View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Open Research Exeter In J. Leemans & M. Cassin (edd) Gregory of Nyssa: Contra Eunomium III : an English translation with commentary and supporting studies : proceedings of the 12th International Colloquium On Gregory Of Nyssa (Leuven, 14-17 September 2010) Vigiliae Christianae Supplements 124, 442-474. Brill, Leuven 2014 International Colloquium on Gregory of Nyssa - Contra Eunomium III Contra Eunomium III 10 – Who is Eunomius?1 Morwenna Ludlow This paper will first give an overview of the contents of CE III 10, before commenting in more detail on Gregory’s characterisation of his opponent, Eunomius. I hope to show that an understanding of this feature in particular helps one to understand the structure and purpose of this concluding part of CE III. I. Summary of the arguments of Book 10 In book 10, Gregory of Nyssa deals with two main arguments or challenges presented by Eunomius: the first (1) concerns the question of whether the Father can truly be called the Son’s ‘God’ (§§1-17); the second (2) discusses the various meanings of ‘light’ as applied to Father and Son in the Bible (§§18-49). Gregory responds to the latter by accusing Eunomius of (i) failing to correctly understand Scripture’s use of the word ‘light’ (§§18-25); (ii) having a doctrine of the incarnation which implied that the either the Son was evil or the Father was inferior to the Son (§§26-44), and (iii) succumbing to precisely that heresy which he accuses the Cappadocians of holding, that is, the idea that God is composite (§§46-9). 1. The Father is ‘not only the Father of the Only-begotten, but... his God’. As Ekkehard Mühlenberg notes,2 the only place in CE where Gregory not only accuses Eunomius of blasphemy, but also calls him the Antichrist is the close of book 9 (CE III 9.64), shortly after Gregory quotes Eunomius’ claim that the Father is ‘not only the Father of the Only-begotten, but... his God’ (CE III 9,61). Perhaps Gregory took this to be the Eunomius’ most blunt assertion of the inequality between 1 I am grateful for the comments of the participants of the Leuven colloquium on this paper, particularly the suggestions for improvement made by Michel Barnes, Matthieu Cassin and S. G. Hall. 2 See E. Mühlenberg, “Gregor von Nyssa, Contra Eunomium III, Tomus IX”, ***386***. 2 the Father and the Son. In any case, he picks up the claim in CE III 10, announcing that he will discuss the argument Eunomius uses to support it, an argument which Gregory calls the ‘chief point (to\ kefa&laion) in support of their doctrine’ (CE III 10,1). What was this argument? It appears that Eunomius quoted John 10:17 (‘Jesus said to her, “Do not hold on to me, because I have not yet ascended to the Father. But go to my brothers and say to them, ‘I am ascending to my Father and your Father, to my God and your God’.” ’) in order to claim that ‘either the disciples are of one essence with the Father’ (which is clearly ludicrous) ‘or the Son is not of the same essence with the Father but serves his “God” in the same sense as the disciples do’.3 In CE III 10,1-17 Gregory discusses the interpretation of this (and related) verses; his exegesis is framed by his contrast of Eunomius’ blasphemous and futile theology with what Gregory claims to be the ‘truly religious’ and traditional interpretation of the verse (§§1 and 17).4 This pious and traditional approach consists in interpreting the phrases ‘my father and your father’ and ‘my God and your God’ in the light of the divine oi0konomi/a.5 Consequently, Gregory gives his reader a potted summary of the history of salvation from creation and the Fall (§10), to the incarnation and Christ’s saving work (§11-12) and finally the resurrection after which Jesus proclaims the glad news of the divine economy to Mary (§13- 14). Whereas Eunomius applied Christ’s words ‘my God and your God’ to his non-human nature and thus allegedly intended ‘to demolish the glory of the Only-Begotten’,6 Gregory’s exegesis applies them to Christ’s human nature (§§9 and 