DOCUMENT RESUME HE 029 015 ED 393 349 Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the National TITLE Association of State Universities and Land-Grant Colleges (107th, Chicago, Illinois, November 6-8, 1994). National Association of State Universities and Land INSTITUTION Grant Colleges, Washington, D.C. PUB DATE 94 NOTE 95p. National Association of State Universities and Land AVAILABLE FROM Grant Colleges, One Dupont Circle, N.W., Suite 710, Washington, DC 20036-1191. Conference Proceedings (021) Collected Works PUB TYPE MF01/PC04 Plus Postage. EDRS PRICE *College Role; *Colleges; Economic Development; DESCRIPTORS Federal Aid; Financial Audits; Futures (of Society); Government Role; Government School Relationship; Higher Education; *Land Grant Universities; Outreach Programs; State Universities; Universities Bylaws; *National Assn of State Univ and Land Grant IDENTIFIERS Coll; Sustainable Agriculture ABSTRACT This proceedings presents the discussion, business meetings, lectures, and speeches delivered at the 107th Annual Meeting of the National Association of State Universities and Land-Grant Colleges (NASULGC), including the organization's financial statement for December 31, 1993 and 1992. A report on the assembly, a list of elected heads of the association, a list of member institutions in 1994, and copy of the by-laws are included. Also included are remarks from the general session by Ellen Goodman, national columnist; the remarks given at the Council of Presidents Lunchecn by Ernest L. Boyer on the higher education reform movement; and the text of the 1994 Seaman A. Knapp Memorial Lecture, "The Renaissance of Outreach in the Land-Grant Tradition" by Albert C. Yates, president of Colorado State University. The questions, answers, and exchanges of a joint programs session on "The Evolving Role of State Universities in the System of State Government Priorities: How and Where Should Our Institutions Position Themselves in Their States by the Year 2001?" are included. Finally, Thomas Malone's presentation, "Sustainable Human Development: A Paradigm for the 21st Century" is included. (a) *********************************************************************** * Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. *********************************************************************** PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE AND DISSEMINATE THIS MATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY U 3 DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION Office of Educational Research and Improvement EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER IERICI /This document has been reproduced as received from the Pers0 Or organization Originating it C Minor changes sane been made to improve TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES reproduction quklity INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) Points of view or opinions Stated in this docu BEST COPY AVAILABLE merit do not necessardy represent official OEM osition or policy Proceedings of the 107th Annual Meeting Universities The National Association of State and Land-Grant Colleges November 6-8, 1994 Chicago, Illinois Published by Universities The National Association of State and Land-Grant Colleges One Dupont Circle, N.W. Suite 710 Washington, D.C. 20036 (202) 778-0818 I) Table of Contents General Session: Remarks by Ellen Goodman, Columnist 1 Boston Globe Council of Presidents Luncheon: Remarks by Ernest L. Boyer, President The Carnegie Foundation for the 13 Advancement of Teaching Seaman A. Knapp Memorial Lecture: Remarks by Albert C. Yates, President 22 Colorado State University Joint Program Session: Council on Academic Affairs, Council on Governmental Affairs, and Council on University Relations and Development. Remarks by Michael Crow, Columbia 36 University Plenary Session: Commission on Food, Environment, and Renewable Resources: Remarks by 50 Thomas Malone, North Carolina State University 60 The Assembly 61 Treasurer's Report 68 Elected Heads of the Association 72 Member Institutims, 1994 78 Bylaws 4 General Session Address Ellen Goodman Boston Globe Columnist November 6, 1994 dubious credentials I was asked to I tried to figure out why with these here as an emissary from the real talk to educators. I suppose I am 1 in that world. world and as an observer of change minutos this afternoon is to talk What I would like to do for a few live and workthe fractious world about the larger world in which you expectations on you and beyond the campus that puts such enormous on your students. about my own job. I was described Let me start by saying something overhearing columnist. I remember years ago, a few minutes ago as a asked what's friend that. The friend reasonably my daughter telling a while and finally said, "My mother gets a columnist. Katie thought a thinks." paid to tell people what she need