The Project Gutenberg EBook of England and Napoleon (1801-1815), by S. E. (Samuel Edward) Winbolt This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license Title: England and Napoleon (1801-1815) Author: S. E. (Samuel Edward) Winbolt Release Date: July 6, 2016 [EBook #52514] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ENGLAND AND NAPOLEON (1801-1815) *** Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images available at The Internet Archive) [Image of the book's cover unavailable.] BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS General Editors: S. E. Winbolt, M.A., and Kenneth Bell, M.A. ENGLAND AND NAPOLEON BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS Scope of the Series and Arrangement of Volumes. 1.Roman Britain to 449. 2.449-1066. 3.1066-1154. 4.1154-1216. 5.1216-1307. 6.1307-1399. 7.1399-1485. 8.1485-1547.Immediately. 9.1547-1603. Now Ready. 10.1603-1660. “ 11.1660-1714. “ 12.1714-1760. “ 13.1760-1801. “ 14.1801-1815.Immediately. 15.1815-1837. 16.1837-1856. 17.1856-1876. 18.1876-1887. 19.1887-1901. 20.1901-1912. The volumes are issued in uniform style. Price 1s. net each. ENGLAND AND NAPOLEON (1801-1815) COMPILED BY S. E. WINBOLT, M.A. LONDON G. BELL & SONS, LTD. 1912 INTRODUCTION This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable—nay, an indispensable—adjunct to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a History of England for Schools, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to teacher and taught. Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read into or extract from it. In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the natural demand for certain “stock” documents of vital importance, we hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style—that is, personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan—and should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life generally, and local history, are represented in these pages. {v} {vi} The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in reading. We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us suggestions for improvement. S. E. WINBOLT. KENNETH BELL. NOTE TO THIS VOLUME It will be obvious from the Table of Contents that, though there is a great wealth of illustrative matter for this period, I have preferred to draw largely upon the Diary and Correspondence of Charles Abbot, Lord Colchester, published in three volumes in 1861, and the Despatches of the Duke of Wellington, by Lieutenant-Colonel Gurwood. The latter is a very convenient selection. The title of the volume is justified by the fact that some eighteen out of the forty-eight pieces have more or less direct reference to England’s struggle with Napoleon. S. E. W. Christ’s Hospital, October, 1912. TABLE OF CONTENTS DATE TITLE PAGE Introduction v 1801. Battle of the Baltic Campbell 1 1801. State of Ireland “Diary of Lord Colchester” 3 1801. Golf and Football Strutt 8 1802. Party Speeches of Sheridan and Canning Stanhope 9 1803-1815. Typical Vessels of the Royal Navy Clowes 13 1803. Desire for Pitt’s Return to Office Stanhope 15 1803. Canning on Addington Stanhope 17 1803. Notes by Pitt on the War, Germany, and NapoleonStanhope 18 1803. Gun-boats for Defence “Diaries of George Rose” 20 1804. The Poor in Manufacturing Towns “Gentleman’s Magazine” 21 1804. Wheat, Flour, and Bread “Gentleman’s Magazine” 24 1805. England and the Mediterranean (I.) Pitt 25 England and the Mediterranean (II.) Nelson 26 1805. The Blow that Killed Pitt (I.) Pitt 27 The Blow that Killed Pitt (II.) Canning 28 1805. Routine on a British Man-of-War Clowes 29 1805. Nelson’s Plan for Trafalgar Clowes 32 1805. Trafalgar Southey 34 1806. The Younger Pitt Scott 43 1806. Ministry of All the Talents Earl of Malmesbury 44 1806. Military Plans Lord Colchester 46 1807. Catholic Emancipation (I.) Lord Colchester 47 Catholic Emancipation (II.) Malmesbury 50 1807. Party Politics Leigh Hunt 52 1807. Berlin Decrees Colchester 53 1809. Corunna (I.) Colchester 55 Corunna (II.) Charles Wolfe 55 1809. Public Economy “Diaries of George Rose” 57 1809. Resignation of Portland Colchester 58 1809. Duel of Canning and Castlereagh Colchester 59 1806-1809. Military Expenses Colchester 60 1809. Talavera: Protest by Lords Protests of the Lords 61 1810. Walcheren Expedition Colchester 62 1810. Wellington’s Difficulties in Spain Wellington’s Despatches 65 1811. The Regency Colchester 71 1811. Fête at Carlton House Colchester 73 {vii} {viii} 1812. Weaving Machines Byron’s Letters 76 1812. Badajoz Wellington’s Despatches 79 1812. Murder of Perceval Colchester 84 1812. Sheridan’s Last Utterances in the House Moore 85 1813. Sir Stapleton Cotton’s Military Services Colchester 86 1813. Vittoria Wellington’s Despatches 87 1814. Deposition of Napoleon Byron’s Letters 95 1814. Capture of Toulouse Wellington’s Despatches 96 1814. Duke of Wellington’s Thanks Colchester 102 1814. Negotiations with Buonaparte Southey 105 1815. Interview with Napoleon in Elba Vivian 109 1815. Waterloo Wellington’s Despatches 112 ENGLAND AND NAPOLEON 1801-1815 THE BATTLE OF THE BALTIC (1801). Source.