17). This pattern of interpreting descriptions of Christ according to the economy of salvation fits with Gregory’s strategy throughout CE III, as other contributors to this volume have noted.7 But Gregory implies that this is no mere grammatical point. Christ, in becoming human, became the first-fruits of a salvation which will apply to all; not only was the incarnation itself part of God’s economy of salvation, but the particular way in which it was announced had a purpose too: ‘when we hear that the true God and Father has become Father and God of our First-fruits, we no longer doubt that the same one has 3 Gregory quotes Eunomius’ argument at CE III 1,8, but the passage is wordy and not very easy to understand out of context (possibly this is one of Gregory’s reasons for quoting it). Here I use the paraphrase by Richard Vaggione: Eunomius, The Extant Works Richard Paul Vaggione, ed. and tr. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), p.126; see also n.56. 4 CE III 10,1: th|= blasfhmia/ |.CE III 10,2: th\n… eu0sebh=… dia/noian which is pro/dhlon… toi=j paradecame/noij e0n a)lhqei/a| th\n pis/ tin.CE III 10, 17: every pious person (pa/nta… to\n eu0sebou=nta) will agree that compared to Gregory’s interpretation Eunomius’ is completely futile (pa/ntwj a)rgei=n). 5 He describes his interpretation as containing ‘the purpose of the human economy’ (i.e. of Jesus Christ): kata_ to_n a1n- qrwpon oi0konomi/aj to_n skopo_n. 6 CE III 10,17: e0pi\ kaqaire/sei th~j tou~ monogenou~j do&chj. C.f. CE III 10,1, where Gregory refers to his opponents as ‘those who reduce the majestic glory of the Only-begotten to mean and servile ideas’ (oi9 to_ megalei=on th~j tou~ monogenou~j do&chj ei0j tapeina_j kai\ douloprepei=j u(polh&yeij kata&gontej). 7 Compare, for example, Volker Drecoll’s comments on Gregory’s interpretation according to the economy in CE III 1, 131-8 and CE III 1,41-56 (especially references to the divine economy in §§46 and48). [p.8 and p.17 of the draft communication presented to the conference]. 3 become our Father and God too, when we learn that we shall enter the same place, where Christ has entered for our sake as forerunner’ (§15, my emphasis). According to Gregory, even the announcement of this to a woman was appropriate to God’s economic scheme (§16). The stress that Gregory puts on the fittingness of the particular words Christ spoke and the appropriateness of his particular addressee suggests a relation in Gregory’s mind between the general divine economy of salvation and the particular economy of Christ’s teaching. This connection might reflect the use of the term oi0konomi/a in rhetoric. ‘At the core of oi0konomi/a is the notion of accommodation to circumstance, whether in the daily management of an estate… or in God’s providential concern for his creatures as seen in the Incarnation’. From this core meaning came the application of the term oi0konomi/a to the accommodation of words to a specific purpose, context and audience.8 For Gregory, therefore, the effectiveness of Jesus’ discourse stands for the effectiveness of his whole role in the divine economy. A second, less obvious, but no less significant result of Gregory’s exegesis of John 10:17 is that it implicitly distinguishes different senses of the word ‘son’: Son of God, Only-Begotten of the Father; humans as sons of God by virtue of their creation by God; that sonship rejected in favour of becoming adoptive sons of the devil; humans newly-adopted by God as his sons.9 The one who was truly Son of God, and thus God too, took on himself that sonship which all humans once had but lost and restored it back to them. It is that sense of shared human sonship under God that Jesus Christ evokes when he refers to his ‘God’ and ‘Father’. Again, this technique of distinguishing several different meanings of a word (often according to his understanding of the divine economy) is typical of Gregory.10 2. ‘As much as the Begotten is separate from the Unbegotten, so is the Light distinguished from the Light’. That Eunomius himself