Bibliographic Information: Cashdollar, S. E. (2018). Neither Accidental Nor Intended: Pregnancy as an Adolescent Identity Project Among Hispanic Teenage Mothers in Doña Ana County, New Mexico. Journal of Adolescent Research, 33(5), 598-622. Neither accidental nor intended: Pregnancy as an adolescent identity project among Hispanic teenagers in Doña Ana County, New Mexico And I use to, I use to tell my dad “I’m not going to be a parent. I’m not going to get pregnant, Dad. I swear I’m not stupid.” And there I was…pregnant, at fifteen. Not even sixteen or seventeen. Fifteen. I was still, I was still a kid. A kid. -Lidia, teen mother in a colonia We were happy ‘cause we were gonna be pregnant, and we were not like in a shock, like, “Oh my god this wasn’t supposed to happen.” So, she wasn’t like, planned, but she was kind of planned. -Josephina, teen mother in Las Cruces Introduction Lidia and Josephina, although living vastly different lives, both represent Hispanici teen mothers. Pregnancies like theirs have been an issue of central concern in the U.S. for decades, with Hispanic teens considered most at risk. Despite vast recent declines in teen childbearing across all racial and ethnic groups, the U.S. continues to have the highest rate of adolescent childbearing among industrialized countries (United Nations, 2014), and Hispanics remain more likely than any other racial or ethnic group to give birth as teens and twice as likely to give birth as white teens (Romero et al., 2016). Hispanic teen mothers frequently hear stories, public opinions, and expert analyses concluding that their pregnancies resulted from irresponsible decision-making, limited access to contraception resources among the poor, cultural value systems that normalize women’s subordination to men, or one of several other one-size-fits-all explanations that have informed countless policies and interventions aimed toward preventing early childbearing (Barcelos & Gubrium, 2014; Luker, 1996). Yet for Lidia, Josephina, and many of the other young Hispanic women who participated in the current study, none of these accounts alone suffice to explain their pregnancies. In this study, I present stories from two groups of young Hispanic mothers in very different social contexts. Through thematic narrative analysis (Riessman, 2008), I examine how their reproductive choices shaped and were shaped by 1 their processes of identification within the constraints of these contexts. In doing so, I aim to contribute to a growing body of literature that critiques stigmatizing, simplistic views of teen childbearing and instead privileges the voices of teen mothers themselves in order to highlight the complexity of their subjective experiences in reproductive decision-making. I begin with an overview of this literature. Vagueness in the Consequences, Causes, and Intendedness of Teen Pregnancy: Considerations of Class and Culture For decades, social scientists have questioned the supposedly dire health and economic consequences of adolescent childbearing. Though conventional wisdom holds that teen pregnancy contributes to serious medical complications as well as future poverty among teen parents and their children, a large body of research has found scant evidence that the medical complications and poor economic outcomes correlated with teen pregnancy are in fact caused by early childbearing (Hamburg, 2008; Hotz, McElroy, & Sanders, 2005; Kearney & Levine, 2012; Luker, 1996; Mullin, 2005; Voydanoff & Donnelly, 1990), suggesting that these correlations reflect selection effects. That is, teens with already depressed economic potential and poor health care are also more likely to give birth in their teen years (Hamburg, 2008; Kearney & Levine, 2012; Levine & Painter, 2003), and these factors may result in negative outcomes whether young women have their babies during adolescence or delay motherhood until their twenties or beyond. Some scholars have argued that teen pregnancy is construed as deviant, even immoral, not because it causes societal problems, but because teen mothers resist dominant prescriptions of young female sexuality, making them a convenient target of blame (Erickson, 1998; Geronimus, 2004; Luker, 1996). Racialized and classed stereotypes (Barcelos & Gubrium, 2014; Ward, 1995) such as that of the welfare mother (Sparks, 2006; Yardley, 2008) reinforce views of teen 2 pregnancy as a form of social deviance. Despite their flaws, these mainstream assumptions inform authoritative knowledge on the causes and consequences of teen pregnancy, and this knowledge in turn informs policies directed towards teenagers (Wilson & Huntington, 2006). More sympathetic views toward teen childbearing locate its causes not in adolescents’ personal irresponsibility, but