The Project Gutenberg eBook of De Carmine Pastorali, by Rene Rapin This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook. Title: De Carmine Pastorali Author: Rene Rapin Release Date: December 28, 2004 [eBook #14495] [Most recently updated: April 10, 2021] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 Produced by: David Starner, Louise Hope and the PG Online Distributed Proofreading Team *** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DE CARMINE PASTORALI *** Series Two: Essays on Poetry No. 3 Rapin’s De Carmine Pastorali, prefixed to Thomas Creech’s translation of the Idylliums of Theocritus (1684) With an Introduction by J. E. Congleton and a Bibliographical Note The Augustan Reprint Society July, 1947 Price: 75c GENERAL EDITORS Richard C. Boys, University of Michigan Edward Niles Hooker, University of California, Los Angeles H. T. Swedenberg, Jr., University of California, Los Angeles ADVISORY EDITORS Emmett L. Avery, State College of Washington Louis I. Bredvold, University of Michigan Benjamin Boyce, University of Nebraska Cleanth Brooks, Louisiana State University James L. Clifford, Columbia University Arthur Friedman, University of Chicago Samuel H. Monk, University of Minnesota James Sutherland, Queen Mary College, London Lithoprinted from copy supplied by author by Edwards Brothers, Inc. Ann Arbor, Michigan, U.S.A. 1947 Introduction de Carmine Pastorali: the first Part de Carmine Pastorali: the second Part de Carmine Pastorali: the third Part Errata Bibliographic Note INTRODUCTION Recent students of criticism have usually placed Rapin in the School of Sense. In fact Rapin clearly denominates himself a member of that school. In the introduction to his major critical work, Reflexions sur la Poetique d'Aristote (1674), he states that his essay "is nothing else, but Nature put in Method, and good Sense reduced to Principles" (Reflections on Aristotle's Treatise of Poesie, London, 1731, II, 131). And in a few passages as early as "A Treatise de Carmine Pastorali" (1659), he seems to imply that he is being guided in part at least by the criterion of "good Sense." For example, after citing several writers to prove that "brevity" is one of the "graces" of pastoral poetry, he concludes, "I could heap up a great many more things to this purpose, but I see no need of such a trouble, since no man can rationally doubt of the goodness of my Observation" (p.41). The basic criterion, nevertheless, which Rapin uses in the "Treatise" is the authority of the Ancients—the poems of Theocritus and Virgil and the criticism of Aristotle and Horace. Because of his constant references to the Ancients, one is likely to conclude that he (like Boileau and Pope) must have thought they and Nature (good sense) were the same. In a number of passages, however, Rapin depends solely on the Ancients. Two examples will suffice to illustrate his absolutism. At the beginning of "The Second Part," when he is inquiring "into the nature of Pastoral," he admits: And this must needs be a hard Task, since I have no guide, neither Aristotle nor Horace to direct me.... And I am of opinion that none can treat well and clearly of any kind of Poetry if he hath no helps from these two (p. 16). In "The Third Part," when he begins to "lay down" his Rules for writing Pastorals," he declares: Yet in this difficulty I will follow Aristotle's Example, who being to lay down Rules concerning Epicks, propos'd Homer as a Pattern, from whom he deduc'd the whole Art; So I will gather from Theocritus and Virgil, those Fathers of Pastoral, what I shall deliver on this account (p. 52). These passages represent the apogee of the neoclassical criticism of pastoral poetry. No other critic who wrote on the pastoral depends so completely on the authority of the classical critics and poets. As a matter of fact, Rapin himself is not so absolute later. In the section of the Réflexions on the pastoral, he merely states that the best models are Theocritus and Virgil. In short, one may say that in the "Treatise" the influence of the Ancients is dominant; in the Réflexions, "good Sense." Reduced to its simplest terms, Rapin's theory is Virgilian. When deducing his theory from the works of Theocritus and Virgil, his preference is almost without exception for i ii Virgil. Finding Virgil's eclogues refined and elegant, Rapin, with a suggestion from Donatus (p. 10 and p. 14), concludes that the pastoral "belongs properly to the Golden Age" (p. 37)—"that blessed time, when Sincerity and Innocence, Peace, Ease, and Plenty inhabited the Plains" (p. 5). Here, then, is the immediate source of the Golden Age eclogue, which, being transferred to England and popularised by Pope, flourished until the time of Dr. Johnson and Joseph Warton. In France the most prominent opponent to the theory formulated by Rapin is Fontenelle. In his "Discours sur la Nature de l'Eglogue" (1688) Fontenelle, with studied and impertinent disregard for the Ancients and for "ceux qui professent cette espèce de religion que l'on s'est faite d'adorer l'antiquité," expressly states that the basic criterion by which he worked was "les lumières naturelles de la raison" (OEuvres, Paris, 1790, V, 36). It is careless and incorrect to imply that Rapin's and Fontenelle's theories of pastoral poetry are similar, as Pope, Joseph Warton, and many other critics and scholars have done. Judged by basic critical principles, method, or content there is a distinct difference between Rapin and Fontenelle. Rapin is primarily a neoclassicist in his "Treatise"; Fontenelle, a rationalist in his "Discours." It is this opposition, then, of neoclassicism and rationalism, that constitutes the basic issue of pastoral criticism in England during the Restoration and the early part of the eighteenth century. When Fontenelle's "Discours" was translated in 1695, the first phrase of it quoted above was translated as "those Pedants who profess a kind of Religion which consists of worshipping the Ancients" (p. 294). Fontenelle's phrase more nearly than that of the English translator describes Rapin. Though Rapin's erudition was great, he escaped the quagmire of pedantry. He refers most