used a similar technique is evident from Gregory’s second challenge in which he discusses Eunomius’ distinction of different kinds of light (§§18-25). Gregory first quotes Eunomius’ words: ‘as much as the Begotten is separate from the Unbegotten, so is the Light distinguished from the Light’ (§18). This is a passage from Eunomius’ Apology, which had already been 8 George L. Kustas, ‘Saint Basil and the Rhetorical Tradition’, in Paul J. Fedwick, Basil of Caesarea: Christian, Humanist, Ascetic (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1981), pp.223-8; quotation from p.227-8. cf. Malcolm Heath, Menander. A Rhetor in Context (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 17. 9 See §10 on the Fall which uses the language of adoption (by the devil) and disinheritance: humanity was given in adoption [ei0sepoih/qh]… into an evil kinship with the father of sin’, so that ‘he who was disinherited [a)pokhrukqe/ntoj] through his own wickedness no longer had the Good and the True as his Father and God’ and §13 humnkind ‘is no longer disinherited [e0n a)pokhru/ktoij] or cast out of the Kingdom of God, but is again a son…’. Translations adapted slightly from that of S. G. Hall: for the specific meaning of the Greek words, see Liddle and Scott pp.497 and 202. 10 See, in this volume, Volker Drecoll on CE III 1 (see footnote 6 above) and Morwenna Ludlow, In illud: tunc et ipse filius in Volker Drecoll (ed.) Gregory of Nyssa, Opera Minora (Leuven: Brill, 2011), pp.413-25. 4 addressed in Basil of Caesarea’s Against Eunomius.11 Eunomius seems to have adopted the idea of a sliding scale of divinity in which the Begotten is less than the Unbegotten and the Light of the Son is consequently less than that of the Father. In reply, Basil used a reductio ad absurdum: logically, he argued, Begotten is the opposite of Unbegotten; so if Eunomius were to be consistent, then the Light of the Son would be opposed to the Light of the Father – in other words it would not be light at all, but darkness.12 We know that Eunomius reported Basil’s reductio ad absurdum in his Apology for the Apology, for Gregory quotes it right at the end of CE III: ‘Yes’, [Eunomius] says, ‘but if, since “begotten” is the opposite of “unbegotten”, the begotten Light meets the unbegotten Light on equal terms, the one will be light, the other darkness.’13 At that point, Gregory merely laughs at Eunomius. He seemingly praises him for his ‘sharpness and accuracy’,14 but immediately undercuts that by pointing out that this quotation is in fact a paraphrase of Basil’s own words.15 Eunomius can only be logical, Gregory implies, when he is citing someone else. We will return later to the rhetorical effect of that tactic. Here we focus on CE III 10,18-25, where Gregory describes how Eunomius actually responded to the challenge posed by Basil’s reductio ad absurdum. Apparently, in his subsequent Apology for the Apology, Eunomius tried to avoid the absurd conclusion set out by Basil by asserting that there are different senses of the word ‘light’ in the Bible: Gregory quotes him as distinguishing the ‘true light’ (Christ, John 1,9); the light created in the beginning (Gen 1,3); the disciples who are the ‘light of the world’ (Matt 5,14); and the ‘unapproachable light’ (the Father, 1 Tim 6,16: §19). With this focus on several kind of light, Eunomius seems to have tried to avoid the dilemma that Basil constantly tried to force on him (either the Son is truly light, or not at all; either the Son is fully divine, or not at all). Rather, Eunomius claims that the Son is light to the extent that he ‘illuminate[s] people’ so that they can know the transcendent light.16 11 See Eunomius, The Extant Works Richard Paul Vaggione (ed. and tr.), Apology 19.12-14 and Basil, Against Eunomius II, PG 29, 629C – 633A. 12 Gregory of Nyssa CE III 10,18; see Basil, Adversus Eunomium II (PG29, 632B14-25: Kata_ dh_ ou}n tou~ton to_n tro&pon pro_j to_ gennhto_n tw|~ a)gennh&tw| th~j a)ntiqe/sewj ou1shj, o( to_n Pate/ra fw~j o)noma&zwn, fw~j de\ kai\ to_n Ui9o_n, tosou~ton de\ tou~to to_ fw~j e0kein/ ou tou~ fwto_j diwris/ qai le/gwn, o3son to_ gennhto_n a)po_ tou~ a)gennh&tou diw&ristai, ou)xi\ dh~lo&j e0sti, ka2n tw|~ r(h&mati prospoih~tai filanqrwpeu&esqai, fw~j o)noma&zwn dh~qen kai\ to_n Ui9o_n, a)lla_ th|~ ge duna&mei tw~n legome/nwn pro_j to_ e0nantio/ n a)pa&gwn th_n e1nnoian; Skopei=te ga_r ti/ a)ntik/ eitai tw|~ a)gennh&tw|, a1llo a)gen/ nhton, h2 to_ gennhto&n; To_ gennhto_n dhlono&ti. Ti /de\ a)ntik/ eitai tw|~ fwti/; fw~j e3teron, h2 to_ sko&toj; To_ sko&toj pa&ntwj). 