—Thomas Campbell: Historical Lyrics and Ballads. P. 93. I. Of Nelson and the North Sing the glorious day’s renown, When to battle fierce came forth All the might of Denmark’s crown, And her arms along the deep proudly shone; By each gun the lighted brand, In a bold determined hand, And the Prince of all the land Led them on. II. Like leviathans afloat Lay their bulwarks on the brine; While the sign of battle flew On the lofty British line: It was ten of April morn by the chime: As they drifted on their path, There was silence deep as death; And the boldest held his breath For a time. III. But the might of England flushed To anticipate the scene; And her van the fleeter rushed O’er the deadly space between. “Hearts of oak!” our captains cried; when each gun From its adamantine lips Spread a death-shade round the ships, Like the hurricane eclipse Of the sun. IV. {1} {2} Again! again! again! And the havoc did not slack, Till a feeble cheer the Dane To our cheering sent us back;— Their shots along the deep slowly boom: Then cease—and all is wail, As they strike the shattered sail; Or in conflagration pale Light the gloom. V. Out spoke the victor then, As he hailed them o’er the wave, “Ye are brothers! ye are men! And we conquer but to save! So peace, instead of death, let us bring; But yield, proud foe, thy fleet With the crews, at England’s feet, And make submission meet To our King.” VI. Then Denmark blessed our chief, That he gave her wounds repose; And the sounds of joy and grief From her people wildly rose, As death withdrew his shades from the day: While the sun looked smiling bright O’er a wide and woful sight, Where the fires of funeral light Died away. VII. Now joy, Old England, raise For the tidings of thy might, By the festal cities’ blaze, Whilst the wine-cup shines in light; And yet amidst that joy and uproar, Let us think of them that sleep Full many a fathom deep By thy wild and stormy steep, Elsinore! VIII. Brave hearts! to Britain’s pride Once so faithful and so true, On the deck of fame that died With the gallant good Riou! Soft sigh the winds of Heaven o’er their grave! While the billow mournful rolls And the mermaid’s song condoles, Singing glory to the souls Of the brave! IRELAND IN 1801. Source.—Diary of Lord Colchester, 1861. Vol. i., p. 286. Minutes of Proceedings in Ireland from July to Dec. 1801; and Outlines of Irish Business for 1802, reported and read over to Mr. Addington, Feb. 1802. Irish Affairs, Jan. 1802. I. Their present state, including a detailed Account of the Government Transactions there during the last Six Months. {3} II. Outline of the Public Business of Ireland for the Year 1802. I. THE GOVERNMENT. 1. Lord-Lieutenant.—Unsettled powers; question whether a Lord-Lieutenant from England, administering the protection and patronage of the Crown subordinately to the King’s Ministers—or a Government by Lords Justices setting up for themselves, and tyrannising over their countrymen—or endeavour to govern Ireland entirely by a Secretary of State at Whitehall. N.B.—No communication has been made to Lord Hardwicke in answer to the paper transmitted by him to Lord Pelham, containing remarks upon Lord Pelham’s proposition. 2. Chief Secretary.—Unsettled emoluments of the Office in Ireland. Unsettled footing of the Irish Office in London. Query.—Suppress its establishment as an Office accredited with the Secretary of State for the Home Department; and as hitherto employed for soliciting Civil Patents and Military Commissions in the place of the old office of Resident Secretary (Fremantle and Jenkinson). And transfer the agency and fees of the business to the Secretary of State’s Office; leaving no establishment in London for the Chief Secretary to transact his business, except what assistance he may personally obtain for himself from Dublin Castle, etc. N.B.—The salary and fees of this Office upon Peace Establishments, viz. about 5,000l. British, are not more than adequate to the necessary expenses of the office conducted with economy; having houses and servants in each country; and the removal of a family twice a year across the Channel. 3. Private Secretary.—Unprovided present subsistence, and no certain future provision. 4. Lord Chancellor (Lord Clare).—Hostile to any Government by Lord-Lieutenant. Desirous himself to be Lord-Deputy, or at the head of Lords Justices; and for Mr. Cooke to be Secretary of State under him. 5. Commander of the Forces.—Sir W. Meadows, cordially co-operating with the Lord-Lieutenant. 6. Royal Building, &c.—In the Castle a library for printed books upon Irish affairs. Orders also given for arranging the State Papers, &c., in the Birmingham Tower. Plans and estimate ordered for rebuilding the Castle chapel, and adapting it to choir service. Parliament House.—A proposal transmitted to the King’s Ministers for selling it to the National Bank of Ireland, or appropriating it to Public Offices. Phœnix Park.—Walls and roads ordered to be repaired; rights of Park officers ascertained; encroachments defeated. 7. Union Engagements.—Many liquidated. No vacant office has been given away without considering to what promise it could apply. II. FINANCE. 1. Treasury Statements of Annual Income and Expenditure of Ireland assimilated to the British series of Public Accounts, and adapted to the same annual and quarterly periods. 2. Revenue Boards.—Examination into its past state by personal conference with each of the four senior Examiners; all of them agreeing that it was corrupt and inefficient; proved also by lists of Officers accused and protected; proved also by reports of Mr. Beresford, in 1792; and of the Acting Surveyor-General, Mr. Cooke, in 1800. Division of the Board into Customs and Excise, as projected in Lord Townsend’s and Lord Buckingham’s Administration, and executed now in the manner prescribed by Mr. Beresford, in a letter written by himself on a former occasion; a copy whereof was delivered to me by Mr. B., with a recommendation of its being adopted for this purpose at this time. Dublin Quay Regulated.—Tobacco stores, gate notes, &c., under advice of the Board, and upon suggestion and report of Mr. Croker, who was appointed acting Surveyor-General of the port, with joint approbation of Mr. Beresford and Mr. Annesley, and established in the Office of Surveyor-General by Lord Hardwicke. Regulations enforced prohibiting all Revenue Officers from being traders. Revision and Amendment of the Distillery Laws considered. Throughout Ireland the Surveyors-General ordered to report quarterly from their actual surveys. N.B.