REMO (BONDA) CHAPTER 11 REMO (BONDA) Gregory D. S. Anderson and K. David Harrison 0 Introduction Remo, also known as Bonda, Bondo, and Bondo/Nanga Poroja (in Remo remosam), has several thousand speakers. Remo is known mostly from a few sources, Fernandez (1968), some of which is published as (1983) from the Hill Remo (Mu��lipa�a) dialect, Ramachandra Rao’s phonological materials, Swain’s study and Bhattacharya’s (1968) brief text and more extensive lexical materials, which are mostly of the Plains Remo variety. In the following discussion, Remo is used to mean either Hill Remo alone or the Hill and Plains dialects together. The data presented in this chapter are drawn from Fernandez (1968), Bhattacharya (1968) and from field work carried out by the authors in 2005 and 2007, which included digital video and audio of Remo speakers (attributed as [SDM] in the chapter, representing our primary consultant Sukra Dangada-Majhi). Remo is unwritten. Its only closest relative in South Munda is Gutob, with which it forms the Gutob-Remo branch. This latter may form a larger unit jointly with Gta� in a Gutob- Remo- Gta� node as has been suggested by Zide (1965) or may have several shared innovations that included Gta�, but not form an actual genetic unit as suggested by Anderson (2001). Remo and Gutob also share certain structural/typological (genetic?) features with Kharia as well; this enigmatic situation remains an open research question for the future. The Remo-speaking Bonda occupy the Jeypore Hills in southern Orissa, west of the Machkund river in Malkangiri district, centered around Mundlipada (Parkin 1991: 32). The Plains Remo are found primarily in 35 villages in Khairpat block of Malkangiri district. While the total number of Plains Remo grew from 2565 to 4764 from 1941 to 1971, the total number of speakers of the language did not increase accordingly. Gradual attrition to Desia has been occuring in some parts of the Remo (Bonda) area, and Remo is likely endangered. Hill Bonda (Remo) are one of the tribal groups in India that are most known for being different than ‘civilized’ Indian citizens, and have a reputation for ferocity of character (Elwin 1950). They are organized into exogamous patrilineal clans typically named for villages, and, at a superordinate level, into two moieties, tiger (ontal) and cobra (killo or kukusa) (Elwin1950:28-9). Boys and girls resided in segregated village dormitories, marriage was by mutual consent, not arranged, and it was not uncommon for older women to marry young boys (von Furer-Haimendorff 1943). The women traditionally 1344 D R A F T Do not cite without permission REMO (BONDA) shaved their heads and wore only a cloth girdle and elaborate ornaments, enormous metal necklaces and earrings and bead strands that came down to the upper thigh. The men wore loincloths, carried bows and arrows and reportedly would shoot each other (and outsiders) without qualm. Material culture still practiced includes fibre extraction and weaving, construction and use of ploughs, hoes, hatchets, mortars, pestles, nets, fish traps, baskets, bird snares, looms, stringed instruments and drums. They erect and venerate stone megaliths with offerings of rice, mangoes and sacrificed fowl (Elwin 1950). The Bondo remain popular attractions in the Indian ethno-tourist industry, at a weekly market they attend when they come down from their hill villages. 