in some teens’ limited contraception access, reportedly leading to overwhelmingly unintended teen pregnancies. Indeed, large-scale survey data supports the view that most teen pregnancies are accidental. For example, 82% of adolescent mothers in a 2011 national survey reported their pregnancies as unintended (Finer & Zolna, 2011). Yet analyses of these surveys has found inconsistencies in how women report their pregnancy intentions, with about 25% of mothers who respond to multiple surveys reporting different answers to questions on whether a pregnancy was intended (Bankole & Westoff, 1998; Kauffman, Morris, & Spits, 1997). This inconsistency suggests that large-scale survey data conceals nuances in pregnancy intentions, a finding that has prompted some researchers to characterize “intended” and “unintended” pregnancies as opposing ends of a continuum rather than as strict classifications (Bachrach & Newcomer, 1999). Understanding the decision-making of teens somewhere in the middle of this continuum is essential for elucidating their reproductive behaviors, as shown by findings that women and teenage girls who feel ambivalent about becoming pregnant often use contraceptives inconsistently (Brückner, Martin, & Bearman, 2004). Based on this need to better understand survey discrepancies, Santelli and colleagues (2003) call for more research that clarifies the meaning of pregnancy intentions among individual women. A number of qualitative studies on adolescent childbearing, though not explicitly focused on pregnancy intention, can help us begin to understand factors that shape whether and how teens plan to become pregnant. Class and Teen Pregnancy Intentions 3 Many of these studies suggest that socioeconomic class can help predict where some teen pregnancies fall on the continuum between unintended and intended. Pregnancy among middle- class teens with greater access to reproductive health services may sometimes signal ambivalence toward the prospect of pregnancy and its associated reproductive risk-taking (Luker, 1978). Poor teens, on the other hand, are often prone to structural and social barriers that limit their reproductive health knowledge and resources (Chernick et al., 2015; Forte & Judd, 1998; Gilliam, Warden, & Tapia, 2004), leading to a potentially greater incidence of straightforwardly accidental, unintended pregnancy. Yet reduced contraception resources are not the only disadvantage poor teens face. Poor urban black teens, for example, disproportionately experience health disadvantages in response to the chronic stressors of poverty, which drastically reduce healthy life expectancy (Geronimus, 2004). Thus, according to Geronimus, the pattern in urban black communities of childbearing in the teenage years and early twenties reflects an adaptive response to the fact that mothers are likely to be healthiest for childbearing and childrearing when they are young. Others have found that poor teens may welcome pregnancy in contexts where holding high academic and career aspirations seems unrealistic (Smith, Skinner, & Fenwick, 2011). These findings show that pregnancies in the context of poverty are not always accidental; instead, socioeconomic disadvantage can create a wide range of implications for shaping teens’ pregnancy intentions. Further, as Torres and Weeks (2006) point out, structural influences are rarely the only factors contributing to the pregnancies of poor teens. A complete analysis must also take into consideration the particular culturally constructed meanings that constitute teens’ lived experiences. Hispanic Culture and Teen Pregnancy Intentions A cultural account of adolescent sexuality recognizes that the meanings, perceptions, and 4 beliefs relevant to Hispanic teens are shaped largely by the shared values and worldviews that constitute their cultures. As such, an analysis of the cultural values to which Hispanic teens may potentially be exposed is important for understanding their sexual behaviors, including their sex, contraception, and pregnancy intentions. Such values may include conservative views of sexuality that lead community members to stigmatize teenage girls who plan for sex by accessing contraception (Erickson, 1998; James-Hawkins & Broaddus, 2016; Jimenez, Potts, & Jimenez, 2002), eschew discussions with teens about contraception (García, 2012), or structure women as subordinate to men in sexual decision-making (Gutmann, 2007). In the 1990s, Pamela Erickson’s interviews with Hispanic teens in Los Angeles revealed a cultural sexual initiation script in which young men were expected to pressure for sex, and young women were expected to be ignorant about sex and resist at first, but eventually acquiesce in a heat of the moment exchange that showed they