frequently to the scholiasts and editors in "The First Part" (which is so trivial that one wonders why he ever troubled to accumulate so much insignificant material), but after quoting them he does not hesitate to call their ideas "pedantial" (p. 24) and to refer to their statements as grammarian's "prattle" (p. 11). And, though at times it seems that his curiosity and industry impaired his judgment, Rapin does draw significant ideas from such scholars and critics as Quintilian, Vives, Scaliger, Donatus, Vossius, Servius, Minturno, Heinsius, and Salmasius. Rapin's most prominent disciple in England is Pope. Actually, Pope presents no significant idea on this subject that is foreign to Rapin, and much of the language— terminology and set phrases—of Pope's "Discourse" comes directly from Rapin's "Treatise" and from the section on the pastoral in the Reflections. Contrary to his own statement that he "reconciled" some points on which the critics disagree and in spite of the fact that he quotes Fontenelle, Pope in his "Discourse" is a neoclassicist almost as thoroughgoing as Rapin. The ideas which he says he took from Fontenelle are either unimportant or may be found in Rapin. Pope ends his "Discourse" by drawing a general conclusion concerning his Pastorals: "But after all, if they have any merit, it is to be attributed to some good old authors, whose works as I had leisure to study, so I have not wanted care to imitate." This statement is diametrically opposed to the basic ideas and methods of Fontenelle, but in full accord with and no doubt directly indebted to those of Rapin. The same year, 1717, that Pope 'imitated' Rapin's "Treatise," Thomas Purney made a direct attack on Rapin's neoclassic procedure. In the "Preface" to his own Pastorals he expresses his disapproval of Rapin's method, evidently with the second passage from Rapin quoted above in mind: Rapine's Discourse is counted the best on this Poem, for 'tis the longest. You will easily excuse my not mentioning all his Defects and Errors in this Preface. I shall only say then, that instead of looking into the true Nature of the Pastoral Poem, and then judging whether Theocritus or any of his Followers have brought it to it's utmost Perfection or not. Rapine takes it for granted that Theocritus and Virgil are infallible; and aim's at nothing beyond showing the Rules which he thinks they observ'd. Facetious Head! (Works, Oxford, 1933, pp. 51-52. The Peroy Reprints, No. XII) The influence of Rapin on the development of the pastoral, nevertheless, was salutary. Finding the genre vitiated with wit, extravagance, and artificiality, he attempted to strip it of these Renaissance excrescencies and restore it to its pristine purity by direct reference to the Ancients—Virgil, in particular. Though Rapin does not have the psychological insight into the esthetic principles of the genre equal to that recently exhibited by William Empson or even to that expressed by Fontenelle, he does understand the intrinsic appeal of the pastoral which has enabled it to survive, and often to flourish, through the centuries in painting, music, and poetry. Perhaps his most explicit expression of this appreciation is made while he is discussing Horace's statement that the muses love the country: And to speak from the very bottome of my heart... methinks he is much more happy in a Wood, that at ease contemplates this universe, as his own, and in it, the Sun and Stars, the pleasing Meadows, shady Groves, green Banks, stately Trees, flowing Springs, and the wanton windings of a River, fit objects for quiet innocence, than he that with Fire and Sword disturbs the World, and measures his possessions by the wast that lys about him (p. 4). René Rapin (1621-1687), in spite of his duties as a Jesuit priest and disputes with the Jansenists, became one of the most widely read men of his time and carried on the iii iv v T celebrated discussions about the Ancients with Maimbourg and Vavasseur. His chef-d'oeuvre without contradiction is Hortorum libri IV. Like Virgil, Spenser, Pope, and many aspiring lesser poets, he began his literary career by writing pastorals, Eclogae Sacrae (1659), to which is prefixed in Latin the original of "A Treatise de Carmine Pastorali." J.E. Congleton University of Florida Reprinted here from the copy owned by the Boston Athenaeum by permission. A T R E A T I S E de Carmine Pastorali Written by Rapin. The First Part. O be as short as possible in my discourse upon the present Subject, I shall not touch upon the Excellency of Poetry in general; nor repeat those high Encomiums, (as that tis the most divine of all human Arts, and the like) which Plato in his Jone, Aristotele in his Poetica, and other Learned men have copiously insisted on: And this I do that I might more closely and briefly pursue my present design, which, no doubt will not please every man; for since I treat of that part of Poetry, which (to use Quintilian’s words,) by reason of its Clownishness, is affraid of the Court and City; some may imagine that I follow Nichocaris his humor, who would paint only the most ugly and deform’d, and those too in the meanest and most frightful dress, that real, or fancy’d Poverty could put them in. For some think that to be a Sheapard is in it self mean, base, and sordid; And this I think is the first thing that the graver and soberer sort will be ready to object. But if we consider how honorable that employment is, our Objectors from that Topick will be easily answer’d, for as Heroick Poems owe their dignity to the Quality of Heroes, so Pastorals to that of Sheapards. Now to manifest this, I shall not rely on the authority of the Fabulous, and Heroick Ages, tho, in the former, a God fed Sheep in Thessaly, and in the latter, Hercules the Prince of Heroes, (as Paterculus stiles him) graz’d on mount Aventine: These Examples, tis true, are not convinceing, yet they sufficiently shew that the employment of a Sheapard was sometime look’d upon to be such, as in those Fabulous times was not alltogether unbecomeing the Dignity of a Heroe, or the Divinity of a God: which consideration if it cannot be of force enough to procure