DOCUMENT RESUME FL 021 594 ED 365 099 _ AUTHOR Marlett, Stephen A. Goals and Indirect Objects in Seri. TITLE PUB DATE 93 21p.; In: Work Papers of the Summer Institute of NOTE Linguistics, 1993. University of North Dakota Session, Volume 37; see FL 021 593. PUB TYPE Research/Technical (143) Reports Speeches/Conference Papers (150) MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. EDRS PRICE DESCRIPTORS Language Research; Language Typology; *Linguistic Theory; Semantics; *Structural Analysis (Linguistics); Syntax; *Tenses (Grammar); Uncommonly Taught Languages; *Verbs IDENTIFIERS *Seri ABSTRACT A number of Seri verbs display a sensitivity to whether a goal, which is a term used for recipients, adressees, etc., is singular or plural. The data presented in this paper are of typological interest. It is argued that Seri has indirect objects, but that there is no one-to-one mapping between the semantic role goal and either the syntactic relation of indirect object or any oblique relation. Data and arguments are also presented that are of theoretical interest. First, it is argued that there are verbs that govern both 3-2 Advancement and 2-3 retreat, establishing the existence of ti.., latter in human language. Second, it is proposed that a degree of simplification of the Seri grammar may be achieved by adopting a Minimality principle. This principle predicts that certain revaluations should not be expected in Seri, and permits simplification of the lexical entries of verbs. (JL) *********************************************************************** * * Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made * * from the original document. *********************************************************************** "PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THIS MATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY U.S. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION Othce of Educational Research and improvement EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) /his document nas been reproduced as recervecl from the person or oroantzabon ongtnattng 0 Minor changes have been made to improve TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES reproductron Qua Iny INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC)." Points ol view or optnions Mateo in this docu GOALS AND INDIRECT OBJECTS IN SERV ment do not necessarily represent &boat OERI POsttion or boscy Stephen A. Marlett Summer Institute of Linguistics, Mexico University of North Dakota Introduction 1 2 Direct objects, indirect objects and obliques 2.1 Agreement properties 2.2 Transitive allomorphy 2.3 Object marker 2.4 Passivization 2.5 Relational nouns 3 The Minimality Principle 4 The proposals 4.1 Subcategorization for singular 3s 4.2 3-2 Advancement 4.3 2-3 Retreat 4.4 Indirect object registration morphology 5 Alternative analyses 6 Conclusions 1 Introduction A significant group of Seri verbs display a sensitivity to whether a Goal is singular or plura1.2 (I use the term 'Goal' as a cover term for 'Recipients', 'Addressees', etc.) A verb such as {mat i} 'give', for example, has the subcategorization frame [1 3/Sg]; that is, it accepts only a subject and an indirect object, and the indirect object must be singular.3 With such verbs, if the Goal is plural, it must appear as a relational noun phrase (an Oblique). The data which appear in this paper are of typological interest. I argue that Seri has Indirect Objects, but there is not a one-to-one mapping between the semantic role Goal and either the syntactic relation of Indirect Object or any oblique relation. Unlike in Southern Tiwa, where there is optionality in the mapping according to Rosen's 1990 analysis, the mapping in Seri is mediated by subcategorization frames which are sensitive to number. This paper also presents data and arguments which are of theoretical interest. First, I argue that there are verbs which govern both 3-2 Advancement and 2-3 Retreat, / establishing more firmly tin: existence of the latter in human language.4 One argument I appreciate the discussions of these facts that I have had with David Perlmutter, Carol Rosen, and Chuck Speck. 