Emergence of sectarianism in the diaspora: The case of anti-Ahmadiyya discrimination within the United Kingdom. Zayn Qureshi 5647606 Utrecht University 03/08/2016 A thesis submitted to the Board of Examiners in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Studies and Human Rights 1 Supervisor: Georg Frerks Date of Submission: 03/08/2016 Research and thesis writing (30 ECTS) Word Count: 24,672 2 Acknowledgements: There are too many people to thank. I simply do not know where to begin. I would like to thank my parents for supporting me in my life, if it weren’t for them I would not be sat at my computer typing this acknowledgement, thank you for supporting me in every possible way throughout this process. A same level of appreciation goes to my sisters who have been really cool too. I would like to thank Georg and Jolle for helping me in so many ways along this process and keeping me going throughout it. Special shout out to Fahm, who was with me in the last week while I was back in London, which was awesome. I would also like to thank Sadaf and Ehsan for helping me out so much with getting relevant information and helping me gain an understanding of what has been happening and how it all connects together. Finally, I want to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to everyone from the Ahmadiyya Community that took time to speak to me, share their stories and help me learn so much. 3 Table of Content: Chapter  one:  Introduction…………………………………………………………………………….p5     Chapter  two:  Placing  things  in  historical  context…………………………………………..p14     Gradual  excommunication  of  the  Ahmadiyya  Muslim  Community………..p  18     Chapter  three:  The  case  of  anti-­‐Ahmadiyya  prejudice  in  the  UK  ………………......p  29     MTKN  in  the  UK  ……………………………………………………………………………......p  32     MCB  in  relation  to  the  Ahmadiyya  Muslim  Community……………………….p39     Ahmadiyya   Muslim   Community’s   engagement   in   countering   rise   of   extremism………………………………………………………………………………………..p44     Ahmadiyya   engagement   with   the   Government   in   raising   awareness   of   extremism…………………………………………………………………………………………p48     Chapter  4:  Theoretical  considerations  …………………………….......................................p52     Chapter  5:  Conclusion  ………………………………………………………………………………...p71                           4 Chapter one: Introduction to the thesis On the 24th of March 2016 a popular shopkeeper in the Shawlands district of Glasgow was murdered in what the police labeled a ‘religiously motivated’ attack. As details emerged in the following days after the murder, it was revealed that both the murder and victim were Muslim. Tanveer Ahmad, a Sunni Muslim, had driven over 200 miles from Bradford to Glasgow to kill Asad Shah, an Ahmadiyya Muslim. In a separate incident a few weeks later, the Stockwell Green mosque in London came under intense media scrutiny after it emerged that literature inciting hatred against the Ahmadiyya community had been found on its premise. The high media coverage surrounding Asad Shah’s murder brought to light the sectarianism that the Ahmadiyya community has been facing within the diasporic sphere in the UK. The sectarian tendencies expressed towards the community have not occurred over night, nor are they something that can be understood in isolation from the history of persecution and sectarianism that the community has faced in Pakistan and other Muslim majority countries. The cause of this sectarianism between the Ahmadiyya and wider Muslim community is the differing perception that the Ahmadiyya have of the finality of Muhammad’s prophethood. In Pakistan, this has resulted in the institutional excommunication of the Ahmadiyya community by the state, whereby they cannot self identify as Muslims in public, in addition to regular violent persecution being committed against members of the community on a societal level. Owing to this, the community has had to move its headquarters to London from where the current Caliph leads the global community. The move to London has allowed the community to practice their interpretation of Islam in a politically safe and open environment, and therefore on a political level the community is safe from legal and institutional persecution. Yet, within the wider Muslim community, owing to the fundamental theological difference that sets the Ahmadiyya apart from the wider Muslim community, the normative belief that the community does not fall within the pale of Islam still exists. What is important to highlight is that this does not necessarily lead to the ostracisation and discrimination 5 of the community. During my research period, one of the topics that repeatedly came up in my interviews1 was how anti-Ahmadiyya sentiments and ideologies are being preached within mosques around the country and have been encouraging and inciting discrimination against the community. Given this it is important to understand the difference between theologically disagreements regarding faith, and on the other hand, using these disagreements into provoking action against those who you disagree with. Therefore, it must be clarified from the onset that the occurrence of anti- Ahmadiyya discrimination in the UK is coming from a small minority within the wider diaspora and is not something that is widespread, being committed by all those who do not believe Ahmadiyya are Muslims. In this sense, the topic of this thesis is addressing the manner in which a distinctly anti-Ahmadiyya sentiment, characterized by intolerance against the community, has come to the United Kingdom. Methodology: research and data gathering process, puzzle statement and significance of thesis. My research time frame began on the 26th of March 2016, two days