excellence, yet certainly it may secure it from the imputation of baseness, since it was sometime lookt upon as fit for the greatest in Earth or Heaven. But not to insist on the authority of Poets, Sacred Writt tells us that Jacob and Esau, two great men, were Sheapards; And Amos, one of the Royal Family, asserts the same of himself, for He was among the Sheapards of Tecua, following that employment: The like by Gods own appointment prepared Moses for a Scepter, as Philo intimates in his life, when He tells us, that a Sheapards Art is a suitable preparation to a Kingdome; the same He mentions in the Life of Joseph, affirming that the care a Sheapard hath over his Cattle, very much resembles that which a King hath over his Subjects: The same Basil in his Homily de S. Mamm. Martyre hath concerning David, who was taken from following the Ews great with young ones to feed Israel, for He says that the Art of feeding and governing are very near akin, and even Sisters: And upon this account I suppose twas, that Kings amongst the Greeks reckoned the name of Sheapard one of their greatest titles, for, if we believe Varro, amongst the Antients, the best and bravest was still a Sheapard: Every body knows that the Romans the worthiest and greatest Nation in the World sprang from Sheapards: The Augury of the Twelve Vulturs plac’t a Scepter in Romulus’s hand which held a Crook before; and at that time, as Ovid says, Lucretius mentions an extraordinary happiness, and as it were Divinity in a Sheaperd’s life, 1 2 3 His own small Flock each Senator did keep. The Antiquity of Pastorals. And this is the reason, I suppose, why the solitude of the Country, the shady Groves, and security of that happy Quiet was so grateful to the Muses, for thus Horace represents them, Which Observation was first made by Mnasalce the Sicyonian in his Epigram upon Venus For sometimes the Country is so raveshing and delightful, that twill raise Wit and Spirit even in the dullest Clod, And in truth, amongst so many heats of Lust and Ambition which usually fire our Citys, I cannot see what retreat, what comfort is left for a chast and sober Muse. And to speak from the very bottome of my heart, (not to mention the integrity and innocence of Sheapards upon which so many have insisted, and so copiously declaimed) methinks he is much more happy in a Wood, that at ease contemplates this universe, as his own, and in it, the Sun and Stars, the pleasing Meadows, shady Groves, green Banks, stately Trees, flowing Springs, and the wanton windings of a River, fit objects for quiet innocence, than he that with Fire and Sword disturbs the World, and measures his possessions by the wast that lys about him: Augustus in the remotest East fights for peace, but how tedious were his Voyages? how troublesome his Marches? how great his disquiets? what fears and hopes distracted his designs? whilst Tityrus contented with a little, happy in the enjoyment of his Love, and at ease under his spreading Beech. On the one side Melibœus is forc’t to leave his Country, and Antony on the other; the one a Sheapard, the other a great man, in the Common-Wealth; how disagreeable was the Event? the Sheapard could endure himself; and sit down contentedly under his misfortunes, whilst lost Antony,unable to hold out, and quitting all hopes both for himself and his Queen, became his own barbarous Executioner: Than which sad and deplorable fall I cannot imagine what could be worse, for certainly nothing is so miserable as a Wretch made so from a flowrishing & happy man; by which tis evident how much we ought to prefer before the gaity of a great and shining State, that Idol of the Crowd, the lowly simplicity of a Sheapards Life: for what is that but a perfect image of the state of Innocence, of that golden Age, that blessed time, when Sincerity and Innocence, Peace, Ease, and Plenty inhabited the Plains? Take the Poets description And thus Horace, And from this head I think the dignity of Bucolicks is sufficiently cleared, for as much as the Golden Age is to be preferred before the Heroick, so much Pastorals must excell Heroick Poems: yet this is so to be understood, that if we look upon the majesty and loftiness of Heroick Poems, it must be confest that they justly claim the preheminence; but if the unaffected neatness, elegant, graceful smartness of the expression, or the polite dress of a Poem be considered, then they fall short of Pastorals: for this sort flows with Sweet, Elegant, neat and pleasing fancies; as is too evident to every one that hath tasted the sweeter muses, to need a farther explication: for tis not probable that Asinius Pollio, Cinna, Varius, Cornelius Gallus, men of the neatest Wit, and that lived in the most polite Age, or that Augustus Cæsar the Prince of the Roman elegance, as well as of the common Wealth, should be so extreamly taken with Virgils Bucolicks, or that Virgil himself a man of such singular prudence, and so correct a judgment, should dedicate his Eclogues to those great Persons; unless he had known that there is somewhat more then ordinary Elegance in those sort of Composures, which the wise perceive, tho far above the understanding of the Crowd: nay if Ludovicus Vives, a very learned man, and admired for politer studies may be believed, there is somewhat more sublime and excellent in those Pastorals, than the Common sort of Grammarians imagine: This I shall discourse of in an other place, and now inquire into the Antiquity of Pastorals. Since Linus, Orpheus, and Eumolpus were famous for their Poems, before the Trojan wars; those are certainly mistaken, who date Poetry from that time; I rather incline to their opinion who make it as old as the World it self; which Assertion as it ought to be understood of Poetry in general, so especially of Pastoral, which, as Scaliger delivers, was the most antient kind of Poetry, and Thro Sheapards ease, and their Divine retreats. 