13 CE III 10,51: nai/, fhsi/n, a)ll' ei0 tou~ gennhtou~ pro_j to_ a)ge/nnhton e0nantiw/ j e1xontoj kat'i1son u(pobai/noi to_ gennhto_n fw~j pro_j to_ a)ge/nnhton fw~j, to_ me\n genh&setai fw~j, to_ de\ sko&toj. 14 CE III 10,51: to_ me\n ou}n o)cu_ kai\ eu1stoxon. 15 CE III 10,51. 16 See Eunomius quoted at CE III 8.5 and Apology for the Apology (Vaggione’s paraphrase), in Eunomius, The Extant Works Richard Paul Vaggione (ed. and tr.), p.123. Eunomius anticipated the problem that the Bible refers to both Father and Son as light in his Apology (§19): there, however, he simply claimed that one was begotten and the other unbegotten light. 5 i. Operations. One way of attacking Eunomius here would be to remind him of an argument he used in relation to the words genetos and agennetos: that is, that things with different names must be different things.17 If the converse were true (the same name indicates same things), then ‘light’ would identify some identical property shared by both Father and Son. In fact, Gregory returns to this kind of argument later (§46). Here, however, such an argument would be weak, because clearly both Gregory and Eunomius in fact agree that there is a fundamental difference between created and uncreated light. Consequently, Gregory focuses on the idea (also espoused by Eunomius) that things with the same operation must be the same; things with different operations are different.18 Gregory asserts that Eunomius implicitly distinguishes created light from the disciples’ light by their means of operation (kata_ to_n th~j e0nergei/aj tro&pon, §21): the former is material and the latter intellectual. He then challenges his opponent to distinguish the light of the Father and the Son by their operations (Gregory, of course, thinks that this is impossible: §21). Next, however, he develops his own variation of Basil’s reductio ad absurdum, challenging Eunomius to explain how, if Begotten is the opposite of Unbegotten, ‘true’ (light) can be opposed to ‘unapproachable’ (light). ‘True’ is not the opposite of ‘unapproachable’, unless ‘unapproachable’ means ‘unapproachable by the truth’, i.e. false – which would deny everything that Eunomius claims about the Father. According, to Eunomius’ concept of God, the Father must be ‘unapproachable by falsehood’, in which case the Father is ‘true’. Thus ‘true’ and ‘unapproachable’ in fact mean the same thing and indicate the same quality in the Father and the Son (§§22-4). ii. The incarnation and divine power. Next, Gregory reports Eunomius’ claim about John’s prologue: if the ‘light’ of verses 4-5 was the Word that became flesh, how could that light be the same light as the light of the Father, given that the incarnate ‘lived by human laws, or was crucified’? (§§26-9, quoting Eunomius’ words in §29). Gregory’s reply is to accuse Eunomius of thinking that the incarnation itself was an absurdity and he presents his opponent with a dilemma. If, as Eunomius apparently claims, it was in the nature of the Son but not of the Father to become incarnate, then either the Father was powerless to become incarnate (which destroys Eunomius’ claims about the superiority of the Father); or the Son shares the weaknesses, even the evils, of the world in which he became incarnate (§§30-4). Gregory plays with Eunomius’ argument that the Son ‘acted’ (e0nh/rghsen), while the Father was ‘inactive’ (a)nene/ghton) with regard to this operation (e0nergei/a - i.e. the incarnation), twisting and stretching Eunomius’ vocabulary to imply that 17 See e.g. Eunomius, Apology §18; also quoted in Basil Adversus Eunomium II:24 (PG29, 629a1-3: 3Oti e0xrh~n, ei1per au)toi=j h}n th~j a)lhqeia/ j fronti\j, parhllagme/nwn tw~n o)noma&twn, parhllagme/naj o(mologei=n kai\ ta_j ou)si/aj.) 18 See Eunomius, Apology §20, in Eunomius, The Extant Works Richard Paul Vaggione (ed. and tr.), 58-60. 