Darden et al., 1998; Flowers & Jones, 2003; Staples, 1984). They encounter inequitable hiring and promotion practices (Calhoun, et al., 1990; Leap, 1995; Staples, 1984; Wilson, 1997), which Staples (1984) argues are typical of the non-standardized, arbitrary recruitment and evaluation processes employed in the White-collar-world. Wilson (1997) adds that hiring and promotion practices are not necessarily “discriminatory in intent, but [they] serve to disproportionately exclude racial minorities” (p. 39). Racially minoritized faculty historically have achieved notably lower retention rates compared with their White counterparts due, in part, to lower rates of tenure (Scott, 1981; Staples, 1984). In addition, administrators and search committees M.M. Spafford, V.L. Nygaard, F. Gregor & M.A. Boyd / Navigating the Different Spaces 5 have been unwilling to provide or are unaware of the necessary resources to recruit and retain racially minoritized faculty (Knowles & Harleston, 1997). Staples (1984) argues that racially minoritized faculty face widespread intellectual racism (see James & Shadd [2001] for more on intellectual racism). They are apt to be labeled pedagogically “biased” because teaching courses with a focus on “racialization” is seen as protecting “their own” while teaching courses other than those is considered outside “their fi eld.” Racially minoritized academics are often assumed by Whites to be interested in or able to study only their own racialized group and, despite prolifi c output, racially minoritized academics may face a “not good enough” meritocracy discourse when it comes to tenure and promotion decisions. The research interests of racially minoritized faculty are more likely to be devalued either because the research area is not considered “traditional” or because there are low race-related expectations of the faculty member’s performance (Battiste et al., 2002; Battiste, 1998; Garza, 1993; Marker, 1998; Nakanishi, 1993; Paterson & Hart-Wasekeesikaw, 1994; Sands et al., 1992; Steinhauer, 1998). The literature also suggests that the heaviest teaching and service loads tend to fall on women and racially minoritized faculty with the latter being pressured to accept heavy service assignments with a “minority focus” geared toward show-casing diversity on campus (Krouse, 1999). Although studies of women (Dreher & Ash, 1990; Riley & Wrench, 1985) and racially minoritized women (Morgan, 1993; Ramey, 1993) reveal greater job success and satisfaction in the presence of mentors, these cohorts are unlikely to experience mentorship and support in academia (Essien, 2003; Turner et al., 1999). Racially minoritized faculty members are also more likely than Whites to fi nd themselves excluded from their department’s informal networks which can provide opportunities for connections and mentorship with senior colleagues (Essien, 2003). This isolation creates challenges for racially minoritized faculty who must negotiate the socialization process alone (Boice, 1993). In summary, racially minoritized faculty face barriers that in turn decrease their visibility, voice and “incorporation” within the formal and informal power relations of the academy (Essien, 2003; Turner, 2003). Turner (2003) cautions that equity within the academy will not improve if incorporation is merely a disguise for assimilation. Racially minoritized faculty must be able to be seen and be valued through something other than the normative lens of the White middle-class. Purpose As we conducted our research, we used an anti-racist critical perspective to examine the experiences of racially minoritized faculty for indications of problematic power relations within the Canadian academy. We believed that a logical, albeit undesirable, sequela of systemic power asymmetries within the academy would be a lack of inclusion experienced by those with less power. In order to address this issue, we looked for reasonable indicators of 6 CJHE / RCES Volume 36, No. 1, 2006 an academic’s sense of “inclusion” or lack thereof. Through this process, we identifi ed four types of experiences that we felt were relevant to one’s sense of inclusion: acceptance (i.e., hiring, promotion, and tenure experiences), mentoring (i.e., providing and seeking mentor experiences), support (i.e., collegial and administrative encouragement, collaboration and resource support experiences), and/or visibility (i.e., perceived power in informal and formal work interaction experiences). In their negative form, these experiences echo the elements of what has been described as the “chilly climate” that women faculty face (The Chilly Collective, 1995; Stalker & Prentice, 1998) although care must be taken to further address the impact that multiple identities has on this climate (Benjamin, 1997; Dhruvarajan, 1996; Mukherjee, 2001; Ng, 1994). Thus, our overall research question was, “Do the work experiences of racially minoritized faculty provide them with a sense of being ‘included’ or ‘excluded’ in the Canadian academy?” And towards addressing this broader question, we asked, “What are the experiences of racially minoritized faculty in Canada regarding acceptance, mentoring, support, and/or visibility?” Herein, we focus on 42 interviews of racially minoritized faculty, who negotiate and challenge these different spaces on a daily basis in Canadian universities. POSITIONING OURSELVES We have been part of a SSHRC-funded research group studying the working lives of academics in Canada. Our work has highlighted for U.S. the impact that intersecting multiple identities has on academics. While acknowledging our social location as racially privileged White women, we seek to increase our awareness of racialization and commitment to anti-racist activity. This type of approach is supported by D’Andrea and Daniels (1999) who describe a principled activist disposition that Whites can adopt to increase their racial awareness and to support needed