—Dublin Customs’ duties are one half, and Dublin Excise duties one quarter of all Ireland. A mode settled for passing Collector’s accounts in Dublin with more expedition, and (as in England) without their personal attendance. Cruisers called in; inspection of repairs ordered, and a report upon the future complement of men for their Peace Establishment. Additional officers appointed, not for patronage, but upon special reports of the Board, and upon considerations of personal merit, viz. two Surveyors-General, one Inspector-General, and one Inspector, and two Landwaiters in the Port of Dublin. General plan for prevention of smuggling and illicit distilleries prepared for consideration. Commercial regulations between Great Britain and Ireland considered, and reported upon by the Commissioners of Revenue. 3. Auditors of Public Accounts.—Their accounts methodised on the British plan, and brought up to 5th January, 1802, showing the actual amounts of debts due from Public Accountants. 4. Stamps.—After a previous investigation by the Treasury, and personal conference repeatedly with the Commissioners. Establishment settled on the British model, and report upon the building purchased for the use of this Office before the Rebellion. Consignments to distributors, and the appropriation of their receipts new modelled. Debts from deceased and dismissed distributors called in; securities of distributors raised. Inspectors-General ordered upon survey throughout Ireland, and to make quarterly reports; and two new inspectors added at inferior salaries, with prospect of succession to the higher, if merited. Revision and amendment of the Stamp Laws prepared. {4} {5} {6} {7} N.B.—Last summer, in the counties of Wicklow and Wexford, several Justices of Peace refused to convict in penalties for evading the Stamp Duties. 5. Crown Lands.—A report upon their state, extent, and value ordered to be made out in thirty-two books for the thirty-two counties. 6. Board of Works.—Appropriation of issues between May 1801, and August 1801, viz. 20,000l. having been called for, and no account being produced of time or place, of articles supplied, or work done, nor any check appearing; an inquiry directed for settling an efficient system of checks for the future; report made and instructions issued to take effect prospectively from 5th January, 1802. N.B.—By Comptroller of Accounts (who has controlled the Barrack Accounts), and two Privy Councillors. All the old accounts ordered to be balanced and closed to 5th January, 1802, where a debt stated in November to be 11,000l., was stated in January to be a debt of 37,000l.; though no new work was ordered or executed in the interval. And it appeared also that no final accounts had been settled with the tradesmen for [1] years. How many years? N.B.—During the period within which this debt was incurred, there was an annual issue to the Board of from 25,000l. to 32,000l. a year. No new building, except one house, which cost 3,000l., was erected. The Castle or public apartments are worse furnished than any private gentleman’s house in England. Note.—The First Commissioner of the Board, consisting of seven, is also sole Barrackmaster-General; and has the sole expenditure of nearly 300,000l. a year. And the latest of his accounts delivered in to be audited, viz. March, 1800, did not come down to a later period than 25th March, 1796. N.B.—Lord Tyrawley, from a very moderate beginning, is reputed to have made a landed property of 10,000l. a year, out of private trusts (viz. law arrears, &c.), and out of public offices, viz. the Board of Works and Barrack Office. As to the economy of his department, ex uno disce omnes. Ready-made sentry-boxes sent in carts from Dublin to Cork. Extravagant expense of carriage, and destruction of the articles themselves. GOLF AND FOOTBALL (1801). Source.—Strutt’s Sports and Pastimes of the People of England, 1801. Pp. 93 and 97 of Methuen’s edition, 1903. There are many games played with the ball that require the assistance of a club or bat, and probably the most ancient among them is the pastime now distinguished by the name of golf. In the northern parts of the kingdom golf is much practised. It requires much room to perform this game with propriety, and therefore I presume it is rarely seen at present in the vicinity of the metropolis. It answers to a rustic pastime of the Romans which they played with a ball of leather stuffed with feathers, called paganica, because it was used by the common people: the golf-ball is composed of the same materials to this day; I have been told it is sometimes, though rarely, stuffed with cotton. In the reign of Edward III. the Latin name cambuca was applied to this pastime, and it derived the denomination, no doubt, from the crooked club or bat with which it was played; the bat was also called a bandy, from its being bent. Golf, according to the present modification of the game, is performed with a bat, not much unlike the bandy: the handle of this instrument is straight, and usually made of ash, about four feet and a half in length: the curvature is affixed to the bottom, faced with horn and backed with lead; the ball is a little one, but exceedingly hard; being made with leather, and, as before observed, stuffed with feathers. There are generally two players, who have each of them his bat and ball. The game consists in driving the ball into certain holes made in the ground; he who achieves it the soonest, or in the fewest number of strokes, obtains the victory. Football is so called because the ball is driven about with the feet instead of the hands. It was formerly much in vogue among the common people of England, though of late years it seems to have fallen into disrepute, and is but little practised. I cannot pretend to determine at what period the game of football originated: it does not, however, to the best of my recollection, appear among the popular exercises before the reign of Edward III., and then, in 1349, it was prohibited by a public edict; not, perhaps, from any particular objection to the sport in itself, but because it co-operated, with other favourite