6 the Father’s lack of involvement in one particular operation makes him generally powerless (see the quotation of Eunomius’ words at §36). After a brief attack on the inconsistency of Eunomius’ use of the word ‘true’ (§34-5),19 Gregory plays variations on the theme of this argument in §§36-8 and again in §§42-2, in both cases implying that if the Son, but not the Father, could become incarnate then the Son is to be ranked higher or praised more than the Father. These variations are separated by interludes, which will be discussed later in this paper. iii. Is God composite? Finally, Gregory deals with Eunomius’ claim that if God is a Trinity in the sense that the Cappadocians hold, then their God is composite (§§46-9).20 Gregory quotes Eunomius attack on Basil from Apology for the Apology: [Basil] also makes God composite for us, by suggesting that the Light is common, but that [the Father and the Son] are distinct one from another by certain characteristics and various differences, for what coincides in one shared aspect, but distinguished by certain differences and sets of characteristics, is no less composite.21 Gregory, somewhat tendentiously, takes Eunomius seems to have conceded, for the sake of argument, that ‘light’ indicated something in common to Father and Son. Eunomius argues: if that were so and if the light of the Father and the Son were differentiated by the terms ‘true’ and ‘unapproachable’, then Basil’s God would be composite. That is, Basil’s God would be a composite of that which is held in common (koino/thj) and the distinguishing particularities (ta_ i0diwma/ta). Gregory seizes on Eunomius’ alleged ‘concession’ that light might refer to something in common. He claims that since Eunomius ‘stipulates in many places’ that ‘names are attached to realities’, then Eunomius is at last admitting that light refers to some ‘underlying reality’ (tinoj u9pokeime/nou) in common to both Father and Son (§47). Put more forcefully: if things have the same name, they have the same nature (fu/sij): there is identity (tau0tothj) between the two (§47). Gregory next argues that commonality (koino/thj) and individuality (i0dio/thj) do not come together to form a composite. Rather, the essence (ou0si/a) of a thing remains what it is, and its commonality (koino/thj) and individuality (i0dio/thj) vis-à-vis other things are attributes (things which are ‘perceived and understood to apply to them’); they are not things in themselves (§48). An illustration of this is the way in which Scripture says 19 Gregory argues that while the phrase ‘true light’ for Eunomius signifies a lesser light than the ‘unapproachable light’, the phrase ‘true God’ indicates the very highest rank of divinity. 20 In the Apology, the accusation of a composite divinity arises in the context of Eunomius justifying why ‘light’ and ‘light’ do not refer to the same underlying essence in Father and Son. ‘Light’ must mean the same thing as ‘unbegotten’ in the case of the former, or else the Unbegotten would be composite; as ‘light’ cannot mean ‘unbegotten’ when referred to the Son, it must mean ‘begotten’ (Eunomius Apology §19, Vaggione (tr.) p.57). 21 CE III 10,46. 7 that God and humans are good, but distinguishes their goodness by the use of qualifiers: there is, therefore, something in common (e1sti ti koino\n) to both God and humans (goodness), but they relate to goodness in different ways (God is its fount; humans merely participate in it) and their possession of goodness in common is not to be confused with the possession of a common essence (that is to say, koino/thj between two things does not amount to their being o9moousi/oj). Furthermore, Gregory states, one cannot conclude that God is composite from that facts that he is both God and good. II. Ēthos and pathos None of these arguments in fact add very much of substance to what Gregory has already argued in CE III – or, indeed, to what Basil argued in his Adversus Eunomium. What, then, can we learn from CE III 10? This paper will suggest that it is a fascinating example of Gregory’s rhetorical approach to theology. Certain aspects which seem somewhat puzzling from a theological and historical point-of- view can be illuminated by a deeper understanding of his literary style. 