had not been planning for sex (1998). She suggested that this cultural script accounted for a number of the unplanned teen pregnancies in the Hispanic community, especially among teens less acculturated into mainstream American values. Indeed, level of acculturation is frequently considered an important factor in Hispanic teens’ sexual and reproductive practices (see Afable-Munsuz and Brindis’s 2006 review). While this type of analysis of cultural values provides a useful starting point for thinking about the meaning systems that influence Hispanic teen sexuality, it risks becoming overly deterministic by losing sight of the view that culture is never static, but rather a dynamic process of social meaning-making (García, 2012; Taylor, 2008). Further, Hispanic groups in the U.S., formed by a conglomeration of people with diverse national origins, languages, traditions, and relationships to other Americans, are especially done a disservice by the use of a general cultural label (Bean & Tienda, 1987; Melville, 1994). Therefore, values labeled as Hispanic may better 5 be described as Hispanic cultural tropes, or recognizable patterns and meanings that continually transform yet have persisted in some respects over time among many macrosystems in which Hispanic groups participate. Agentic individuals who are exposed to these tropes can draw on them in the production of meaning-making and sense-making about themselves and their worlds (Willis, 2000). Lisa Dietrich (1998) has used this view of cultural meaning-making to understand Hispanic teen sexuality. Dietrich found the Hispanic teens she worked with to be “cultural pragmatists” who drew on various Hispanic and mainstream American cultural patterns strategically to frame their behavior. Indeed, some Hispanic teens have a wide range of cultural material at their disposal, a consideration that complicates how we understand the role of culture in shaping reproductive intentions. In short, understanding Hispanic teen pregnancy intentions will require paying adequate attention to teen agency in addition to teens’ socioeconomic and cultural contexts. The studies of teen pregnancy reviewed thus far effectively dispel the stigmatizing deviant choices narrative of teen pregnancy, but, with the exception of Dietrich’s study, their almost exclusive emphasis on socioeconomic class or ethnic cultural context obscures the ways teens strategically negotiate economic constraints and cultural values. To qualitatively understand these negotiations and better theorize the role of teen agency in their reproductive decisions, I turn to narrative models of identity development and examine ways they have been used to understand teen pregnancy. Theoretical Framework: Teen Pregnancy as Identity Negotiation Within Constraint Narrative approaches in psychology and other social sciences traditionally understand identity as a subjective, dynamic process of constructing a coherent life story (McAdams & McLean, 2013; Singer, 2004). These approaches conceptualize identity not an essence or set of values and behaviors that one has, but rather, “something that one does,” (Jenkins, 2001, p. 5). 6 Individuals construct various dimensions of identity by agentically pulling on cultural meanings and tropes, the media through which we “communicate who we are or, more accurately, who we would like to be” (Deitrich, 1998, p. 7). By reproducing dominant narratives or adopting alternative narratives about various dimensions of one’s identity, actors embrace and/or challenge the power dynamics that structure their social positioning (McLean & Syed, 2015). Acknowledging identity development as a major project of adolescence (Erikson, 1968), several scholars have applied narrative models of identity to studies of teen pregnancy, highlighting the stories that teen mothers themselves tell in order to understand how teens use reproductive decisions to make meaning about themselves and their place in society. This approach understands teen pregnancy not as an effect of certain socioeconomic or cultural contexts, but as part of a process of identity development within those contexts in which teens are active participants. Through their interviews with disadvantaged teen mothers in England, Coleman and Cater (2006) found that some teens explicitly planned to become pregnant in an effort to forge new, more positive identities and purposeful life courses. Breen and McLean (2010) and Sheeran, Jones, and Rowe (2016) recount teen narratives of pregnancy as redemption, highlighting the ways teens used childbearing and motherhood to construct positive changes and spur self-transformation into resilient young adults. Barcelos and Gubrium (2014) and Kelly (2000) also encountered redemption stories among teen