amusements, to impede the progress of archery. When a match at football is made, two parties, each containing an equal number of competitors, take the field, and stand between two goals, placed at the distance of 80 or 100 yards the one from the other. The goal is usually made with two sticks driven into the ground, about two or three feet apart. The ball, which is commonly made of a blown bladder, and cased with leather, is delivered in the midst of the ground, and the object of each party is to drive it through the goal of their antagonists, which being achieved the game is won. The abilities of the performers are best displayed in attacking and defending the goals; and hence the pastime was more frequently called a goal at football than a game at football. When the exercise becomes exceeding violent, the players kick each other’s shins without the least ceremony, and some of them are overthrown at the hazard of their limbs. SHERIDAN FOR ADDINGTON, CANNING FOR PITT (1802). Source.—Stanhope’s Life of Pitt, 1862. Vol. iii., p. 415. The great speech of Sheridan was, however, reserved till the 8th of December, when the Army Estimates came forward. They were moved by Mr. Charles Yorke as Secretary at War. “I was much surprised,” said Mr. Yorke, “when, on another evening, I heard an Hon. gentleman (Mr. Fox) maintain that there was no reason why a larger establishment than usual in former periods of peace should be maintained in Great Britain; and that there were reasons why even a smaller force would suffice everywhere but in the West Indies.” It was no hard matter for Mr. Yorke to argue against this proposition, or to point out the dangers that impended from the Continent of Europe. He could reckon on the support of the House for the proposal which his speech contained—to provide for a regular force of nearly one hundred and thirty thousand men, counting officers, and including the regiments in India. This was an increase on the establishment voted on the first conclusion of the peace. Then and after some other speeches Sheridan rose. He referred to Fox as to the man whom of all men upon earth he most loved and respected. But these sentiments did not withhold him from some keen animadversions, although in covert terms, upon the course which Fox had latterly been seeking to promote. He approved of the King’s Speech. He approved of the large establishments. He {8} {9} {10} approved of Addington as Minister. What (he asked) had other members really to allege against that Right Hon. gentleman? Theirs was a mere capricious dislike; for no better reason than is given in an epigram of Martial, or in an English parody upon that epigram: “I do not like thee, Dr. Fell, The reason why I cannot tell; But this I’m sure I know full well, I do not like thee, Dr. Fell.” Those who call to mind that Addington already bore the nickname of “the Doctor,” and who know the keen relish of the House of Commons for almost any jest, may easily imagine the roars of laughter with which Sheridan’s allusion was received. Sheridan proceeded in a strain of blended wit and argument. “What,” he said, “did these gentlemen expect from the present Chancellor of the Exchequer? We treated him when in the Chair of this House with the respect he merited.... But did they expect that when he was a Minister he was to stand up and call Europe to Order? Was he to send Mr. Colman, the Serjeant-at-Arms, to the Baltic and summon the Northern Powers to the Bar of this House? Was he to see the Powers of Germany scrambling like Members over the benches, and say—Gentlemen must take their places? Was he expected to cast his eye to the Tuscan gallery, and exclaim that strangers must withdraw? Was he to stand across the Rhine, and say—The Germans to the right, and the French to the left? If he could have done these things, I for one should always vote that the Speaker of the House should be appointed the Minister of the country. But the Right Hon. gentleman has done all that a reasonable man could expect him to do.” “Sir,”—so Sheridan continued—“I confess I wish to know what Mr. Pitt himself thinks. I should be glad to hear what his sentiments are of the call made for him; and loudly too, in another place by a vigorous statesman.[2] I well remember, Sir, and so do we all, the character Mr. Pitt gave of the present administration. Does he mean to retract that character? I cannot suppose he does.... Sir, when I see so many persons anxious about that gentleman, I am glad to hear that his health is re-established. But how, I would ask, can we with any consistency turn out the man who made the peace to bring in the man who avowed his approbation of it?... I suspect, therefore, that the political Philidor’s game has been misunderstood; that his friends have displaced a knight and a castle when they should only have taken two pawns; that they have made an attempt to checkmate the King when they had no instructions for doing it. I cannot forget the period when the august Person of the Sovereign was held up as the only man who was against extending privileges to the Catholics in Ireland; and I cannot, therefore, brook the idea of calling that Right Hon. gentleman back to power, and forcing him upon the Crown.... Mr. Pitt the only man to save the country! If a nation depends only upon one man, it cannot, and I will add, it does not deserve to be saved; it can be saved only by the Parliament and people.” Next after Sheridan rose Canning. In his great speech that evening he displayed not only a luminous eloquence, but the rarer gift (rarer, I mean, in him) of perfect discretion. He desired to express his sentiments, not of satisfaction merely, but of thankfulness, for the part which his Hon. Friend (Mr. Sheridan) had that day done. “It is by no means the first time,” he said, “that my Hon. Friend, throwing aside all petty distinctions of party feeling, has come forward, often under circumstances of peculiar difficulty, often discouraged, always alone, as the champion of his country’s rights and interests, and has rallied the hearts and spirits of the nation.