2Some of the facts presented here are discussed in Marlett 1981, but the analyses differ in several points. 31 use the standard Relational Grammar notation, I (Subject), 2 (Direct Object), 3 (Indirect Object). BEST COPY AVAILABLE 2 SIL-UND Work Papers page 1 1993, Vol. XXXVII page 2 Mar lett for this analysis over a monostratal analysis is based on the fact that, with certain verbs, the presence (or absence) of an initial Indirect Object is registered on the verb. A second argument against a monostratal analysis is based on the fact that one loses the ability to posit a simple subcategorization frame for certain verbs. Second, I propose that a degree of simplification of the Seri grammar may be achieved by adopting a Minimality Principle. This principle correctly predicts that cer- tain revaluations should not be expected in Seri. It also permits simplification of the lexical entries of verbs. This paper is organized as follows: in section 2 I show a set of facts which are the basis for distinguishing between Obliques, Indirect Objects, and Direct Objects. In section 3, the Minimality Principle is introduced and its predictions explained. In section 4 I discuss verbs which show the need for other key proposals: (a) differential treatment of singular and plural Goals with respect to initial grammatical relations, (b) lexically-governed 3-2 Advancement, (c) lexically-governed 2-3 Retreat, and (d) mor- phology which is sensitive to initial 3hood. In section 5 I discuss alternative analyses of the verbs in question, including one in which there is simply a more complex skewing in the mapping of semantic roles to grammatical relations. 2 Direct objects, indirect objects, and obliques It is important to be able to distinguish between Direct Objects, Indirect Objects, and Obliques in Seri. Each of these grammatical relations (or classes of gram- matical relations, in the case of Obliques) has different properties. These properties are discussed below. 2.1 Agreement properties Seri has three way person agreement on the verb: Subject, Direct Object, and Indirect Object agreement. The underlying forms of the agreement morphemes are given in Table 1. Number is not distinguished for Indirect Object Agreement. Final Subjects determine Subject agreement, final Direct Objects determine Direct Object agreement, and final Indirect Objects determine Indirect Object agreement.5 Verb stems also reflect the number of the final Subject by changes in the root and/or suffixation (see Mar lett 1990). In nonpassive clauses, Goals determine Direct Object agreement in some clauses and Indirect Object agreement in others. In (1) the Goal is a final 2 and determines Di- rect Object agreement. In (2) the Goal is a final 3 and determines Indirect Object agreement.6 (These clauses are also discussed more below.) The abbreviation 'F2' represents 'final direct object'. 4See the discussion in Perlmutter 1990. 5Direct Object chomeurs also determine Direct Object agreement. See the discussion of Seri imper- sonal passives in Mar lett 1984. I assume that those Obliques which determine Indirect Object Agreement are final Indirect Objects. This analysis is discussed in Mar lett 1990 (p. '33), but in that article the terminology 'Oblique Agree- ment' was used nevertheless. 6The first line of the example is close to a phonemic transcription; the second line is essentially the Goals and Indirect Objects in Seri page 3 Table 1: Agreement morphemes Direct Object Subject Indirect Object I I ?a- in imperatives) - , ?im- 7po ? p - 1 - ( s 7 j lp ?igi- ?a- - ?m I ma- 2s mm- in- 2p magi- ma- M2- (unmarked) (unmarked, but see sec. 2.3) 3 ko I I 7intmiiit (1) 7im-t-miiit lsDO-R1-ask 'did s/he ask me?' (2) ?z?AamX ?a-?