two qualifications: nerve and To be a columnist, however, you that your view of the world is endurancethe egocentric confidence read and the endurance to write important enough to write and to be day after day, year after year. He of this endurance contest. I have a colleague who dropped out Being a columnist is like being explained the business this way: time you think you are through, married to a nymphomaniac. Every again. you have to start all over analogy. This is an unenlightened but fairly accurate things. They tell people what has But newspapers in general do two I am in the what-it-means happened and they tell them what it means. end of the business. Over the last 25 years as our personal lives and our public life have become more complex, as we've been force fed more and more information, it has become much more important to wrest some meaning out of daily events. So as a bona fide member of the what-it-means journalism, I have the task of trying to make some sense out of the world we live in. In some modest, incomplete ways we are in the business of the business of education. We have that in common. Making sense is not easy when news in front of us is O.J. Simpson or the politics of anger. It's not easy when most of the media dialogue in America has been reduced to opinion-hurling contests on television in which people compete for the most extreme position, in which we attempt to fight, rather than to enlighten. It's especially not easy when you write about the subjects that have interested me during my career. If I had to put one word over my work, the word would be values. Indeed, I named my most recent book of columns, Value Judgments. And that's what I wanted to talk about today. You as educators and I as a journalist are at the eye of a hurricane swirling around the word values. Frankly, I thoughi of dedicating my remarks today to the two rum who inspired the title of my speech, "Value Judgments"--Dan Quayle and Woody Allen. An odd couple if there ever was one. It was the vice president and the filmmaker who were two bookends of the spectrum on just one of the great debates of our time and they made me think about that spectrum. They made me think about value judgments. Let me tell you why. Probably one of the more bizarre footnotes in American history was recorded the day two years ago when Dan Quayle took on a fictional character named Murphy Brown. He said that, "Murphy Brown--a chazacter who supposedly epitomizes today's intelligent, highly paid, 2 professional woman--mocked the importance of fathers by bearing a child alone and calling it just another lifestyle choice." Now since then Mr. Quayle has rewritten his own history, and most him Americans, cursed with a short-term-memory loss, haven't held up to the original remarks. single But on that day in 1992, he began an enormous uproar about It About Family Values. mothers, abortion, absent fathers. culminated with buttons at the Republican convention that read, dare "Dan's Right, Murphy's a Tramp." Now it says something--I becomes the text not think what--when a fictional television creature for one of the great social debates of our era about family. The right wing had, to put it mildly, no reluctance making judgments about a fictional mother and tagging other real mothers at the same back the time. Many of us, myself included, had no trouble beating Quayle attack. Allen had Then along came the news that the 57-year-old Woody proclaimed his love for the 21-year-old daughter of his former lover, shrieking. Mia Farrow. Many of us, myself included, had no trouble He was, to put it mildly, unencumbered by traditional values. Allen's I still recall the testimony of the psychologist at Woody custody trial. These children seem to have been assigned a shrink at saint. birth or adoption, the way other children are assigned a patron and the I will read just a short exchange between the lawyer The psychologist. The lawyer asked the shrink: Was Woody evil? is shrink answered: I would say this was someone whose judgment very impaired. The lawyer asked the shrink: Was Mia wrong in her rage? [The shrink answeredl "I felt that for her to see Mr. Allen as an all-bad person was an overreaction." 