[3] I trust we shall now hear no more of those miserable systems, the object of which is not to rouse us to ward off our ruin, but to reconcile us to submit to it.... ‘We have nothing to dread from France but a rivalry in commerce,’ says the Hon. gentleman opposite to me (Mr. Fox). Look round, Sir, on the state of the world, and can such an argument even from such a man need farther refutation?” “And what, Sir”—so Canning went on in another passage—“what is the nature of the times in which we live? Look at France, and see what we have to cope with, and consider what has made her what she is? A man. You will tell me that she was great, and powerful, and formidable before the date of Bonaparte’s Government; that he found in her great physical and moral resources; that he had but to turn them to account. True, and he did so. Compare the situation in which he found France with that to which he has raised her. I am no panegyrist of Bonaparte; but I cannot shut my eyes to the superiority of his talents, to the amazing ascendency of his genius. Tell me not of his measures and his policy—it is his genius, his character, that keeps the world in awe. Sir, to meet, to check, to curb, to stand up against him, we want arms of the same kind. I am far from objecting to the large military establishments which are proposed to you. I vote for them with all my heart. But, for the purpose of coping with Bonaparte, one great commanding spirit is worth them all. This is my undisguised opinion. But when I state this opinion thus undisguisedly, is my Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Pitt) to be implicated in a charge of prompting what I say?... “Sir, of all the imputations to which that Right Hon. gentleman could be subjected, I confess I did think that of intrigue and cabal the least likely to be preferred against him by any man who has witnessed his public conduct.... No, Sir. Never did young Ambition, just struggling into public notice and aiming at popular favour, labour with half so much earnestness to court reputation and to conciliate adherents, as my Right Hon. Friend has laboured since his retreat from office not to attract, but to repel; not to increase the number of his followers, but to dissolve attachment and to transfer support. And if, whatever has been his endeavour to insulate and individualize himself in political life, he has not been able to succeed wholly, even with those who would sacrifice to his wishes everything but their attachment to him—if with the public he has succeeded not at all, what is the inference? what but that, retreat and withdraw as much as he will, he must not hope to efface the memory of his past services from the gratitude of his country?—he cannot withdraw himself from the following of a nation; he must endure the attachment of a people whom he has saved.” TYPICAL VESSELS OF THE ROYAL NAVY (1803 to 1815). Source.—Clowes: The Royal Navy, 1900. Vol. v. (1803 to 1815), p. 15. Models of many of the most typical vessels which were added to the Navy during the period under review are to be seen at Greenwich. Among them are whole or half-block models of the following ships: {11} {12} {13} {14} Name. Length of Gun- deck. Beam. Depth in Hold. Tons. Men. Guns. When and where Built, or how Acquired, etc. Ft. In. Ft. In. Ft. In. Caledonia 205 0 54 6 23 2 2,616 875 120 Launched 1808, at Devonport. Designed by Sir W. Rule. Hercules 176 1 48 4¼ 21 0 1,750 590 80 Launched 1815, at Chatham. Designed by Surveyor’s Dept. Bulwark 181 10 49 3 20 7 1,940 590 74 Launched 1807, at Portsmouth. Designed by Sir W. Rule. Java 171 11½ 44 1 14 3 1,458 480 60 Launched 1815, at Devonport. Designed by Surveyor’s Dept. President 173 3 44 4 13 11 1,533 480 50 Taken 1815, from the Americans. Chesapeake 151 0 40 11 13 9 1,135 315 48 Taken 1813, from the Americans. Lively 154 1 39 6 13 6 1,076 284 46 Launched 1804, at Woolwich. Designed by Sir W. Rule. Euryalus 145 2 38 2½ 13 3 946 264 42 Launched 1803, by Adams, Bucklershard. Designed by Sir W. Rule. Lacedemonian 150 4 40 0½ 12 9½ 1,073 264 38 Launched 1812, at Portsmouth. Built after the French Hébé, taken in 1782. Barbados 140 0 36 7 16 0 800 195 36 Ex. Brave. Taken from the French, 1804. Eden 108 6 30 8 9 0 451 150 28 Launched 1804, by Courtney, Chester. Designed by Sir W. Rule. Andromeda 129 7 36 5⅜ 11 0 812 195 24 Ex. Hannibal. Taken 1812, from the Americans. Florida 119 5½ 32 0 14 2 539 135 20 Ex. Frolic. Taken 1814, from the Americans. Epervier 95 1 28 6 8 9½ 315 121 16 Taken 1803, from the French. Cadmus 90 3 24 6 11 0 237 76 10 Launched 1808, by Dudman, Deptford. Designed by H. Peake. DESIRE FOR PITT’S RETURN TO OFFICE (1803). Source.—Stanhope’s Life of Pitt, 1862. Vol. iv., p. 28. Mr. Long to Mr. Pitt. Bromley Hill, April 3, 1803. Dear Pitt, I am anxious to give you some account of what passed between Addington and myself upon my return, reserving details upon the whole subject till we meet. He seemed extremely anxious that you should not consider a pending negotiation as any obstacle to coming forward at the present moment, but it is hardly necessary to say what he stated upon this subject, because he has since altered his opinion, and rather thinks the fit time would be when the negotiation is brought to a point either way, which (in conjunction with Lord Hawkesbury, Lord Castlereagh, and your brother) he is satisfied will be determined before you meet at Bromley Hill. Upon the whole question of arrangement he seemed disposed to adopt what you had authorized me to state, not as anything settled, but as a general idea upon the subject, but at the same time expressed great difficulties about Lord Hobart (none about Lord Pelham). He ended this part of the subject by saying that of course you were the best judge of those persons who had claims upon you, but that