22 Besides asserting that Eunomius’ theology is wrong, Gregory is also clearly conveying the idea that it is dangerously wrong. For example, he follows a long heresiological tradition by associating Eunomius with the kind of language and imagery standardly used by the fathers for demons – thus giving the impression that Eunomius is responsible for, or is an agent of, a kind of demonic deception. But, as scholars of heresiology have pointed out, the association of one’s opponent with the demonic is as much a rhetorical strategy as a theological claim.23 Throughout CE III, but particularly in book 1, the climax of book 9, and book 10, Gregory seeks to alienate Eunomius from Gregory’s audience and to encourage waverers to side with himself. The most obvious tactic he employs is consistently to label Eunomius’ views as ‘heretical’ or ‘blasphemous’.24 Sometimes this kind of appellation is pointedly contrasted with the ‘piety’ of the pro- Nicene party or Eunomius’ words are contrasted with the words of ‘the Apostle’.25 But there is more to this than simple name-calling. It was an assumption of classical and later rhetoric that the speaker 22 In my analysis of Gregory’s literary style I am indebted to Matthieu Cassin, both in conversation and from his published work: see ‘L’écriture de la polémique à la fin du IVe siècle : Grégoire de Nysse, Contre Eunome III’ (Thèse de doctorat; Université Paris IV – Sorbonne, 2009); ‘“Plumer Isocrate”: usage polémique du vocabulaire comique chez Grégoire de Nysse’, Revue des études grecques, 121 (2008), 783–96 and ‘Text and Context: The Importance of Scholarly Reading. Gregory of Nyssa, CONTRA EUNOMIUM’, in Morwenna Ludlow and Scot Douglass (eds) Reading the Church Fathers (London: T & T Clark/Continuum, 2011). 23 In a wide literature, see e.g. Rebecca Lyman, ‘2002 NAPS Presidential Address: Hellenism and Heresy’, in Journal of Early Christian Studies 11:2 (2003), 209–222, especially 218, emphasising the complexity of such a strategy in its cultural context: ‘The demonized and apocalyptic opposition is between truth and falsity, not Christianity and culture or “Hellenism” and “Judaism.” ’ 24 blasphemy: e.g. CE III 10,1, 8, 37; heresy CE III 10,36, 37, 47. 25 See e.g. CE III 10,1-2: Eunomius’ ‘blasphemy’ contrasted with the ‘truly religious understanding of these words’; CE III 10,8: ‘the argument of the blasphemy’ contrasted with ‘the proclamation of the Apostle’ (c.f.CE.III 5, where the method of Eunomius and his followers is contrasted with that of ‘the Apostle’). 8 would seek to convey to his audience, either directly or indirectly, the untrustworthiness or bad will (kakonoia) of his opponent, whilst affirming his own character as honest and good (establishing his h=0qoj) in order to secure the good will (e1unoia) of the audience.26 Because disposing the audience well towards oneself as speaker [ēthos] was understood as being closely connected to disposing them against one’s opponent by stirring up emotion [pathos] against him, ēthos and pathos are often discussed together in guides to rhetoric.27 In what follows I shall explain how Gregory seeks to alienate Eunomius from his audience, first by following the heresiological tradition of associating his opponent with the demonic, secondly by suggesting that Eunomius is a bad philosopher (specifically, a bad logician) and thirdly by alleging that he has bad literary style. 