3 It went on and on like this. It occurred to me that the only sane person at that trial was 14-year-old Moses Farrow Allen who had wriuen Woody: "Everyone knows not to have an affair with your son's sister." What struck me was that the Dan Quayle right *ing makes judgments as easily as the knee jerks. But the Woody Allen wing has no judgment at all. And many of us who observe this odd debate from the middle and progressive end of the spectrum have become too paralyzed to make value judgments at all. Now I do not side with people who want to put good and evil stickers on every piece of behavior. There are enough zealots in the world search for biblical proof that spandex is a creation of the devil. I am not comfortable with people who rush to judgment. But over the past half-dozen years, it seems to me that we have been wrestling with issues that can only be described as issues of values. Indeed, my own computer search tells me that my newspaper had 642 articles in the past year that used the word values. But the word has been loaded down with heavy political and moral implications. It was usurped by the right wing, the same people who took possession of another word: family. Value judgments are still associated with commandments, ten or more. The phrase implies a clear cut, prepackaged set of one-size fits-all moral strictures. When we think of value judgments, we think of knez jerks rather than struggles. My own dictionary defined value judgments this way: "an estimate made of the worth, goodness, of a person, action, event of the like, especially when making such a judgment is improper or undesirable." The dictionary makes a value judgment against value judgments. So do many of us who are uncomfortable with the conservative or reactionary meaning of the phrase "traditional values." Indeed, 4 people who see the world in complex or personal terms often shy away from the words all together. But judgment isn't the opposite of understanding or even compassion. To be valueless is not a compliment. The truth is that we all make decisions and choices. We use our own judgment, and base that judgment on our own values. My favorite phrase about education comes from the architect Walter He wrote: "The human mind is like an umbrella--it Gropius. functions best when open." But at times I am afraid the close-minded have become the most open-mouthed. While the open-minded, and I most certainly include educators, teachers among this group, are often uncertain, even inarticulate in using this language. I am convinced that to give up the language of values is to leave a powerful vocabulary to others, whether we agree with their definitions and their views or not. It's also to abandon the argument, and the struggle to mark out common ground in a country It's to abandon the intellectual that often seems splintered. marketplace. So I talk about value judgments, in part, to take back the terms of the with argument. To allow people to use this language and to wrestle the demons and the hard questions that face us in public and private life that are indeed questions of our values. If you want to think about how hard it is to talk about values in non- traditional terms, think about Hillary Clinton. We have all seen a dozen Hillarys since she first appeared as First Running Mate. The I'm-not-the-Tammy-Wynette Hillary, the cookie baking Hillary, the health care gum. But she took the worst beating from the media when she was actually caught talking about the meaning of life and politics of meaning. She was trashed as a virtue-monger for suggesting that "we need a new politics of meaning. We need a new ethos of individual responsibility and caring...a society that fills us up and makes us feel we are part of " 5 something bigger than ourselves." The New York Times dubbed her Saint Hillary. The New Republic went after her as sophomoric. And those were the liberals. Now it is absolutely true that Hillary Clinton is a lightning rod for our tine whatever she does. There hasn't been as controversial a woman in the White House since Eleanor Roosevelt. Recently I asked Doris Goodwin, the Roosevelt historian, why Hillary is even more controversial than Eleanor. She said that Eleanor Roosevelt was so far ahead of her time as a woman that she was considered an eccentric. Today, Hillary Clinton is a Rorschach test of how people feel about changing roles of women. As Doris said, "Any man can worry that he [will] wake up in the morning and find out that his wife has become Hillary." But both Hillary and Eleanor Roosevelt talk about values and the moral meaning behind public policy. And that is challenging. The point is many of us are much more comfortable talking about policy than about meaning--as if the two weren't connected. And indeed, they have often been disconnected, or mis-wired in ways that ignite sparks, huge cultural fires. In the last decade, progressives and moderates have been uneasy talking about values and yet we need the common language. We need to work our way through to a new common moral grounding in order to hold together our increasingly fragmented society. Let me give you a few examples of the values questions we' ve been wrestling with over the last couple of decades. Perhaps the most intriguing issues for the values debate is about the In this election, for relationship between public and private life. example, in many places character has become THE political issue. When I was growing up, Americans knew a President almost solely çed, earlier than that, during the time when by his public behavior.