-aa-amX 1I0-Im-Dat-say 'say it to me!' 2.2 Transitive allomorphy Various morphemes display suppletive allomorphy which is sensitive in whole or in part to the presence ofa final Direct Object in the clause. Theo facts therefore provkie a positive test forthe Direct Object relation. For example, there are two sup- pletive allomorphs ofthe first person singular Subject prefix: occurs ifthe clause is {7} finally transitive, { ?p} ifit is finally intransitive. Anotherexample ofsuch allomorphy is found with the infmitive prefix: ifthe clause is finally intransitive, the prefix is ifthe clause is finally transitive, the prefix is { likal; i?a}. i?pyomA0p (3) 7p-yo-m-a0p 1sSI-Dt-N-arrive 'I didn't arrive' (4) i?yomi?o ?-yo-m-a/o 1sST-Dt-N-see 'I didn't see him/her/it' underlying form. (Complete analyses of verb and noun stems are not presented due to complications dis- cussed in Marlett 1990.) A couple of verbs use a capital C in their underlying form. This represents the empty consonant position discussed in Marlett and Stemberger 1981. 4 page 4 Marlett (5) ikáciv ika-a0p Inf I -arrive arrive' 'to (6) iTh?o i?a-a?o InfT-see see (it)' 'to 2.3 Object marker When a clause has a third person final Subject and a third person final Direct Object, the prefix { occurs on a finite verb.7 The verb form for 's/he saw it/her/him' is 'OM-Dt-see'). In (7) the Goal is a final 2; the Object Marker iyOo? o ({ i -yo -a?o} occurs. ktám kix tAitom kmAam kop itmiiit (7) ktam kix t-aitom kmaam kop i-t-miiit the Rl-speak woman the M-R1-ask man 'the man spoke, he asked the woman...' 2.4 Passivization Only Direct Objects can be passivized in Seri. If a nominal can be a passive Subject, it can also be a Direct Object in an active clause. In (8), a Goal has been pas- sivized. This is possible it can also surface as a Direct Object in Sefi, as in (9). (8) giXkám ki? giXkám k? ?p-t-p<A>-aCa fish 1sSI-R1-Pv-give the I given fish?' 'was (9) iXkám ki? ?imiya ?im-mi-aCz giXkám k? fish the lsSI - Px - give 's/he gave me fish' 2.5 Relational nouns Final Obliques surface as possessors of relational nouns. I restrict discussion here to the Oblique relations which I call ObliquelN and ObliqueoN. A Locative ObliquelN occurs as possessor of the relational noun {ino} 'in, to, from', as shown in (10). 7This prefix also occurs on Subject nominalized forms under slightly different conditions. It occurs on finite verbs under certain other conditions which are not relevant here. See the discussion in Marlett 1984. It should not be confused with epenthetic vowels which occur to prevent a syllable onse! cluster from beginning with a sonorant. Goals and Indirect Objects in Seri page 5 ?AXg (10) kop ?amari ak Ano kApi?a ?a-aXg kop ?amin ak ano k-ap=?a Ab-pet the interior the 3P/in SN-stand-Dec 'the dog is inside the house' A Locative ObliqueoN occurs as possessor of the relational noun 'on', as { at* shown in (11). iti nskAmom (11) ?a?a i-ati m-si-m-oom<SR> ?a=?a 3P-on 2sS-Ir-N-lie Aux-Dec 'you shouldn't lie down on it' 3 The Minimality Principle In a theory in which nominals may revalue from one grammatical relation to another, numerous possibilities exist. Various of these are ruled out by the Oblique Law, namely Oblique to Oblique, 3 to Oblique, 2 to Oblique, and 1 to Oblique (Perlmutter and Postal 1983). Other possibilities remain, however, of which some are attested in Seri, but some are not. (12) Oblique to 3 Attested Oblique to 2 Not Attested 3 to 2 Attested 3 to 1 Not Attested 2 to 3 Attested 2 to 1 Attested 1 to 2 Not Attested 1 to 3 Not Attested As Gerdts 1992 points out, such facts require explanation. I propose that much of the asymmetry shown above for Seri can be explained by the following principle: (13) Minimality Principle: Unless otherwise stipulated, revaluations are minimal. This principle would correctly