4 The Muses that the Country Love. The Rural Muse upon the Mountains feeds. Taught Trees to sound his Amaryllis name. 5 Here Lowly Innocence makes a sure retreat, A harmless Life, and ignorant of deceit, and free from fears with various sweet’s encrease, And all’s or’e spread with the soft wings of Peace: Here Oxen low, here Grots, and purling Streams, And Spreading shades invite to easy dreams. Happy the man beyond pretence Such was the state of Innocence, &c. 6 7 resulting from the most antient way of Liveing: Singing first began amongst Sheapards as they fed their Flocks, either by the impulse of nature, or in imitation of the notes of Birds, or the whispering of Trees. For since the first men were either Sheapards or Ploughmen, and Sheapards, as may be gathered out of Thucydides and Varro, were before the others, they were the first that either invited by their leisure, or (which Lucretius thinks more probable) in imitation of Birds, began a tune. In short, tis so certain that Verses first began in the Country that the thing is in it self evident, and this Tibullus very plainly signifies, In certain feet according to Bern Cylenius of Verona his interpretation in set measures: for Censorinus tells us, that the antient Songs were loose and not ty’d up to any strict numbers, and afterwards by certain laws and acknowledged rules were confin’d to such and such measures: for this is the method of Nature in all her works, from imperfect and rude beginnings things take their first rise, and afterwards by fit and apposite additions are polish’t, and brought to perfection: such were the Verses which heretofore the Italian Sheapards and Plough-men, as Virgil says, sported amongst themselves. Lucretius in his Fifth Book de Natura Rerum, says, that Sheapards were first taught by the rushing of soft Breezes amongst the Canes to blow their Reeds, and so by degrees to put their Songs in tune. From all which tis very plain that Poetry began in those days, when Sheapards took up their employment: to this agrees Donatus in his Life of Virgil, and Pontanus in his Fifth Book of Stars, as appears by these Verses. Thus the Fescennine jests when they sang harvest-home, and then too the Grape gatherers and Reapers Songs began, an elegant example of which we have in the Tenth Idyllium of Theocritus. From this birth, as it were, of Poetry, Verse began to grow up to greater matters; For from the common discourse of Plough-men and Sheapards, first Comedy, that Mistress of a private Life, next Tragedy, and then Epick Poetry which is lofty and Heroical arrose, This Maximus Tyrius confirms in his Twenty first dissertation, where he tells us that Plough-men just comeing from their work, and scarce cleansed from the filth of their employment, did use to flurt out some sudden and extempore Catches; and from this beginning Plays were produc’d and the Stage erected: Thus much concerning the Antiquity, next of the Original of this sort. About this Learned men cannot agree, for who was the first Author, is not sufficiently understood; Donatus, tis true, tells us tis proper to the Golden Age, and therefore must needs be the product of that happy time: but who was the Author, where, what time it was first invented hath been a great Controversy, and not yet sufficiently determined: Epicharmus one of Pythagoras his School, in his ἀλκύονι mentions one Diomus a Sicilian, who, if we believe Athænæus was the first that wrote Pastorals: those that fed Cattle had a peculiar kind of Poetry, call’d Bucolicks, of which Dotimus a Sicilian was inventer: Diodorus Siculus ἐν τοῖς μυθολογουμένοις, seems to make Daphnis the son of Mercury and a certain Nymph, to be the Author; and agreeable to this, Theon an old scholiast on Theocritus, in his notes upon the first Idyllium mentioning Daphnis, adds, he was the author of Bucolicks, and Theocritus himself calls him the Muses Darling: and to this Thro all the Woods they heard the pleasing noise Of chirping Birds, and try’d to frame their voice, And Imitate, thus Birds instructed man, And taught them Songs before their Art began. 8 First weary at his Plough the labouring Hind In certain feet his rustick words did bind: His dry reed first he tun’d at sacred feasts To thanks the bounteous Gods, and cheer his Guests. Italian Plough-men sprung from antient Troy Did sport unpolish’t Rhymes—— For Whilst soft Evening Gales blew or’e the Plains And shook the sounding Reeds, they taught the Swains, And thus the Pipe was fram’d, and tuneful Reed, And whilst the Flocks did then securely feed, The harmless Sheapards tun’d their Pipes to Love, And Amaryllis name fill’d every Grove. 9 Here underneath a shade by purling Springs The Sheapards Dance, whilst sweet Amyntas sings; Thus first the new found Pipe was tun’d to Love, And Plough-men taught their Sweet hearts to the Grove, 10 Opinion of Diodorus Siculus Polydore Virgil readily assents. But Mnaseas of Patara in a discourse of his concerning Europa, speaks thus of a Son of Pan the God of Sheapards: Panis Filium Bubulcum à quo & Bucolice canere: Now Whether Mnaseas by that Bubulcum, means only a Herds- man, or one skilled in Bucolicks, is uncertain; but if Valla’s judgment be good, tis to be taken of the latter: yet Ælian was of another mind, for he boldly affirms that Stesichorus called Himeræus was the first, and in the same place adds, that Daphnis the Son of Mercury was the first Subject of Bucolicks. Some ascribe the Honor to Bacchus the President of the Nymphs, Satyrs, and the other Country Gods, perhaps because he delighted in the Country; and others attribute it to Apollo called Nomius the God of Sheapards, and that he invented it then when he served Admetus in Thessaly, and fed his Herds: For, tis likely, he to recreate himself, and pass away his time, applied his mind to such Songs as were best suitable to his present condition: Many think we owe it to Pan the God of Sheapards, not a few to Diana that extreamly delighted in solitude and Woods; and some say Mercury himself: of all which whilst Grammarians prattle, according to their usual custome they egregiously trifle; they suffer themselves to be put upon by Fables, and resign their judgment up to foolish pretentions, but things and solid truth is that we seek after. As about the Author, so concerning the place of its Birth there is a great dispute, some say Sparta, others Peloponesus, but most are for Sicily. Valla