mothers, along with other narratives that simultaneously reproduced and reinterpreted dominant understandings of teen pregnancy in order to strategically create nonstigmatized identities. In each of these studies, the authors focus heavily on the ways teens exercise agency as they construct their identities, negotiating dominant and alternative narratives about pregnancy and motherhood. These studies’ emphasis on agency contributes a much-needed perspective to analyses of 7 teen pregnancy that traditionally have focused more on socioeconomic and cultural contexts. Yet as McLean and Syed (2015) point out, scholars using narrative approaches often overemphasize agency in analyses of identity construction, leading them to ignore the ways these contexts constrain processes of identification. Indeed, identification takes place within macrosystems that pose a number of constraints (Bronfenbrenner, 1989; Jenkins, 2001; Luhrmann, 2001) through systems of power and oppression (Crenshaw, 1991). Various dimensions of identity – including ethnic, gender, and class identity – are ascribed within hierarchies of power that may constrain the meaning available for processes of identification, and the individual must negotiate aspects of identity within these constraints (McLean & Syed, 2015). Thus, a complete analysis of teen pregnancy will involve integrating these agency-centered approaches with those that highlight social contexts and power dynamics. In this study, I combine narrative approaches to identity construction, which focus primarily on actors’ agency, with structural and cultural approaches to teen pregnancy, which focus primarily on macro-level constraints through socioeconomic pressures and ethnic-group norms, in order to understand teens’ reproductive decision making. I argue that teens must negotiate dominant narratives about their ethnic, class, and gender identities as they make reproductive decisions, but that some teens are more limited than others in amount of freedom they have in this process. Integral to this analysis is the role of intersectionality, which recognizes the limitations of using any one axis of identification – whether ethnicity, gender, or class – as an analytical category (McCall, 2005). Instead, an intersectional approach to identity construction examines how various dimensions of identity interlock to produce unique social locations, positioning individuals to construct their identities in the context of highly particular disadvantages and privileges (Crenshaw, 1991; Hill Collins, 1990). According to this framework, 8 teens may make decisions about sex, contraception, and pregnancy according to the intersecting ethnic, class, and gender characteristics assigned to them or to which they aspire within the macrosystems in which they operate. As such, this study analyzes teens’ narratives about their pregnancy intentions as contributing to larger projects of sense-making about who they are. Through interviews with 15 young Hispanic mothers, I address the following research questions: 1. How did Hispanic teenage girls make decisions about sex, contraception, pregnancy, and motherhood? 2. How did the teens’ intersectional ethnic, class, and gender positioning influence these reproductive decisions? 3. How did the teens’ decisions about sex, contraception, pregnancy, and motherhood in turn shape their intersectional ethnic, class, and gender identities? 4. To what extent did these teens feel agency and/or constraint in making reproductive decisions and constructing their identities? Methods All of the young mothers who participated in this study lived in Doña Ana County, New Mexico, a county that is 67% Hispanic (US Census Bureau, 2015) and over the past 10 years has had one of the highest rates of adolescent births in New Mexico, (NM-IBIS, 2015), a state which in turn has one of the highest rates of teen births in the nation (The National Campaign, 2016). In 2014 Doña Ana county had a rate of a rate of 36.0 births per 1,000 teenage girls (NM-IBIS, 2015), well above the national average of 24.2 (Romero et al., 2016). With a population equally split between the small city of Las Cruces and rural communities federally designated as colonias that surround the city, the county harbors a range of class and ethnic identities. Las Cruces residents, for example, enjoy high employment rates and mostly middle class incomes, while colonias residents often rely on seasonal farm labor jobs that place their incomes hovering at the federal poverty level. Additionally, Las Cruces residents are less likely to be recent immigrants than colonias residents, many of whom emigrated from Mexico (US HUD, 2016) and speak monolingual Spanish, with the exception of the youth, who learn English in their 9