he trusted you would not decide anything upon this point (if the thing proceeded to that length) without also considering the fair pretensions of those who had claims upon him. I instanced Bragge, Smyth, Lord C. Spencer, and Wickham, as persons accidentally placed in the situations they held, and whom it might be necessary to call upon to give way: he admitted the justice of what I said upon all these persons, and of the possible necessary arrangement respecting them, but added that he believed the last particularly agreeable to the Chancellor of Ireland and the Lord Lieutenant, and also well qualified for his office. With respect to Lord Grenville, he thought it impossible to admit him or any of his friends at the present moment without a marked degradation of himself and his colleagues, but that he could not mean to proscribe them, or to preclude you from taking whatever assistance you thought right at any future time. I then mentioned Canning and Rose: he said the first had been personally offensive to him; but upon my submitting to him whether he could justify the suffering even personal offence to stand in the way of what he had taken so much pains to convince me was a necessary public arrangement, he seemed very much softened upon this point, and with respect to Rose he stated no objection. There was no difficulty in leaving the vacancies at the Treasury, provided something else was done for Broderick, for whom he had pledged himself to provide. He then showed me a letter from Lord St. Vincent, requesting, on account of his state of health, that he would find him a successor as soon as he conveniently could, and expressed a wish to send the papers which referred to the points upon which you desired information. It is very probable you may want further information upon these subjects, which of course you can have at Bromley Hill. I saw Lord Castlereagh the next day: very anxious that you should be induced to come into the proposal, even during negotiation, if, contrary to all appearances, it should be protracted. He argued the cases of war, of peace, and of protracted negotiation very ably, as each affording sufficient grounds for your placing yourself at the head of the Government. If we were led into war, no person could conduct it with effect but yourself. You could prevent the negotiation spinning out to a disadvantageous length; and in peace, the state of parties was the ground upon which he urged the necessity of your taking the Government. Neither he nor Lord Hawkesbury concealed from me the necessity for a change. Lord H. was of opinion Lord Grenville could not possibly come in under this arrangement, but seemed to think there would not be any difficulty at a future period.... I have made some endeavours to obtain the opinion of the City: as far as I have been able to ascertain it, it is uniform—a very strong wish that you should take the lead in {15} {16} {17} Government, but an almost equally strong opinion that Grenville should be no part of it. Thornton gave me some strong grounds for supposing this was the general opinion upon both points; but as I know how often people give their own opinion as the public opinion, only for the purpose of strengthening it, I receive a public opinion with some caution. At the same time I have heard the [same] from so many quarters, that I believe it is not mistaken; and there is one point at least in which I think you will concur with me—that pending the negotiation it would be extremely prejudicial to yourself to take office with Grenville; for if it ended in war, his influence would be supposed to have occasioned it; and things are certainly in that state in which it is the general wish that we should at least give ourselves every fair chance of preserving peace.... I have only had time to scribble this as fast as I could since Huskisson told me he was going to Walmer. I hope you will find it intelligible. Ever yours, C. L. VERSES BY CANNING AGAINST ADDINGTON (1803). Source.—Stanhope’s Life of Pitt, 1862. Vol. iv., pp. 58, 59, 60. Praise to placeless proud ability Let the prudent Muse disclaim; And sing the statesman—all civility— Whom moderate talents raise to fame. * * * * * Splendid talents are deceiving, Tend to counsels much too bold; Moderate men we prize, believing All that glitters is not gold. When the faltering periods flag, Or the House receives them drily, Cheer, oh cheer him, brother Bragge! Cheer, oh cheer him, brother Hiley! Each a gentleman at large, Lodged and fed at public charge, Paying, with a grace to charm ye, This the fleet, and that the army. Brother Bragge and brother Hiley, Cheer him! when he speaks so vilely; Cheer him! when his audience flag, Brother Hiley, brother Bragge. If blocks can from danger deliver, Two places are safe from the French: One is the mouth of the river, The other the Treasury Bench. Pitt is to Addington As London to Paddington. NOTES ON THE WAR, GERMANY, AND NAPOLEON, BY PITT (1803). Source.—Stanhope’s Life of Pitt, 1862. Vol. iv., p. 223. The War. (Paper-mark, 1803.) “Whether the attacks should be numerous or few in order to strengthen them, and in what points:— “1. South of Italy.—Besides Neapolitans, 10 or 15,000 British troops and as many Russians; besides free corps raised in Albania and Italy, the latter by the King of Sardinia. “2. North of Italy.—Switzerland and South of Germany.—Austrian troops supported by 60,000 Russians as auxiliaries. “North of Germany.