the Placentine, a curious searcher into Antiquity, thinks this sort of Poetry first appear’d amongst the Lacedemonians, for when the Persians had wasted allmost all Greece, the Spartans say that they for fear of the Barbarians fled into Caves and lurking holes; and that the Country Youth then began to apply themselves in Songs to Diana Caryatis, together with the Maids, who midst their Songs offerd Flowers to the Goddess: which custome containing somewhat of Religion was in those places a long time very scrupulously observed. Diomedes the Grammarian, in his treatise of Measures, declares Sicily to be the Place: for thus he says, the Sicilian Sheapards in time of a great Pestilence, began to invent new Ceremonies to appease incensed Diana, whom afterward, for affording her help, and stopping the Plague they called Λύην: i.e. the Freer from their Miserys. This grew into custom, and the Sheapards used to meet in Companies, to sing their deliverer Diana’s praise, and these afterwards passing into Italy were there named Bucoliastæ. Pomponius Sabinus tells the story thus: When the Hymns the Virgins us’d to sing in the Country to Diana were left off, because, by reason of the present Wars, the Maidens were forc’t to keep close within the Towns; the Shepherds met, and sang these kind of Songs, which are now call’d Bucolicks, to Diana; to whom they could not give the usual worship by reason of the Wars: But Donatus says, that this kind of Verses was first sung to Diana by Orestes, when he wandred about Italy; after he fled from Scythia Taurica, and had taken away the Image of the Goddess and hid it in a bundle of sticks, whence she receiv’d the name of Fascelina, or Phacelide ἀπὸ τοῦ φακέλου At whose Altar, the very same Orestes was afterward expiated by his Sister Iphigenia: But how can any one rely on such Fables, when the inconsiderable Authors that propose them disagree so much amongst themselves? Some are of Opinion that the Shepherds, were wont in solem and set Songs about the Fields and Towns to celebrate the Goddess Pales; and beg her to bless their flocks and fields with a plenteous encrease and that from hence the name, and composure of Bucolicks continued. Other prying ingenious Men make other conjectures, as to this mazing Controversy thus Vossius delivers himself; The Antients cannot be reconcil’d, but I rather incline to their opinion who think Bucolicks were invented either by the Sicilians or Peloponesians, for both those use the Dorick dialect, and all the Greek Bucolicks are writ in that: As for my self I think, that what Horace says of Elegies may be apply’d to the present Subject. For I find nothing certain about this matter, since neither Valla a diligent inquirer after, and a good judge in such things, nor any of the late writers produce any thing upon which I can safely rely; yet what beginning this kind of Poetry had, I think I can pretty well conjecture: for tis likely that first Shepherds us’d Songs to recreate themselves in their leisure hours whilst they fed their Sheep; and that each man, as his wit served, accommodated his Songs to his present Circumstances: to this Solitude invited, and the extream leisure that attends that employment absolutely requir’d it: For as their retirement gave them leisure, and Solitude a fit place for Meditation, Meditation and Invention produc’d a Verse; which is nothing else but a Speech fit to be sung, and so Songs began: Thus Hesiod was made a Poet, for he acknowledges himself that he receiv’d his inspiration; for either the leisure or fancy of Shepherds seems to have a natural aptitude to Verse. And indeed I cannot but agree with Lucretius that accurate Searcher into Nature, who delivers that from that state of Innocence the Golden Age, Pastorals continued down to his time, for after he had in his fifth book describ’d that most 11 12 13 But who soft Elegies was the first that wrote Grammarians doubt, and cannot end the doubt: 14 Whilst under Helicon he fed his Lambs. N The Definition of happy age, he adds, From whence ’tis very plain, that as Donatus himself observ’d, Pastorals were the invention of the simplicity and innocence of that Golden age, if there was ever any such, or certainly of that time which succeeded the beginning of the World: For tho the Golden Age must be acknowledged to be only in the fabulous times, yet ’tis certain that the Manners of the first Men were so plain and simple, that we may easily derive both the innocent imployment of Shepherds, and Pastorals from them. The Second P A RT. OW let us inquire into the nature of Pastoral, in what its excellencies consist, and how it must be made to be exact: And this must needs be a hard Task, since I have no guide, neither Aristotle nor Horace to direct me; for both they, whatever was the matter, speak not one word of this sort of Verse. And I am of opinion that none can treat well and clearly of any kind of Poetry if he hath no helps from these two: But since they lay down some general Notions of Poetry which may be useful in the present case, I shall follow their steps as close as possible I can. Not only Aristotle but Horace too hath defin’d that Poetry in general is Imitation; I mention only these two, for tho Plato in his Second Book de Rep. and in his Timæus delivers the same thing, I shall not make use of his Authority at all: Now as Comedy according to Aristotle is the Image and Representation of a gentiel and City Life, so is Pastoral Poetry of a County and Sheapards Life; for since Poetry in general is Imitation; its several Species must likewise Imitate, take Aristotles own words Cap. 1. πᾶσαι τυγχάνουσιν οὖσαι μιμήσεις; And these Species are differenc’t either by the subject matter, when the things to be imitated are quite different, or when the manner in which you imitate, or the mode of imitation is so: ἐν τρισὶ δὲ ταύταισ διαφοραῖς ἡ μιμησίς ἐστιν, ἐν οἷς καὶ ἅ, καὶ ὥς: Thus tho of Epick Poetry and Tragedy the Subject is the same, and some great illustrious Action is to be imitated by both, yet since one by representation, and the other by plain narration imitates, each makes a different Species of imitation. And Comedy and