allow for all of the attested revaluations and all of the unattested revaluations in Sefi shown above, with the exception of 1 to 2 (Antipassive). The nonexistence of the latter, if true, must be stipulated. In languages where Obliques advance to 2, the revaluation of Oblique to 2 is still in keeping with the Minimality Principle if one assumes the Landing Site Principle (Gerdts 1992), of which Part A interests us here: (14) Landing Site Principle (part A): Only morphosyntactically-licensed argu- ment positions can be revaluation landing sites. In some ways, the Minimality Principle is like the Universal Sonority Scale in phonology. It is not inviolable cross-linguistically, but the grammar of a language is less marked and more highly valued if it is consistent with the principle. The grammar of Seri will also include other information. Passive, Unaccusative 6 page 6 Marlett Advancement, and Oblique to 3 Advancement are not lexically governed. But 2-3 Retreat and 3-2 Advancement are governed by particular predicates. Once this is known, the lexical entries for the verbs in question may simply specify [+Retreat] or [+Advance]. 4 The proposals In this section I motivate various simple proposals for the understanding of Seri grammar, and show how they interact to yield the superficially complicated situation that we find. 4.1 Subcategorization for singular 3s I posit that several verbs in Seri subcategorize for an optional or obligatory singular 3. That is, they accept a 3 in their 'relational valence',8 but only if it is singular.9 If something like a plural Goal is to be expressed, it must be an Oblique and appear as a relational noun.10 The following pairs of examples illustrate this fact (certain final grammatical relations of the Seri are indicated in the free translation): tOotek pak (15) ?mka.mxk tootxwk pak ?m-k-amxk cholla some 1I0-Im-deliver 'bring some cholla cactus (F2) to me (F3)!' (16) tom k? ?ino kAmxk tom k? ?i-ano k-amxk money the 1P-in Im-deliver 'bring the money (F2) to us (F0b1)!' (17) mm?pyimti mm-?p-yo-mmti 2I0-1sSI-Dt-give 'I gave to you (F3)' (18) komkAak takoi ano ?pyimti komkAak takoi ano ?p-yo-ati people those 3P/in 1sSI-Dt-give I gave to those people (F0b1)' 8This terminology is from Rosen 1981. 9i purposefully avoid examples with causativized verbs. A clause union analysis would lead one to expect the Subject of the inner verb to very possibly appear as an Indirect Object (Davies and Rosen 1988). This is what regularly happens with such verbs, as shown by the following example, where the verb glossed 'show' is a causative form of 'see'. mikanOaa kom ?a?akOoTotim (i) mi-kanOaa kom ?m-?-akilo?otim 2P-boat the lIO-Im-show/M 'show us (F3) your boat (F2)!' But such verbs are therefore less interesting than simple verbs. 10Rosen 1990 makes a similar claim for Southern Tiwa. She claims that certain recipients may be realized as either Obliques or as Indirect Objects. This proposal requires a weakening of any claim of direct relation between semantic role and initial grammatical relation. Goals and Indirect Obi?.cts in Seri page 7 ko?yAamX (19) ko-?-yo-aa-amX 3I0-1sST-Dt-Dat-say 'I said it to him/her (F3)' (20) mino ?piomX mi-ano ?-yo-amX 2P-in 1sST-say said it to you (pl.) (F0b1)' 'I (21) kino kAmX ki-ano k-amX 3P-in Im-say 'say to them (F0b1)!' it The subcategorization frame for two verbs of this group would be: 'deliver (22) 1 2 (3/Sg) { amxk} [ ] (23) 'give' 3/Sg {zzt. [ 1 ] These verbs contrast with a verb such as { 'take away forcefully', which allows kag it} for singular or plural Goals as Indirect Objects. tom k? (24) ?miyokáLit tom k? ?m-i-yo-kagit money the 1I0-0M-Dt-take.forcefully 's/he took the money away from me (F3)' (25) tom k? ?miyokáLitim tom k? ?m-i-yo-kagitim money the 1I0-0M-Dc-take.forcefully/M 's/he took the money away from us (F3)' (26) 'take away forcefully' kag t } 1 2 3 { [ 1 One verb commonly