—40,000 Russians, with a body of Hanoverians, a Swedish army, and a diversion from England. To advance towards the Low Countries. “The operations on the two flanks may be modified according to the conduct of Turkey. These will probably only act when forced. Austria and Sweden may, it is thought, be brought to act voluntarily. “It is not meant by diversion that any descent should be made from hence in the beginning, but that we should continue to menace their coasts, and not attempt anything in the interior till after some decided success. “Advantages to be given to any Power if necessary should be regulated with a view to the future safety of Europe, and the zeal shown by each Power. It is supposed nothing can be proposed for Prussia consistent with the safety and interests of the rest of Europe, except the provinces she ceded to France. Austria is expected from the little which has passed to be very moderate, and {18} {19} content with inconsiderable acquisitions in Germany and Italy. “King of Sardinia should not only be re-established, but his share should be made as large as possible. “Switzerland should be arrondi, and its position strengthened as much as possible. “The same principle should be followed with respect to Holland.” Germany. (Paper-mark, 1803.) “The present situation of the German body neither good for the countries themselves nor for Europe. “Should a part of it be englobé by the two great Powers, or a third great State formed in the middle of Germany? This can scarce be thought of, from its injustice to so many Princes of the Empire. “Could a more concentrated Federative Government be formed out of the different States; and should not in that case both Austria and Prussia be separated from it? “Principle of mediation being to precede war. “Intimate union necessary between England and Russia, who are the only Powers that for many years can have no jealousy or opposite interests.” Napoleon. “I see various and opposite qualities—all the great and all the little passions unfavourable to public tranquillity—united in the breast of one man, and of that man, unhappily, whose personal caprice can scarce fluctuate for an hour without affecting the destiny of Europe. I see the inward workings of fear struggling with pride in an ardent, enterprising, and tumultuous mind. I see all the captious jealousy of conscious usurpation dreaded, detested, and obeyed—the giddiness and intoxication of splendid but unmerited success— the arrogance, the presumption, the self-will of unlimited and idolized power, and—more dreadful than all in the plenitude of authority —the restless and incessant activity of guilty but unsated ambition.” GUN-BOATS FOR DEFENCE (1803). Source.—Diaries ... of the Right Hon. George Rose, 1860. P. 69. Mr. Pitt to Mr. Rose. Margate, Oct. 18th, 1803. Dear Rose I received your letter just as I left home this morning. I had not forgot your wish to have a description of our gun-boats; but as many of my friends here are more expert in fitting a boat, or fighting it, than in writing or drawing, I could not at once obtain one which would explain to you the last improved mode of fitting as accurately as I wished. But Mr. Whitby, the Assistant of Sheerness Yard, who has been appointed to superintend the work, and whom I saw yesterday, has promised me to send immediately to your house, in Palace Yard, a small model of the frame and slide, which will, I trust, completely answer the purpose. I should hope it will reach your house in a day or two, and you will, I take for granted, send orders for its being immediately forwarded to you by coach. We have now fitted, or are fitting, I believe, about 170 boats between Margate and Hastings, which, I think, will contribute not a little to giving the enemy a good reception whenever they think proper to visit us. By the intelligence I collect, and by the orders for extraordinary preparation which are received from London by this post, I am much more inclined than I have ever been hitherto to believe that some attempt will be made soon. In this situation I am likely to have my time very completely occupied by the various concerns of my regiment and my district. I hope, however, to find some interval for attending a little to the cursory remarks, when I hear from Long, which I am expecting to do every day. Our volunteers are, I think, likely, to be called upon to undertake permanent duty, which, I hope, they will readily consent to. I suppose the same measure will be recommended in your part of the coast. I wish the arrangements for defence were as forward everywhere else as they are in Hythe Bay, under General Moore. We begin now to have no other fear in that quarter than that the enemy will not give us an opportunity of putting our preparations to the proof, and will select some other point, which we should not be in search of in the first instance. I write here to save the post, as I shall not get back to Walmer till a late hour. Ever sincerely yours, W. Pitt. CONDITION OF THE POOR IN MANUFACTURING TOWNS (1804). Source.—Gentleman’s Magazine. Vol. 74, July to December, 1804, p. 710. July 17. Mr. Urban, “Judge not, lest you be judged.” The benevolence and humanity of Dr. Lettsom must ensure esteem; and certainly the trouble he has taken to meliorate the condition of the labouring poor must deserve praise, and be grateful to his own feelings, but, in the way of doing good, there is much delicacy required; and while we are zealous in our endeavours to promote an active charity in one particular instance, we should be careful, in the extension of this important Christian duty, not to forget the other Christian branch of charity to others also. {20} {21} In his Remarks on the Condition of the Children of our labouring Poor, this worthy medical gentleman has, I think, been too partial in confining his subject to the great manufacturing towns of this kingdom, and very particularly so in his comparative view of the new Lanark Mills and those of Holy-well and Manchester. I have always understood there is great difficulty in the attempt of separating the cause of the evil which a state derives from the immorality and the emasculated condition of the poor, from the important benefits which it derives from the increasing manufactures carried on by these objects of our speculation. That the regulation of the morals and the health of the rising progeny of a state, as conducive to industry and to