Tragedy, tho they agree in this, that both represent, yet because the Matter is different, and Tragedy must represent some brave action, and Comedy a humor; these Two sorts of imitation are Specifically different. And upon the same account, since Pastoral chooses the manners of Sheapards for its imitation, it takes from its matter a peculiar difference, by which it is distinguish’d frõ all others. But here Benius in his comments upon Aristotle hath started a considerable query: which is this; Whether Aristotle, when he reckons up the different Species of Poetry Cap 1. doth include Pastoral, or no? And about this I find learn’d men cannot at all agree: which certainly Benius should have determin’d, or not rais’d: some refer it to that sort which was sung to Pipes, for that Pastorals were so Apuleius intimates, when at the marriage Feast of Phyche He brings in Paniscus singing Bucolicks to his Pipe; But since they did not seriously enough consider, what Aristotle meant by that which he calls αυλητικὴν they trifle, talk idly, and are not to be heeded in this matter; For suppose some Musitian should sing Virgils Ænæis to the Harp, (and Ant. Lullus says it hath been done,) should we therefore reckon that divine and incomparable Master of Heroick Poetry amongst the Lyricks? Others with Cæsius Bassus and Isacius Tzetzes hold that that distribution of Poetry, which Aristotle and Tully hath left us, is deficient and imperfect; and that only the chief Species are reckoned, but the more inconsiderable not mention’d: I shall not here interest my self in that quarrel of the Criticks, whether we have all Aristotles books of Poetry or no; this is a considerable difficulty I confess, for Laertius who accurately weighs this matter, says that he wrote two books of Poetry, the one lost, and the other we have, tho Mutinensis is of an other mind: but to end this dispute, I must agree with Vossius, who says the Philosopher comprehended these Species not expressly mentioned, under a higher and more noble head: and that therefore Pastoral was contain’d in Epick. for these are his own words, besides there are Epicks of an inferior rank, such as the Writers of Bucolicks. Sincerus, as Minturnus quotes him, is of the same mind, for thus he delivers his opinion concerning Epick Verse: The matters about which these numbers may be employed is various; either mean and low, as in Pastorals, great and lofty, as when the Subject is Divine Things, or Heroick Actions, or of a middle rank, as when we use them to deliver precepts in: And this likewise he signifys before, where he sets down three sorts of Epicks: one of which, says he, is divine, and the most excellent by much in all Poetry; the other the lowest but most pure, in which Theocritus excelled, which indeed shews nothing of Poetry beside the bare numbers: These points being thus settled, the remaining difficultys will be more easily dispatched. For as in Dramatick Poetry the Dignity and meanness of the Persons represented make two different Species of imitation the one Tragick, which agrees to none but great and Illustrious persons, the other Comick, which suits with common and gentile humors: so in Epick too, there may be reckoned two sorts of Imitation, one of which belongs to Heroes, and that makes the Heroick; the other to Rusticks and Sheapards and that constitutes the Pastoral, now as a Picture imitates the Features of the face, so Poetry doth action, and tis not a representation of the Person but the Action. From all which we may gather this definition of Pastoral: It is the imitation of the For then the Rural Muses reign’d. 15 16 17 18 19 Pastoral. Action of a Sheapard, or of one taken under that Character: Thus Virgil’s Gallus, tho not really a Sheapard, for he was a man of great quality in Rome, yet belongs to Pastoral, because he is represented like a Sheapard: hence the Poet: The Scene lys amongst Sheapards, the Swains are brought in, the Herdsmen come to see his misery, and the fiction is suited to the real condition of a Sheapard; the same is to be said for his Silenus, who tho he seems lofty, and to sound to loud for an oaten reed, yet since what he sings he sings to Sheapards, and suits his Subject to their apprehensions, his is to be acknowledged Pastoral. This rule we must stick to, that we might infallibly discern what is stricktly Pastoral in Virgil and Theocritus, and what not: for in Theocritus there are some more lofty thoughts which not having any thing belonging to Sheapards for their Subject, must by no means be accounted Pastoral, But of this more in its proper place. My present inquiry must be what is the Subject Matter of a Pastoral, about which it is not easy to resolve; since neither from Aristotle, nor any of the Greeks who have written Pastorals, we can receive certain direction. For sometimes they treat of high and sublime things, like Epick Poets; what can be loftier than the whole Seaventh Idyllium of Bias in which Myrsan urges Lycidas the Sheapard to sing the Loves of Deidamia and Achilles. For he begins from Helen’s rape, and goes on to the revengful fury of the Atrides, and shuts up in one Pastoral, all that is great and sounding in Homers Iliad. And Theocritus his verses are sometimes as sounding and his thoughts as high: for upon serious consideration I cannot mind what part of all the Heroicks is so strong and sounding as that Idyllium on Hercules λεοντοφονω in which Hercules himself tells Phyleus how he kill’d the Lyon whose Skin he wore: for, not to mention many, what can be greater than this expression. Why should I instance in the διόσκουροι, which hath not one line below Heroick; the greatness of this is almost inexpressible. And some other pieces are as strong as these, such is the Panegyrick on Ptolemy, Helen’s Epithalamium, and the Fight of young Hercules and the Snakes: now how is it likely that such Subjects should be fit for Pastorals, of which in my opinion, the same may be said which Ovid doth of his Cydippe. For certainly Pastorals ought not to rise to the Majesty of Heroicks: but who on the other side dares reprehend such great and judicious Authors, whose very doing it is Authority enough? What shall I say of Virgil? who in his Sixth Eclogue hath put together allmost all the particulars of the fabulous Age; what is so high to which Silenus that Master of Mysterys doth not soar? And afterward So true, so certain ’tis, that nothing is so high and lofty to which Bucolicks may not successfully aspire. But if this be so, what will become of Macrobius, Georgius Valla, Julius Scaliger, Vossius, and the whole company of Grammarians? who all affirm that simplicity and meanness is so essential to Pastorals, that it ought to be confin’d to the State, 20 The Goatherd and the heavy Heardsmen came, And ask’t what rais’d the deadly Flame. 