1. Eunomius and the demonic Perhaps the most obvious of Gregory’s strategies is the association of Eunomius with the demonic. References to the demonic and to idolatry (which was closely associated with the demonic) are absent in CE I, are sparing in CE II, but are found scattered throughout CE III.28 Rebecca Lyman suggests that Gregory ‘approached heresy as a matter of sickness or poor education rather than [demonic] pollution’ (in contrast to, for example, Athanasius and Gregory’s own brother Peter).29 She is right to stress both the rhetorical manner in which Gregory uses various categories to characterise his opponent and his use of slurs about Eunomius’ health and training for this purpose. However, I would argue that the traditional Christian association of heresy with the demonic remains and that demonic 26 On the focus on h=0qoj as a mode of persuasion see e.g. Aristotle Ars rhetorica I.2.3-4 (1356a): ‘Of the pisteis [forms of persuasion] provided through speech there are three species: for some are in the character [ēthos] of the speaker, and some are disposing the listener in some way, and some in the argument [logos] itself…. [There is persuasion] through character whenever the speech is spoken in such a way as to make the speaker worthy of credence; for we believe fair-minded people to a greater extent and more quickly…’ The ēthos required to make an orator trustworthy consists of practical wisdom [phronēsis], virtue [arētē] and good will [eunoia] (ibid. II.1,5). This article will focus on Gregory’s use of ēthos and pathos, but it seems that Eunomius may well have pursued a similar tactic: while I accept Vaggione’s theological interpretation of Eunomius’ use of the terms eunoia and kakonoia, it seems to be me possible that they may have had a rhetorical application too: Eunomius of Cyzicus, 87-8. 27 See ibid. II.1-11 and Quintilian Instituo oratoria VI.II (especially VI.II.13 and 18-19: ‘the excellence of [the orator’s] own character will make his pleading all the more convincing’) and Cicero De oratore II: winning favour of audience §§178-84; inducing emotions in audience: §§185-216 (see esp. §178: ‘nothing in oratory is more important than to win for the orator the favour of his hearer and to have the latter so affected as to be swayed by something resembling a mental impulse or emotion, rather than by judgment or deliberation). See also Gunderson, Erik ‘The rhetoric of rhetorical theory’, in Erik Gunderson (ed) The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Rhetoric (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 121: ‘ “Ethos” matters. And a complex interrelationship between morals and passions lies at the heart of the issue of moving one’s audience’. On ēthos in CE III, see Cassin, L’écriture de la polémique, e.g. 268. 28 A search by means of the the TLG on-line for the root daim- reveals the following: CE I: no hits ; CE II: 2 hits; CE III: 8 hits. A search for the root ei0dwl- revaled: CE I: no hits ; CE II: 7 hits; CE III: 19 hits. 29 Rebecca Lyman, ‘A topography of heresy: mapping the rhetorical creation of Arianism’, in Michel R. Barnes and Daniel H. Williams (eds) Arianism after Arius. Essays on the Development of the Fourth Century Trinitarian Conflicts (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1993), 59. Lyman’s analysis comes in the course of a wider survey of the ‘rhetorical creation’ of later Arianism and is of necessity very brief; she also focusses almost entirely on CE I, which may explain the absence of references to the demonic. 9 language remains as part of the ‘rhetorical creation’ of Eunomius as an Arian heretic, regardless of whether Gregory actually believes Eunomius’ errors are caused by demonic pollution.30 Indeed, as we shall see, in Gregory’s polemic the accusations about Eunomius’ training and demonic beliefs are mutually supporting. Firstly, Eunomius is associated with pagan religious practice, particularly idolatry. Gregory here follows a long-established Christian tradition which argued that phenomena associated with pagan religious practices such as divination were due to the evil and deceptive workings of demons.31 Even though