after the murder in Glasgow. I arrived in London on the same day but with different intentions regarding what my research would be focusing on. After finding out about the murder through the first few unstructured interviews and informal discussions I had with members of the Ahmadiyya community and the media coverage of the incident, I decided to change my focus to the discrimination that the community have been facing in the UK. As this was the case, a form of naturally occurring data collection characterized the initial phase of my research in that I was observing and recording the development of the murder through media outlets that were reporting on the murder, as well as the sense of discrimination the community had been feeling in the aftermath, such as reported by the BBC, Daily Mail, the Guardian and the IBTimes. Media reports proved to be a large aspect of my research and provided vital information when I was unable to obtain interviews with key individuals, as well as cross triangulating certain information that interviewees had provided me with.                                                                                                                 1 Especially with interviewees from Ahmadiyya respondents 6 In addition to media reports, I collected data through conducting interviews with fourteen individuals that ranged from being unstructured, semi-structured to full structured in nature. Nine of the individuals that I interviewed belonged to the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community, three were journalists who worked for the Rabwah Times, Double Bind Magazine and the BBC, and the remaining two were with Dr. Farzana Shaikh from the Royal Institute of International Affairs and Siobhain Mcdonagh MP head of the All Party Parliamentary Group for Ahmadiyya Muslims. While I have chosen not to refer to each of the interviews throughout the thesis, they all helped me develop a detailed understanding of the case. The reason that I did not include every interview was because these interviews were conducted before I changed my focus to the topic of the thesis. In certain cases I developed correspondence with some of the individuals interviewed, who then led me to other individuals who I established correspondence with and interviewed outside of the timeframe of my research period. This was done due to timing issues. Owing to the fact that my research has been focused on an emerging situation, I would like to highlight my data collection period being the 26th of March to the 27th of June 2016. Therefore, I have chosen not to include any development in the case of Asad Shah or other elements discussed in the thesis beyond these dates. As the case of Asad Shah was still in courts during and until the end of my timeframe, no conclusions regarding the motives of Tanveer Ahmad have been stated in the thesis apart from what he said in his statement, which I address briefly in the third chapter. Due to the relative recentness of the public attention on the discrimination that the Ahmadiyya face in the UK2, which was brought to the fore once again after the murder and the uncovering of leaflets, the primary focus of my research has been to try and find out from where this anti-Ahmadiyya rhetoric is emerging and which parties in the UK are involved in facilitating discriminatory practices. Although I knew a lot about the persecution of Ahmadiyya Muslims in Pakistan, I myself was only made aware of inter-faith discrimination that members have been facing in the UK after I arrived in London. Therefore, my research has been primarily driven by looking at the empirical reality of what has been emerging in the UK after which I                                                                                                                 2 During my research period, I only managed to find media reporting on this topic dating back to 2010, which I discuss in my second chapter. 7 have then shone a theoretical lens on my findings and seen where in the vastness of theory it can fit in. The question that I aim to answer in this thesis is how has the socio-political exclusion of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in Pakistan transferred to the UK diaspora setting, and in what way was this manifested in the spring of 2016? In order to answer this overarching question I have highlighted four themes within it and formulated them into smaller sub-questions. These are: A] Why and how has the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community historically faced persecution from religious movements and the state in Pakistan? B] What have been the mechanisms of transferal through which an anti-Ahmadiyya sentiment has arrived in the UK from Pakistan? C] In what way has the anti-Ahmadiyya sentiment manifested itself in the UK? D] How has the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community responded to the recent manifestation of anti-Ahmadiyya discrimination? Each one of these are important aspects that needs to be addressed in order to understand where the sentiment is coming from and which parties are involved, as well as how the dynamics of the persecution play out in the diasporic setting. Placing the matter of the persecution of the Ahmadiyya community in its historical perspective automatically leads back to Pakistan. Thus in order to understand the significance of what is occurring in the UK, I argue that it is essential to address the development of exclusion that the community has gone through within Pakistan, the manner in which the Ahmadiyya community was construed as the heretical ‘other’, and which actors were involved in this process. Secondly, looking at how this sentiment against the Ahmadiyya has arrived in the UK brings to attention those who are sustaining this idea in the diasporic setting. Thirdly, the way in which this is manifesting itself in the UK shows the dynamics in which the community is being affected by this sentiment. Finally, looking at the response of the community shows the ways in which they are combating the threat of extremism. 