1 Phonology 1.1 Vowel Inventory The vowel inventory of Remo is relatively straightforward within the South Munda context. It is a typical five-vowel system. It may have schwa phonetically, but this is weakly motivated as a phoneme by Fernandez (1968). (1) Remo Vowels (Fernandez 1968:7) i u (�) o/� a Diphthongs of various types are also attested: (Fernandez 1968:66) lea� ‘tongue’, bois ‘age’, gui�ag ‘to wash’, mbainu ‘2 people’, otoi ‘not to be’, kencua ‘earthworm’, dau ‘small’. In Plains Remo, various laxing and weakening processes typical of different vowels in a range of contexts are seen (Fernandez 1968:40-42). (2) /i/ > [�] /__# mir� ‘why’ /e/ > [�] /__n/r/l k�nda ‘branch’, s�llari ‘scolopendra’ /o/ > [�] /___N/T d�b ‘white’, a���� ‘fish’ /a/ > [�] /__Ca �mas ‘new moon day’, k�sa ‘astringent’ Some Plains Remo forms showing vowel oppositions include the following: biri ‘field on hill’ vs. bire ‘stone’; kesu ‘bed sheet’ vs. kasu ‘coin’ vs. kasa ‘astringent’ vs. kosa ‘joint part of metal point and the wooden part of an arrow’; bund ‘tree trunk’ vs. bond ‘tank’. 1.2 Suprasegmental Phenomena Remo makes limited use of phonemic nasalized vowels. Thus, one finds oppositions like the following in Hill Remo (Fernandez 1968:14). 1345 D R A F T Do not cite without permission REMO (BONDA) (3) nkwi� ‘father-in-law’ nkwi ‘younger sister’ �onkwi� ‘husband’s brother’s wife’ �ionkwi ‘married woman’ busã ‘grandfather’ usa ‘skin’ ��er-su� ‘boy’s dormitory’ nsu ‘knife’ batu�gõ ‘twins’ tumu�go ‘night’ Note that contrastive nasalization is also seen in diphthongs in Hill Remo (Fernandez 1968:14). (4) orõy� ‘sickle’ su�roy ‘bracelet’ o�õn�ãy� ‘baby’ nson�ay ‘squirrel’ �umãw � ‘little’ There are at least six words of Hill Remo where a nasalized vowel alternates with an oral vowel followed by a nasal consonant (Fernandez 1968:13). (5) ãyun ~ a�un ‘common fly’ ki�yar ~ ki�ar ‘wife’s sister’ �o�a� ~ �o��a� ‘honey’ so�k ~ sonk ‘throat’ oro�y� ~ oroy� ‘sickle’ ��er-su� ~ ��er-su� ‘boy’s dormitory’ Note that while diphthongs are not overly common generally, ey is noted in only two words in Hill Remo and its nasalized counterpart e�y � in one: te�y�o ‘anthill’, gey�-o� ‘chewed it’, leympu� ‘waist’ (Fernandez 1968:13) The sequence ãõ is found in a small number of stems, e.g., bãõsi ‘flute’, seserãõ ‘newborn baby’, but *ao only occurs across morpheme boundaries, for example a-om ‘do not keep in hand’. Also, *oa is always broken up by a -w- phonetically, e.g. ow-al-o�-pe ‘you caused to thatch’ ow-am-o�-ni� ‘I caused to pick’. Some Plains Remo pairs with nasal and oral vowels include the following (6) �kuy ‘younger sister’ �ku�y ‘wife’s father’ er ‘winnow’ e�r ‘endosperm of a mango seed’ 1346 D R A F T Do not cite without permission REMO (BONDA) �iyo�aya ‘house, etc.’ �iyõ�ayã ‘serpentine’ usa ‘skin’ busã ‘paternal grandfather’ kuy ‘poke with folded hands’ ku�y ‘scold’ 1.3 Consonant Inventory The consonant system of Hill Remo is typical South Munda, it has a five-way place- contrast at nasal and voiced stops. Glottal stop is found frequently. (7) Hill Remo (Fernandez 1968:7) p t � k � b d � j � m n � � � s z l r w y Plains Remo presents a slightly different picture. Here, a voiceless palatal is found, no retroflex � or z; Hill Remo w is realized as Plains Remo v. (8) Plains Remo (Ramachandra Rao 1981: 10) p t � k � b d � � s c j m n � � l r v y In a small number of stems, Hill Remo (HR) has lost a final consonant that Plains Remo (PR) preserves: (9) HR PR su�u su�ug ‘blossom’ 1347 D R A F T Do not cite without permission REMO (BONDA) wa wal ‘swim’ At one point in the