opulence, demands every attention, it is needless to argue; but let us see the great difficulties which our principal manufacturing towns labour under, such as Birmingham and Manchester, compared with the less contaminated primitive and more hardy poor connected with the manufactories of Scotland. From several generations past, the manufactories of our great commercial towns have encouraged the most extensive employment to the labouring poor; motley groups of individuals from various quarters have been lured to them; the parental stock in various particulars originally defective in point of stamina, and their progeny of course, unhappily tainted with the same misfortune; the gleanings of work houses from the capital, from many parts of the country, have been thrown into these great towns; forsaken children from impure connexions, in whom squalid poverty has laid the foundation of many disorders, and which growing up and settling in these places have been communicated to a succeeding race: this evil is therefore not the present growth of our large factories. In Scotland, it is but of late years the manufactures have sprung up; the stamina of their labouring poor is naturally more hardy and less corrupted, not having the intercourse of the Southern provinces; and by recruiting constantly from the same parental source, no wonder that the children at the Lanark Mills have been found more healthy than those of the English manufacturing towns. Although the proprietor of the Lanark Mills may deserve praise for his attention to the health of the children employed in his establishment, it does not follow that other gentlemen, eminently signalized for their enterprising spirit, industry, and abilities, owing to the natural advantages of Mr. Dale,[4] deserve a public exposure and stigma. I think Mr. Bott, of Nantwich, in Cheshire, is highly to be commended, for his denial of an entry into his manufactory; and if the visit of the benevolent Mr. Neild was only to wrest from his mill articles of crimination for an exposure before the public, Mr. Bott has acted very wisely, by the interdiction of curiosity and intrusive inquiry at his own expense; but there are many other reasons which may be fairly alledged for this gentleman’s refusal. I am informed, that it frequently happens that many persons, on gaining admittance to these extensive manufactories, have suborned the artisans from their employers, and in various other respects have caused much disorder to the establishment. By the law of the land, it is ordained that these factories should be opened to the regular and periodical visits of Magistrates; therefore, by thus exposing the partial evils of these extensive commercial establishments, which few human undertakings of such a vast magnitude can be exempt from, where such immense numbers of hands are employed, an oblique reflection is doubtless cast on the judicial administration of the State. The benevolence and zeal of a patriotic character should recommend itself in a more effectual manner than by publicly praising one man or set of men at the expense of others, equally, and in the fullest extent as much deserving. All memorials for the public good should be circulated through the hands of the civil Magistrate or members of the country where the evil exists; reforms can thus be more certainly obtained than by innuendos, which but too generally carry with them the appearance of party consideration, or other interested motives. Conservator. ANNUAL STATEMENT OF WHEAT, FLOUR, AND BREAD FOR THE YEAR 1804. Source.—Gentleman’s Magazine. Vol. 74, January to June, 1804, p. [iv]. Wheat. Quantity of Quarters returned per Month. Highest Price per Quarter in the Month. Monthly Arrangement, 1804. Lowest Price per Quarter in the Month. Average Price per Quarter for the the Month. Qrs. Bush. Shillings. Shillings. s. d. 25,789 3 63 January 35 53 8½ 19,253 5 60 February 32 52 1¼ 22,465 2 61 March 35 50 8¼ 22,813 1 62 April 30 51 8¾ 17,198 0 59 May 32 51 8¾ 18,877 8 58 June 32 51 1¾ 30,517 4 70 July 32 54 11¼ 50,437 2 80 August 37 64 2¼ 45,199 3 85 September 42 70 6¼ 64,684 7 93 October 42 73 5 69,001 1 132 November 50 88 11¼ 51,933 3 135 December 62 10 3¼ Total, 438,170 quarters, 3 bushels. Average per quarter, 70s. 8½d. Flour. {22} {23} {24} Quantity of Quarters returned per Month. Highest Price per Quarter in the Month. Monthly Arrangement, 1804. Lowest Price per Quarter in the Month. Average Price per Quarter for the the Month. Shillings. s. d. s. d. 71,797 55 January 36 6 49 1½ 61,191 50 February 37 44 9½ 73,366 50 March 30 44 10¾ 60,904 50 April 38 44 9¼ 48,641 50 May 39 44 9¼ 69,795 50 June 37 44 10¼ 86,321 60 July 37 49 4¼ 67,421 75 August 45 63 2 40,586 75 September 50 63 11¾ 84,443 84 October 56 71 4¾ 49,954 105 November 65 87 8½ 59,110 105 December 80 98 3½ Total, 773,529 sacks. Average, per sack, 58s. 1d. Bread. Price of the Quartern Loaf, Wheaten, per Week. Note.—The Assize is set on Tuesday in every week, and takes place on the Thursday following; therefore the under is dated on Thursday. d. d. d. d. January 5 9¼ April 5 8½ July 5 8½ October 4 12 “ 12 9¼ “ 12 8½ “ 12 8¾ “ 11 12¼ “ 19 9¼ “ 19 8½ “ 19 9¼ “ 18 12¼ “ 26 9 “ 26 8¼ “ 26 9¼ “ 25 12¾ February 2 9 May 3 8¼ August 2 9¾ Novem. 1 13¼ “ 9 8½ “ 10 8½ “ 9 10 “ 8 13½ “ 16 8½ “ 17 8½ “ 16 10¾ “ 15 14½ “ 23 8½ “ 24 8½ “ 23 12 “ 22 16 March 1 8½ “ 31 8½ “ 30 12 “ 29 16½ “ 8 8½ June 7 8½ Septem. 6 11¼ Decem. 6 16½ “ 15 8½ “ 14 8½ “ 13 11 “ 13 16¾ “ 22 8½ “ 21 8½ “ 20 11½ “ 20 16½ “ 29 8½ “ 28 8½ “ 27 11½ “ 27 16¼ ENGLAND AND THE MEDITERRANEAN. I. Pitt on Malta (1805). Source.—Stanhope’s Life of Pitt, 1862. Vol. iv., p. 306. Mr. Pitt to M. Novosiltzoff (Extract). Downing Street, June 7, 1805. I certainly have always felt that, as long as the execution of the Treaty of Amiens was in question, this country had no right to look to any object [touching Malta] but that of endeavouring to secure for it, if possible, a rea...