changes to social institutions. Research Design Faculty members in eight academic disciplines were interviewed as part of two studies that examined gender retrenchment and the dynamics of knowledge production in Canadian universities. While Acker’s study focused on tenured academics, Muzzin’s study concentrated on contingent faculty. A total of 337 faculty were interviewed. In most departments, an interview with a past or present administrator was conducted in order to further elucidate the departmental power relations. Individual interviews were conducted in each province on 24 university campuses (representing over 25% of higher education institutions in Canada). Where the numbers of departments in the discipline were small, we targeted all schools. We were able to visit all nine pharmacy schools, both optometry schools, and eight of the 10 dental schools. Among the larger fi elds, convenience M.M. Spafford, V.L. Nygaard, F. Gregor & M.A. Boyd / Navigating the Different Spaces 7 sampling was used to visit 11 of 21 law schools and 12 of 38 university-based nursing schools. Interviews were also conducted in academic fi elds with a social orientation such as education, social work and sociology. Forty-two of the interview participants (12%) across the fi elds were racially minoritized and their experiences are the focus of this paper. Table 1 shows the participants’ racial origins.6 Table 1 Distribution of Racially Minoritized Participants Racial Identifi cation Number East Asian 12 South Asian 8 Aboriginal 7 Middle Eastern 5 Black Canadian 3 African 3 South American 1 Caribbean 1 Mixed Heritage 2 Total 42 Following institutional ethics approval, the face-to-face interviews were audio-recorded by research team members who were experienced in qualitative research methodologies. The interview, which lasted between 90 and 180 minutes, covered a script that included semi-structured, open-ended questions about career paths, hiring and promotion experiences, individual and institutional support, mentoring and visibility. The interviews were transcribed and rendered anonymous. The 42 transcripts were explored for emergent themes. Using discussions, this iterative approach to data collection, analysis and consultation with the research literature increased the ‘density’ of the themes and ensured that constructs driving the analysis refl ected the data (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). A coding structure emerged from examining, applying, refi ning and confi rming these themes. Typical of qualitative research methodologies, there were no pre-set numbers of observations required to display rigour or signifi cance. Rather, a given type of instance (e.g., colleague support) had to be observed repeatedly within a transcript and across the data set in order for its existence to be accepted. These common instances were clustered into themes and sub- themes and interpreted through an anti-racist framework. The excerpts chosen for inclusion in this paper tended to be the most compelling examples of the themes and subthemes we identifi ed and they represent the voices of 21 of the participants. 8 CJHE / RCES Volume 36, No. 1, 2006 RESULTS Strategies for Dealing with Isolation The racially minoritized academics we interviewed were either the only non-White academic or one of two to three racially minoritized faculty members in their academic units. While no interviewed institution was racially diverse, science-based academic units in larger urban centers tended to exhibit greater diversity than other fi elds and locations. The following three participant statements were typical: “For a long time, I was the racial minority here [in this Faculty]” (A38); “We are the only two non-White people on the faculty” (A16); and “No, no, it’s a very White faculty” (A30). Isolation was apparent in departments with limited racial diversity. The “presence” of racially minoritized faculty via what many view as “token hires” can lead to departmental complacency. Like past studies (Bronstein, 1993; Kulis & Miller, 1988; Turner et al., 1999), the participants in our study reported that being “the one” leads to isolation, work overload, and marginality. The under-representation of racially minoritized academics that we encountered in Canadian universities is consistent with earlier studies in North American universities. This under-representation has been attributed to a number of conditions including (1) inadequate primary and secondary education and resources; (2) low expectations of teachers and school counselors; (3) inadequate family support; and (4) insuffi cient mentor experiences (Battiste, 1998; Battiste et al., 2002; Marker, 1998; Moore et al., 2003; Paterson & Hart- Wasekeesikaw, 1994; Steinhauer, 1998). Racially minoritized academics in the study spoke of the superior performance required of them to prove their right to be there as most were aware of the potential backlash against actual or perceived affi rmative action or employment equity hires. For example, participant A16 said, I feel I should do well – extremely well, so that nobody will say…, “It’s because of her colour she is sitting there.” I really don’t want that to happen, so I work very hard. I always have that drive to feel that I have to do much better, or as good or much better than others, to be seen as worthy of the position that I am in and to be seen as contributing equally as the others. The belief that superior performance translates into an average reputation and that success is scrutinized along racialized lines is supported by studies of job authority determinants (Wilson, 1997) and racially minoritized faculty reports (e.g., Johnsrud & Sadao, 1998; Moore et al, 2003; Turner, 2003). A few racialized academics saw any perceived marginalization as a product of some other difference. For example, participant A34 said, M.M. Spafford, V.L. Nygaard, F. Gregor & M.A. Boyd / Navigating the Different