history of Remo there were, and for speakers of certain varieties there remain, instances of word-initial syllabic nasals. This is realized in the form of a lexicalized prefix or ‘prebase’ in a number of Remo words. Remo speakers vary between treating these as syllabic or as prenasalization on the following consonant. Thus, a word like HR nsu ‘knife’ or PR nsa� ‘refuse’ may be treated as either one or two syllables for different speakers. In Plains Remo, aspirates in loans are often deaspirated, e.g., g�o�a ~ go�a ‘horse’ t�al ~ tal ‘leafy fan’ (Ramachandra Rao 1981:28-9). Both voiced and voiceless stops can occur word-finally bop ‘head’ kub ‘many’ kot ‘manure’ bond ‘tank’ so�� ‘castrated bull’. Note that the palatal affricate is realized as alveolar before round vowels: tson�i ‘beak’ tsol�a ‘wick’ cali ‘skin’ kanc ‘bottle’ cinta ‘worry’ dzudzu ‘sight’ dzo�i ‘field canal’ dzokto ‘under’ jamali ‘check’ pajra�a ‘spring season’ (Ramachandra Rao 1981: 35). Some examples of contrastive words demonstrating the phonemic inventory of Plains Remo are offered below: (10) pali ‘river bank’ bali ‘sand’ tati ‘leafy plate’ dadi ‘maternal grandfather’ �aku ‘mango seed’ �aku ‘girl’ parak ‘river’ parag ‘spring pond’ kubu ‘node’ gubu ‘pig’ ru�õ ‘chill’ su�õ ‘fire’ ran�i ‘widower’ lan�i ‘a month [May-June]’ may ‘pull’ nay ‘cobra’ �om ‘eggplant’ �om ‘village’ rot ‘charriot’ ro� ‘fat’ ma� ‘curry’ mag ‘a month’ va� ‘bow’ miri ‘how’ piri ‘bird’ biri ‘field on hill’ Note that word-finally the sequence –o�# may be realized as a nasalized vowel + glottal combination, o�# in Remo. (11) �utumo� ‘forehead’ =�utum�� [SDM] 1348 D R A F T Do not cite without permission REMO (BONDA) 1.4 Syllable Structure and Phonotactics The following comments can be made about the phonotactics of Plains Remo: Most consonants can be found word-initial except �-, while final –l and -� are found only in loans, e.g., jal ‘fish net’. In addition -� , -v, and -c are all lacking word-finally (Ramachandra Rao 1981: 19). In terms of the phonotactics of vowels, these are generally less restricted except that nasalized –i� is only found finally, e.g. si� ‘sun’, and nasalized e� is never found initially: me� ‘younger brother’ (Ramachandra Rao 1981:23). In contrast to Rao’s analysis, the consonant inventory of Plains Remo as given in Bhattacharya (1968) reports v as a phoneme, but gives no examples in his lexicon. He finds w only in a few Desiya loanwords (e.g., terwa ‘eunuch’, parwa ‘pigeon’) and likewise c and h only in loanwords. The following medial, heterosyllabic clusters are found in the Plains Remo given in Bhattacharya (1968). (12) p b m t � d � n � � y j s r � l k g � � p (�) (�) b � � � (�) � m � � � � � � (�) t � (�) � � � � (�) � � d (�) (�) � � n � � � � (�) � (�) � � �* � y �* � (�) j (�) s � � (�) � r � � � � � � � � � l � k � � � (�) � g � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � Key: (�) attested only in loanwords, �* attested only in proper nouns, � geminate. 