8 A consequence of the manner in which I approached this research is that my discussion of these four core themes is split empirically and theoretically. The story that I have tried to capture in this thesis was constantly changing throughout my research, which posed a challenge for me in terms of applying a coherent, a priori theoretical framework, and given this I deemed it more appropriate to do my best to capture the story and raise attention to an emerging form of diasporic sectarianism. This has meant that my theoretical considerations have come second to my empirical observations resulting in a framework that is constituted by various different sensitizing concepts borrowed from a variety of different theories each of which is used in discussing each sub-question. Given that my main point of enquiry is how this sentiment has come to the UK, one aspect I have chosen to interpret the situation through is frame theory, through which I address the manner in which the framing of the Ahmadiyya as a heretic other resonated within Pakistan and came to be structurally embedded. In order to make sense of how this anti-Ahmadiyya frame has the transferred to the UK through social movements I turn to diffusion theory. In talking about the manner in which it manifests itself I turn to Kalyvas’ concept of alliances to consider the multicausal personal agendas, at the level of the individual, that play into and reiterate the wider anti-Ahmadiyya frame that is being espoused by certain religious movements in the UK. Finally I analyse the Ahmadiyya response by first making a case as to why the community should be considered a diaspora in the Sokefeldian sense as an ‘imagined transnational community’, and then arguing that their response to the recent events against them and to extremism in a broader sense is an instance of them reaffirming their identity and sense of community in the diasporic space. The significance of this thesis comes through the fact that it will be one of the first3 to engage in trying to understand the spill over of sectarianism, specifically against the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community from Pakistan to the UK. In addition to this, another component that makes this thesis relevant is the fact that it tries to highlight the                                                                                                                 3 Monica Duffy Toft has published a short piece addressing the issue on the 18th of July 2016. ‘Networks fighting networks: understanding and combating extremism and radicalization on a smaller scale’: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.2050- 5876.2016.00892.x/epdf 9 paradoxical hidden yet public manner in which this form of discrimination is being carried out. In that as it is being carried out within diasporic spaces it has been hidden from the wider British public’s attention until recently. The result of this being that the very movements and institutions that have helped instigate this anti-Ahmadiyya rhetoric in the UK operate openly4. Yet because the target audience is found within the diasporic spaces, the very message that is being conveyed through conferences and leaflets is hidden from the wider public’s attention owing to the fact that it often is in Urdu. On the other hand, these institutions change their rhetoric when speaking in English and use milder language that is not directly inflammatory5. Motivation, objectives, limitations and chapter outline: My motivation to research the persecution of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community was sparked by a chance encounter when I first arrived in Utrecht to start my studies. Excited to embark on this new adventure and embrace all aspects of Dutch life, the first thing I decided to do was to go and buy myself a bike. Arriving at the store, I saw the owner standing outside talking on his phone in Urdu. Excited at the opportunity to speak it again after a few weeks away from home, I instinctively turned to the owner and asked him where in Pakistan he came from. His answer of Sheikhupura got me excited, as this city is where my father was from as well. After speaking for a while and sharing with him my fond memories of Hiran Minar, I asked him why he came to the Netherlands. His answer that he left because he is an Ahmadi Muslim and had to leave Pakistan for the safety his family caught me of guard. Having grown up learning about Pakistan all my life, I was quite surprised at myself that I did not know about the persecution that the Ahmadiyya face. Thus my interest in the community and motivation for research began. Driven by the desire to learn about an element of the country that I have such a close ancestral connection to, I took this opportunity to delve into the broad and complex nature of the topic. Researching in the London also had the added benefit of engaging with the issue in a safe environment and being in the same city as where the world-wide headquarters of the community are located. On the whole, conducting research on the Ahmadiyya community and being of non-                                                                                                                 4 Specifically referring to the Khatme Nubuwwat movement. 5 I say this based on the views expressed to me during my interviews with members of the Ahmadiyya community. 10