Spaces 9 I never thought my ethnicity had anything to do with [being marginalized]. I don’t know if it’s my way of dealing with things and I never want to bring that up but I didn’t get the feeling—that had anything to do with it. This racially minoritized faculty member, who feels under-valued in her department, attributes her isolation to gender. Her analysis suggests three possibilities: (1) that racialization is not a causal factor in her marginalization in the academy; (2) that her well-being requires her not to acknowledge racial oppression; or (3) that her experiences in the Canadian academy have not been as overtly racist as in other environments. We saw examples of each of these interpretations. One Caribbean part-time academic (A24) had not expended energy in determining her ethno-racial location within the faculty: “I never really thought of it. Let me see. Hhm. I am [the only person of colour]—come to think of it.” This Black woman said she had not refl ected on her status in a professional school of about 50 academics where she was one of only two racially minoritized faculty. While she had both a Master and a PhD degree, the other 25 part-time faculty generally had no post-graduate degrees and a few tenured full-time faculty had not earned PhDs. Though an inequity was apparent, she saw her career as guided strictly by personal choice. Her acceptance of her career hinged on not contemplating that racialization played a role in it. Other participants, aware that their racial difference was an issue in the academy, noted colleagues who choose to ignore its impact. One racially minoritized academic (A26) referred to a colleague as “an Anglophile,” believing that he had shed his cultural roots and adopted the ways of his “colonizers.” Another way of managing the racialization academics experienced was to contextualize their experiences in Canada relative to earlier ones. For example, participant A34 said, I never take any affront to [discrimination in Canada] because I kind of feel that it is not only a dilemma here. It may [just] be subtle. We may want to deny it but I’ve come from [Guyana], where it was very obvious. I knew no matter what education I had, I would never get up the totem pole [sic]. Here, on the other hand, I felt maybe there might be subtle things but [the racism] was not such an intrusion and did not have such a repercussion in my life so, for me…. I don’t see it as a big issue. Other people may take more of an affront – [but] because of the extreme [racism] we faced as children, and as a young adult – I use it as a comparison. This academic demonstrated two strategies for coping in the Canadian academy. While she acknowledged she was racially minoritized, her earlier personal experiences of very overt forms of racism in Guyana made her minimize the impact of discrimination she experienced in Canada. In addition, she consciously chose cultural integration in Canada: “I have deliberately taken a path of integration.” 10 CJHE / RCES Volume 36, No. 1, 2006 Numerous participants spoke of daily experiences of racial insensitivity and intolerance. One woman (A25) noted that her White colleagues routinely confused her with another colleague of colour. There was someone else [at work] whose name was [X] and we looked nothing alike but – she was about this tall [gestures] and she was, like, tiny, little, petite – her hair was short. Really we looked nothing alike but people were constantly mixing U.S. up. Constantly! So I would just reply by mixing them up. So just – just these subtle little things that you have to work with. This faculty member chose to confront her White colleagues by pretending to confuse them though one might speculate that her “playfulness” was probably lost on her colleagues. Pointing out racially insensitive behaviour, even if it is unintended, is a risky, stressful and tiring activity especially when “these subtle little things” form a pattern of exclusion in the workplace. Another participant (A39) remembered one of her White colleagues saying, “I didn’t realize these Chinese students are so nice-looking when they’re all dressed up.” She went on to comment on hurtful types of remarks made by some colleagues: “What’s scary is I don’t think sometimes some of [my colleagues] realize what they’re saying or the impact of it.” This academic wondered how her White colleagues felt about her: “I’m sure there are [biases] towards me – it’s what I’ve felt many times.” Most racially minoritized faculty in this study acknowledged they were situated in White-dominated faculties and affected by their visible difference. In fact, only four of the racially minoritized academics we interviewed believed that racialization played no role in their working lives. To further elucidate the impact of this racialization, faculty perceptions regarding acceptance, mentoring, support and visibility were examined. Acceptance One indicator of racial equity in academia is the level of acceptance that individuals experienced regarding recruitment, hires, assignments, promotion and social fi t. Although we focused our attention on the working lives of racially minoritized academics, it should be noted that the most compelling cited examples of exclusion occurred during their time as students or professionals outside of academia. Comments suggestive of these types of negative experiences include three referring to university life: “I never faced so much racism in my life, as I did at [University X]” (A38); “[It was] obvious that [I was] going to have to set aside my Aboriginal culture and beliefs in order to get through this [program] and get my degree and that’s basically what I did” (A35); and “On the social level, [University Y] was incredibly alienating – it was so obviously a place of privilege” (A25). About half of the 42 racially minoritized faculty we interviewed held contingent positions and the majority of those in tenure-track positions had