1349 D R A F T Do not cite without permission REMO (BONDA) The following lexemes (simplex or complex) exemplify consonant clusters. (Note: In Bhattacharya’s transcription, a final consonant followed by an apostrophe, e.g. k’, p’, � � indicates a pre-glottalized, unreleased stop, e.g., p�, k�. We have retained this convention in the wordlist presented here.) (13) p supre� suprintendant of police upkar aid (Desiya loanword) b b��bsi� headache b�b�a a toothless person b�b�ari front side b��bker head (i.e., ear) of paddy tirib�ak’ cloud dabla the white one (Desiya loan) m limbi catapult s�mdi son’s wife’s father s�mpu� muskrat rimkur quarrelsome person kammi deity, spirit �umri fig (Desiya loanword) ��m�i �i� inner part of house umta�i prostrate d buddi intelligence (Desiya loanword) dadya bad (Desiya loanword) badrai murderer � sa���- to stop s��ra a kind of rat su�b�r- to be sold out bu�te buffalo (male) ra�lak’ glutton ju��ak’- to sink ju��u�lu earring (upper) for male ba�sa until, henceforth 1350 D R A F T Do not cite without permission REMO (BONDA) �eru�pe� funnel � la�lak’ cave l��l�k’- to calve sna�sa�rak’ (Hill Bonda) window sini�bu� a worm which emits bad smell mu�si� smoke bunu��in a drum �a��ak’- to be wet biti�-na salt-LOC di�da� flash of lightning ��u��uk’- to send t sit�ur restlessness m�tri minister (Desiya loanword) titti �enta to bury a dead body � ma�p�� a wrapper, a blanket pu�b�l football (English loanword) �k��k��te- to have something tightened l si�al-bai the head of a horned deer s l�sna also l�ktap’ dew siksa� bone, skeleton mesre� magistrate (English loanword) miste �i�n neighbor usk�p� hiccup n ontal cobra moiety p�tanlak’ a kind of necklace punni lotus pun�ay- to stop another banji ~ banjala a childless couple nd n�e bring (2 person imperative) min�a one alone dinke daily, always (Desiya loanword) 1351 D R A F T Do not cite without permission REMO (BONDA) dinsu article (Desiya loanword) � me��am-sam a festival held in the month of Pus’ ma�jal very much y buy�i�- to play on a flute pusaypa pitma�ri tree* bay� luck (Desiya loanword) ��yjak�- to make ready j bejri tomato (Desiya loanword) r s�rla�i cucumber s�rkup’ snail s�rni a female thief s�rm��- to awake from sleep urkuri mad orpa the last of the death rites m�rt�k’ star m�rsi� chilli burbu� a kind of wild fruit k kakka father’s younger brother mak�a spider (loanword) �okra man, male �kser horizontal pole on which clothes are dried � re��i wooden necklace sa�ye ancestor spirit san��si� egg shell li�tap� a small basket se�ma bug me��er a kind of bean me��er a kind of worm ba�le relatives on the father’s side b��re-sa swearing by a brother na�p�� cloth worn by Bonda women 1352 D R A F T Do not cite without permission REMO (BONDA) �us��bur wild dog In Plains Remo, the combination of /gg/ is realized as [�g]. og-o�-t-i� ‘I have carried a child’ vs. o�-go�-t-i� ‘I can carry a child’. (14) nsuk ‘knife’ > nsug-e ‘knives’ > nsug-bero� ‘with the knife’ > nsug-e-bero� ‘with the knives’ (Ramachandra Rao 1981: 83) Regarding possible syllable types, the following are permitted (Ramachandra Rao 1981: 24). (15) V VC CV CVC, CVVC CVCC (only in loans) CCV, CCCV One important distributional fact about Remo consonantism is that initial CC clusters are virtually exclusively homo-organic (syllabic) nasal + obstruent clusters. There are a few loans that are an exception to this: druka ‘chita’ and gyapo ‘bastard’ (Ramachandra Rao 1981:48-9, 63-4). As mentioned above, word-initially these are (often) not clusters or unit phonemes (i.e. prenasalized stops) but rather the initial nasal forms the nucleus of its own syllable. (16) mp mpo ‘saree’ mpor ‘husband’ mb mbar ‘2’ ns nsap ‘waist’ nsu�a ‘banana’ nt ntopsi� ‘egg’ ntu� ‘near’ nd nde��a ‘tree species’ �k �kuk ‘rice’ �� ��o ‘crab’ ��or�a� ‘black scorpion’ �j �jur ‘dawn’ As for possible three-term initial clusters #CCCV, only the following with initial, homo- organic nasals (Ramachandra Rao 1981:64) are permitted. 1353 D R A F T Do not cite without permission