appears with Goals, and yet does not subcategorize for a 3 at all. It is therefore relationally a monotransitive verb. Singular and plural Goals both appear as relational nouns. (27) simmt ki? miti itAom simmt k? mi-ati i-t-aom bread the 2P-on OM-R1-beg 's/he was begging for bread (F2) f'rom you (FObl) (28) giiX kXdtik k? ?in itaom giiX k-Xatfk k? ?i-ano i-t-aom thing thin the 1P-in OM-R1-beg 's/he was begging for a tortilla (F2) from us (F0b1) The subcategorization frame for this verb would be: 'beg' (29) 1 [ faorril 2 ] 8 page 8 Mar lett 4.2 3-2 Advancement A number of clauses have GoaN as final Direct Objects. In such clauses, the Goal determines Direct Object agreement, and the clauses are finally transitive by all available tests. The proposal I make is the standard one within Relational Grammar analyses: these verbs require 3-2 Advancement. The following verbs have simple subcategorization frames, yet require 3-2 Ad- vancement." (30) 'tell' ai} [+ Advance] [ 1 ] { 3 (31) 'give' I az<SR>1 [+ Advance] 2 3 (2 is specific) [ 1 ] (32) 'give mCa} [+Advance] 2 3 (2 is generic) 1 { [ ] (33) 'pay' {aipot} [+Advance] [ (3) (2) 1 1 The 3 in clauses with these verbs always advances to 2. It determines the pres- ence of the Object Marker (if Subject and Direct Object are third person) in the following examples. (34) Ox imi oX i-mi-ai thus OM-Px-tell 'thus s/he told him/her/them (F2)' (35) OX iyóaam oX i-yo-aaam thus 0M-Dt-tell/P1 'thus they told him/her/them (F2)' It also determines Direct Object agreement in sentences such as those which follow. (36) OX oX thus 1pDO-Px-tell 'thus s/he told us (F2)' (37) ki? ma? ita tOra tom k? ma-?-t-am<SR> money the 2sD0-1sST-R1-give 'did I give you (F2) the money ?' (38) g iXlcám ki? matka giXkám k? ma- t -mcm fish the 2sDO-R1-give 'did s/he give you (F2) fish?' 11The initial 2 (Theme) is a 2-chomeur in the final stratum. Some of these verbs enter into argu- ments for the analysis of passive clauses in Seri in Marlett 1984, which also provides additional evidence Goals and Indirect Objects in Seri page 9 (39) magitkmaipotim magi-t-m-aipotim 2pDO-R1-N-pay/M 'didn't s/he pay you (pl.) (it)?' As a 2, the initial 3 may also passivize and be the final Subject, and as such be an Equi victim. (40) ki? ?pyopk?m tom k? tom ?p-yo-p<A>-mm<SR> money the 1sSI-Dt-Pv-give 'I was given the money' (41) giXkam k? ikapk?m ?miimgo giXkam k? ika-p<A>-mm<SR> ? -mi-amgo f ish the Inf I -Pv -give 1sST Px -want 'I want to be given the fish' ginárn k? (42) ikapkm ?miimgo giXICam k? ika -p<A>-mCm ? -mi -amgo fish the InfI-Pv-give 1sST-Px-want 'I want to be given fish' 4.3 2-3 Retreat Some clauses have Themes as final Indirect Objects. In such clauses, the Theme determines Indirect Object agreement, and the clauses are finally intransitive if there is no other nominal as Direct Object. I claim that the verbs in question require 2-3 Ret reat. The subcategorization frames for these verbs are:12 1 2 (3/Sg) (43) { aasot} 'lend' [+Advance] [+Retreat] [ J 1 2 (3/Sg) { ital./6.a} (44) 'sell' [+Advance] [+Retreat] [ These verbs may both occur without a Goal as 3, either because the Goal/3 is optional, or because any Goal/3 must be singular. In the following examples, note that for the 3-2 Advancement analysis. 12The root { itai?Aa} may mean either 'buy' or 'sell', depending on the frame in which it occurs. Our interest here lies with the use as 'sell'. The following examples with the frame for 'buy' show that it is a typical transitive verb (no Source allowed). ki? isitaiTha kátXo giXkam (ii) pak ?aya ginam k? k-atXo pak ?a=ya fish the SN-be.much some 0M-Ir-buy/sell Aux-Int 'will s/he buy a lot of fish (F2)?' kap i?atailaa ?Asax (iii) ?miimgo ?asax kap i?a<A:-.-itailAa ?-mi-amgo basket the InfT-buy/sell lsST-Px-want 'I want to buy the basket (F2)' trOoki ?ata±?Aa ki? (iv) trooki ?a-aa?-itai?Aa k? car SN-Pv-buy/sell the 'the car (F1) that was bought' 0