21 Sparta was fir’d with Rage And gather’d Greece to prosecute Revenge. And gaping Hell received his mighty Soul: ἀνὴρ ὑπέροπλος ἐνήμερος, ἐνδιάασκε δεινὸς ἰδεῖν Cydippe, Homer, doth not fit thy Muse. 22 For lo! he sung the Worlds stupendious birth, How scatter’d seeds of sea, of Air, and Earth, And purer Fire thro universal night And empty space did fruitfully unite: From whence th’ innumerable race of things By circular successive order springs: How Pyrra’s Stony race rose from the ground, And Saturn reign’d with Golden plenty crown’d, How bold Prometheus (whose untam’d desire, Rival’d the Sun with his own Heavenly Fire) Now doom’d the Scythian Vulturs endless prey Severely pays for Animating Clay: 23 Manners, Apprehension and even common phrases of Sheapards: for nothing can be said to be Pastoral, which is not accommodated to their condition; and for this Reason Nannius Alcmaritanus in my opinion is a trifler, who, in his comments on Virgils Eclogues, thinks that those sorts of Composures may now and then be lofty, and treat of great subjects: where he likewise divides the matter of Bucolicks, into Low, Middle, and High: and makes Virgil the Author of this Division, who in his Fourth Eclogue, (as he imagines) divides the matter of Bucolicks into Three sorts, and intimates this division by these three words: Bushes, Shrubs and Woods. By Woods, as he fancys, as Virgil means high and stately Trees, so He would have a great and lofty Subject to to be implyed,such as he designed for the Consul: by Bushes, which are almost even with the ground, the meanest and lowest argument; and by Shrubs a Subject not so high as the one, nor so low as the other, as the thing it-self is, And therefore these lines are thus to be understood, That if we choose high and sublime arguments, our work will be fit for the Patronage of a Consul, This is Nanniu’s interpretation of that place; too pedantial and subtle I’me affraid, for tis not credible that ever Virgil thought of reckoning great and lofty things amongst the Subjects of Bucolicks especially since This certainly was a serious admonition, implyed by the twitching of his Ear, and I believe if he had continued in this former humor and not obey’d the smarting admonition. He had still felt it: so far was he from thinking Kings and Battels fit Themes for a Sheapards song: and this evidently shows that in Virgils opinion, contrary to Nanniu’s fancy, great things cannot in the least be comprehended within the subject matter of Pastorals; no, it must be low and humble, which Theocritus very happily expresseth by this word Βουκολιάσδην i. e. as the interpreters explain it, sing humble Strains. Therefore let Pastoral never venture upon a lofty subject, let it not recede one jot from its proper matter, but be employ’d about Rustick affairs: such as are mean and humble in themselves; and such are the affairs of Shepherds, especially their Loves, but those must be pure and innocent; not disturb’d by vain suspitious jealousy, nor polluted by Rapes; The Rivals must not fight, and their emulations must be without quarrellings: such as Vida meant. To these may be added sports, Jests, Gifts, and Presents; but not costly, such are yellow Apples, young stock- Doves, Milk, Flowers, and the like; all things must appear delightful and easy, nothing vitious and rough: A perfidious Pimp, a designing Jilt, a gripeing Usurer, a crafty factious Servant must have no room there, but every part must be full of the simplicity of the Golden-Age, and of that Candor which was then eminent: for as Juvenal affirms Sometimes Funeral-Rites are the subject of an Eclogue, where the Shepherds scatter flowers on the Tomb, and sing Rustick Songs in honor of the Dead: Examples of this kind are left us by Virgil in his Daphnis, and Bion in his Adonis, and this hath nothing disagreeable to a Shepherd: In short whatever, the decorum being still preserv’d, can be done by a Sheapard, may be the Subject of a Pastoral. Now there may be more kinds of Subjects than Servius or Donatus allow, for they confine us to that Number which Virgil hath made use of, tho Minturnus in his second Book de Poetâ declares against this opinion: But as a glorious Heroick action must be the Subject of an Heroick Poem, so a Pastoral action of a Pastoral; at least it must be so turn’d and wrought, that it might appear to be the action of a Shepherd; which caution is very necessary to be observ’d, to clear a great many difficulties in this matter: for tho as the Interpreters assure us; most of Virgils Eclogues are about the Civil war, planting Colonys, the murder of the Emperor, and the like, which in themselves are too great and too lofty for humble Pastoral to reach, yet because they are accomodated to the Genius of Shepherds, may be the Subject of an Eclogue, for that sometimes will admit of Gods and Heroes so they appear like, and are shrouded under the Persons of Shepherds: But as for these matters which neither really are, nor are so wrought as to seem the actions 23 Sicilian Muse begin a loftier strain, The Bushes and the Shrubs that shade the Plain Delight not all; if I to Woods repair My Song shall make them worth a Consuls Care. If I to Woods repair My Song shall make them worth a Consuls care. 24 When his Thalia rais’d her bolder voice And Kings and Battles were her lofty choice, Phæbus did twitch his Ear, mean thoughts infuse, And with this whisper check’t th’ inspiring Muse. A Sheapard, Tityrus, his Sheep should feed, And choose a subject suited to his