Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science Volume 1 Edited by ROSHDI RASHED in collaboration with RÉGIS MORELON London and New York First published in 1996 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 Structure and editorial matter © 1996 Routledge The chapters © 1996 Routledge Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005. “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.” All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. 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ISBN 0-203-40360-6 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-71184-X (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 0-415-12410-7 (Print Edition) 3 volume set ISBN 0-415-02063-8 Contents VOLUME 1 Contents iv Preface vii 1 General survey of Arabic astronomy 1 Régis Morelon 2 Eastern Arabic astronomy between the eighth and the eleventh 21 centuries Régis Morelon 3 Arabic planetary theories after the eleventh century AD 59 George Saliba 4 Astronomy and Islamic society: Qibla, gnomonics and 129 timekeeping David A.King 5 Mathematical geography 185 Edward S.Kennedy 6 Arabic nautical science 203 Henri Grosset-Grange (in collaboration with Henri Rouquette) 7 The development of Arabic science in Andalusia 245 Juan Vernet and Julio Samsó 8 The heritage of Arabic science in Hebrew 279 Bernard R.Goldstein 9 The influence of Arabic astronomy in the medieval West 287 Henri Hugonnard-Roche Bibliography 309 v VOLUME 2 10 Numeration and arithmetic 331 Ahmad S.Saidan 11 Algebra 349 Roshdi Rashed 12 Combinatorial analysis, numerical analysis, Diophantine 376 analysis and number theory Roshdi Rashed 13 Infinitesimal determinations, quadrature of lunules and 418 isoperimetric problems Roshdi Rashed 14 Geometry 447 Boris A.Rosenfeld and Adolf P.Youschkevitch 15 Trigonometry 495 Marie-Thérèse Debarnot 16 The influence of Arabic mathematics in the medieval West 539 André Allard 17 Musical science 581 Jean-Claude Chabrier 18 Statics 614 Mariam Rozhanskaya (in collaboration with I.S.Levinova) 19 Geometrical optics 643 Roshdi Rashed 20 The emergence of physiological optics 672 Gül A.Russell 21 The Western reception of Arabic optics 716 David C.Lindberg Bibliography 730 VOLUME 3 22 Engineering 751 Donald R.Hill vi 23 Geography 796 André Miquel 24 Botany and agriculture 813 Toufic Fahd 25 Arabic alchemy 853 Georges C.Anawati 26 The reception of Arabic alchemy in the West 886 Robert Halleux 27 Medicine 903 Emilie Savage-Smith 28 The influence of Arabic medicine in the medieval West 963 Danielle Jacquart 29 The scientific institutions in the medieval Near East 985 Françoise Micheau 30 Classifications of the sciences 1008 Jean Jolivet Postface: approaches to the history of Arabic science 1026 Muhsin Mahdi Bibliography 1045 Index 1067 Preface Ever since the history of science emerged as a discipline at the heart of the Age of Enlightenment in the eighteenth century, Arabic science1—or at least certain sectors of it—have constantly been cited by the philosophers and historians of science. For the former, such as Condorcet, it was a guarantee of the continued progress of enlightenment during a period dominated by ‘superstitions and darkness’; for the latter, notably Montucla, Arabic science was necessary not for the sketching of a historical picture, but in order to establish the facts of the history of the mathematical disciplines. But philosophers and historians alike had received only the echoes of Arabic science, which had reached them through ancient Latin translations. We must, of course, beware of over-generalization or errors of perspective, and bear in mind that the sciences do not all maintain the same connection with their history; thus, of the mathematical sciences at least, astronomy is the one most firmly linked with its history, if only on account of the values of the observations that were recorded in books over the course of time and consulted by successors. Consequently Arabic astronomy assumed a privileged position, fairly rapidly attracting the attention of historians such as Caussin de Perceval, Delambre and, above all, J.-J.Sédillot—to name but French scholars—at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Later in the course of the same century, the image of Arabic science began to change and to become shrouded with nuance. German Romantic philosophy, and the German school of philology which it engendered, had given considerable impetus to the philological and historical disciplines. The history of Arabic science gained from this rapid expansion, before becoming its victim: the study of Greek or Latin scientific texts could no longer eschew the Arabic works;2 but the snare of history through languages—which we have stressed elsewhere3—enmeshed the history of Arabic science and bore viii it into retreat. De jure, therefore, it lost its right to exist, while de facto it was indispensable to historians, who referred to it increasingly. This paradox, which is apparent not only in second-order studies but permeates a major work like Le Système du Monde by Pierre Duhem, is in fact merely the expression of a profound necessity: the historian of classical science, whatever his doctrinal views, cannot avoid Arabic science when he reviews the facts of the discipline whose history he is retracing. Following in the wake of the Western doctrine of classical science, he can view Arabic science as a repository of Hellenic science, a belated Hellenic science as it were: science as theory is Greek and as experimental method it was born in the seventeenth century. According to this doctrine Arabic science constitutes an excavation site, in which the historian is the archaeologist on the track of Hellenism. This approach has frequently ended up misrepresenting the results of Greek science as well as those of the seventeenth century, a necessary distortion if one wishes to link the two ends of the chain in a continuous history; on the other hand, and not without coincidence, it has led to some famous blunders affecting not only interpretation but comprehension too. These doctrinal views prevented Carra de Vaux (who translated the astronomical treatise of Nasir al-Din al-Tusi) and the eminent historian P.Tannery (who quotes it) from grasping the innovation that it entailed and which Neugebauer was to emphasize much later. But the historian of classical science has also managed to break away from this doctrine: the other historical practice, contemporaneous with the former, came into being with the work of Alexander von Humboldt, under whose influence certain scholars became involved in the direct and innovative study of the history of Arabic sciences: F.Woepcke and L.A.Sédillot, for example, whose work was later followed up by Nallino, Wiedemann, Suter, Ruska, Karpanski, Hirschberg, Kraus, Luckey, Nazif, etc., resulting in an unprecedented acceleration of this line of research from the 1950s onwards. Built up over the decades, this work opened the way to a better knowledge of Arabic science and of its contribution to classical science; it also enabled the understanding of one of its essential features, which had hitherto been obscured. In Arabic science a potentiality of Hellenic science was realized: the tendency beginning to germinate in the Greek scholars, to go beyond the frontiers of an area, to break the bounds of a culture and its traditions, to take on world-wide dimensions, was fulfilled in ‘a science developed around the Mediterranean not as such but as a forum of exchange of all the civilizations at the centre and at the periphery of the ancient world’ (Rashed 1984). Arabic science was ‘international’, one can say today, as much on account of its sources as through its developments and extensions. Even if the majority of those sources were Hellenistic, they also comprised writings in Syriac, Sanskrit and Persian. The weights of these different contributions ix were, of course, unequal, but this does not detract from the fact that their multiplicity was essential to the evolution of Arabic science; and even in the case of mathematics, which no one would deny to be the ‘heir’ of Greek science, it is essential to go back to other sources for a true understanding. We can see, for example, in the chapter devoted to astronomy the importance of Indian and Persian roots, not only in the development of an astronomy of observation and of astronomical calculation, but also for the new configuration of Ptolemaic astronomy. Within this new framework, the transmission of findings mattered less than the opportunity which occurred to bring together different scientific traditions, henceforth united within the scope of Islamic civilization. The novelty of this phenomenon was that it was not the fruit of chance meetings, of the regular or unexpected passage of caravans or seafarers; it was the deliberate result of a massive movement of scientific and philosophical translation, undertaken by professionals—sometimes rivals —supported by power and stimulated by the research itself. From this movement was born a library on the scale of the world of its time. Thus traditions from different origins and languages became elements of one civilization whose scientific language was Arabic, and found ways of reacting together to bring about new methods, and sometimes even initially unforeseen new disciplines—see, for example, the chapter on algebra (volume II, chapter 11). The social study of Arabic science will one day enlighten us about the role of Islamic society and of Islamic cities in this historic movement; we may then understand how previously independent scientific currents were able to meet and combine. This characteristic of Arabic science, which was already marked in its earliest phase, became even more pronounced later. The scholars of the eleventh and twelfth centuries continued to discuss results obtained elsewhere, extending them and integrating them into theoretical structures often foreign to their area of origin. Seen in medicine, in pharmacology or in alchemy, this phenomenon also affected the mathematical sciences, as shown later in the works of al-Biruni or of al-Samaw’al on the Indian methods of quadratic interpolation, or in the formulation by Ibn al-Haytham of the theorem of the Chinese remainder. With Arabic science it became possible to read in one language the translations and the scientific work of the ancients, as well as the advanced research of the moderns. The latter was produced in Arabic at Samarkand as in Granada, by way of Baghdad, Damascus, Cairo or Palermo. Even when a scholar wrote in his mother tongue, notably Persian—like al-Nasawi or Nasir al-Din al-Tusi—he undertook to translate his own work into Arabic. In short, from the ninth century onwards, the language of science was Arabic, and that language had in turn acquired a universal dimension: it was no longer the language of one people but of several; it was no longer the language of a single