reed, 25 Whilst on his Reed he Shepherd’s strifes conveys, And soft complaints in smooth Sicilian lays. Baseness was a great wonder in that Age; 26 of Shepherds, such are in Moschus’s Europa, Theocritus’s Epithalamium of Helen, and Virgil’s Pollio, to declare my opinion freely, I cannot think them to be fit Subjects for Bucolicks: And upon this account I suppose ’tis that Servius in his Comments on Virgil’s Bucoliks reckons only seven of Virgil’s ten Eclogues, and onely ten of Theocritus’s thirty, to be pure Pastorals, and Salmasius upon Solinus says, that amongst Theocritus’s Poems there are some which you may call what you please Beside Pastorals: and Heinsius in his Scholia upon Theocritus will allow but Ten of his Idylliums to be Bucoliks, 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 11. for all the rest are deficient either in matter or form, and from this number of pure pastoral Idylliums I am apt to think, that Theocritus seems to have made that Pipe, on which he tun’d his Pastorals and which he consecrated to Pan of ten Reeds, as Salmasius in his notes on Theocritus’s Pipe hath learnedly observed: in which two Verses always make one Reed of the Pipe, therefore all are so unequal, like the unequal Reeds of a Pipe, that if you put two equals together which make one Reed, the whole inequality consists in ten pairs; when in the common Pipes there were usually no more then seven Reeds, and this the less curious observers have heedlessly past by. Some are of opinion that whatever is done in the Country, and in one word, every thing that hath nought of the City in it may be treated of in Pastorals; and that the discourse of Fishers, Plow-men, Reapers, Hunters, and the like, belong to this kind of Poetry: which according to the Rule that I have laid down cannot be true for, as I before hinted nothing but the action of a Shepherd can be the Subject of a Pastoral. I shall not here enquire, tho it may seem proper, whether we can decently bring into an Eclogue Reapers, Vine- dressers, Gardners, Fowlers, Hunters, Fishers, or the like, whose lives for the most part are taken up with too much business and employment to have any vacant time for Songs, and idle Chat, which are more agreeable to the leisure of a Sheapards Life: for in a great many Rustick affairs, either the hardship and painful Labor will not admit a song, as in Plowing, or the solitude as in hunting, Fishing, Fowling, and the like; but of this I shall discourse more largely in another place. Now ’tis not sufficient to make a Poem a true Pastoral, that the Subject of it is the action of a Shepherd, for in Hesiods ἔργα and Virgils Georgicks there are a great many things that belong to the employment of a Shepherd, yet none fancy they are Pastorals; from whence ’tis evident, that beside the matter, which we have defin’d to be the action of a Sheapard, there is a peculiar Form proper to this kind of Poetry by which ’tis distinguish’d from all others. Of Poetry in General Socrates, as Plato tells us, would have Fable to be the Form: Aristotle Imitation: I shall not dispute what difference there is between these two, but only inquire whether Imitation be the Form of Pastoral: ’tis certain that Epick Poetry is differenc’t from Tragick only by the manner of imitation, for the latter imitates by action, and the former by bare narration: But Pastoral is the imitation of a Pastoral action either by bare narration, as in Virgil’s Alexis, and Theocritus’s 7th Idyllium, in which the Poet speaks all along in his own Person: or by action as in Virgil’s Tityrus, and the first of Theocritus, or by both mixt, as in the Second and Eleventh Idylliums, in which the Poet partly speaks in his own Person, and partly makes others speak, and I think the old Scholiast on Theocritus took an hint from these when he says, that Pastoral is a mixture made up of all sorts, for ’tis Narrative, Dramatick, and mixt, and Aristotle, tho obscurely, seems to hint in those words, In every one of the mentioned Arts there is Imitation, in some simple, in some mixt; now this latter being peculiar to Bucolicks makes its very form and Essence: and therefore Scaliger, in the 4th Chapter of his first Book of Poetry, reckons up three Species of Pastorals, the first hath but one Person, the second several, which sing alternately; the third is mixt of both the other: And the same observation is made by Heinsius in his Notes on Theocritus, for thus he very plainly to our purpose, the Character of Bucolicks is a mixture of all sorts of Characters, Dramatick, Narrative, or mixt: from all which ’tis very manifest that the manner of Imitation which is proper to Pastorals is the mixt: for in other kinds of Poetry ’tis one and simple, at least not so manifold; as in Tragedy Action: in Epick Poetry Narration. Now I shall explain what sort of Fable; Manners, Thought, Expression, which four are necessary to constitute every kind of Poetry, are proper to this sort. Concerning the Fable which Aristotle calls, σύνθεσιν τῶν πραγμάτων, I have but one thing to say: this, as the Philosopher hints, as of all other sorts of Poetry, so of Pastoral is the very Soul. and therfore Socrates in Plato says, that in those Verses which he had made there was nothing wanting but the Fable: therefore Pastorals as other kinds of Poetry must have their Fable, if they will be Poetry: Thus in Virgil’s Silenus which contains the Stories of allmost the whole Fabulous Age, two Shepherds whom Silenus had often promis’d a Song, and as often deceived, seize upon him being drunk and asleep, and bind him with wreath’d Flowers; Ægle comes in and incourages the timorous youths, and stains his jolly red Face with Blackberries, Silenus laughs at their innocent contrivance, and desires to be unbound, and then with a premeditated Song satisfies the Nymph’s and Boys Curiosity; The incomparable Poet sings wonders, the Rocks rejoyce, the Vales eccho, and happy Eurotas as if Phœbus himself sang, hears all, and bids the Laurels that grow upon his Banks listen to, and learn the Song. 27 28 29 30 31 Happy Eurotas as he flow’d along Heard all, and bad the Laurels learn the Song. Thus every Eclogue o...