prayers addressed to gods appeared to be answered, they were answered by demons who did not have the petitioners’ good in mind.32 By Gregory of Nyssa’s day, the accusation of idolatry seems to be particularly aimed at those educated people who practised theurgy: devotees think that they can move gods to do what they want, but they have in fact become enslaved to demons.33 A clear theme running through this kind of accusation is that of deception (a word commonly associated with the demons is h( a)pa&th): demons deceive people into thinking that idols were gods, that gods answer prayers, that divination work.34 This theme is given a very particular spin in CE III 10: a few paragraphs before directly accusing Eunomius of deceit (the word a)pa&th or its plural is repeated three times in three lines in §20), Gregory recounts the story of the fall – for Christians the archetypal story of deceit (§§10-15). Strikingly, Gregory’s commentary on the narrative (§16) contrasts Satan’s words to Eve with those of Christ to Mary: 30 In fact I think that the dichotomy implied by this sentence is a false one (demonic heresy as a rhetorical construction vs heresy ‘really’ caused by demons); see my ‘Not completely evil: the place of demons in Cappadocian theology’, in Journal for Early Christian Studies, forthcoming. 31 See, e.g. Gregory of Nyssa, Contra fatum [Fat.] GNO 3.2 59,15. For the earlier tradition, see e.g. Justin Martyr e.g. 2 Apologia 5.4 (see Annette Yoshiko Reed, 'The trickery of the fallen angels and the demonic mimesis of the divine: aetiology, demonology, and polemics in the writings of Justin Martyr', Journal of Early Christian Studies, 12/2 (2004), pp.141-71., passim, especially p.144); Origen e.g. Contra Celsum 3.2; 3.25; 5.46; 7.65, as cited by Dale B. Martin, Inventing superstition : from the Hippocratics to the Christians (Cambridge, Mass.; London : Harvard University Press, 2004), p.178. See also Julien Ries, 'Cultes païens et démons dans l'apologétique chrétienne de Justin à Augustin', in Julien Ries (ed.), Anges et démons. Actes du colloque de Liège et de Louvain-la-Neuve 25-26 novembre 1987 Homo religiosus, 14 (Louvain-la-Neuve: Centre d'histoire des religions, Louvain-la-Neuve, 1989), pp.339-341. 32 See, for example, the story related in Gregory of Nyssa’s Thaum: responding to a crowd which prays for more space in the theatre the local demon causes a plague PG 46, 956,22-48; tr. Maraval §87-88, http://www.gregoiredenysse.com/?page_id=86 accessed 10.3.2011. 33 See, perhaps most famously, Gregory of Nazianzus’ account of Julian’s supposed enslavement to demons in Or. 4 he is deluded by them (77,20);; [#39]; they make him unstable (85,4) and inconsistent (101,6) and ultimately – unsated by the animal sacrifices he offers them - they demand to be fed with Julian’s own blood (87,14-19). 34 See e.g. Basil Epistula 233:15: the mind deceived by a demon ‘even thinks that wood is not wood but god’ (see also the reference to deceptions - toi=j a)patw~sin - in line 13); Gregory of Nyssa, Or. cat. XVIII (esp. line 8: h( tw~n daimo&nwn a)pa&th); Gregory of Nyssa, Fat. repeats the phrase the ‘deceptive power of the demons’ twice in 10 lines (GNO 3.2 59,14: h( a)pathlh_ tw~n daimo&nwn du&namij) (GNO 3.2 59,24: th_n a)pathlh_n tw~n daimo&nwn e0ne/rgeian). 10 just as, having become at the start minister and advocate of the serpent’s words (tw~n tou~ o1fewj lo&gwn… dia&kono&j te kai\ sum& bouloj), she consequently brought a beginning of evil upon the world, so, by bearing to the disciples the words of him who had slain the rebellious dragon (tou~ qanatw&santoj to_n a)posta&thn dra&konta tou_j lo&gouj toi=j maqhtai=j diakomi/sasa), she might become a pioneer of faith for mankind…35 Thus Gregory firmly establishes a contrast not only between devilish deceit and Christian truth, but between the mode of the deception/salvation: words. This continues a theme Gregory had established at the end of CE III 9, where again Eunomius’ deceit is described in very verbal terms: 63. Do you see and understand, you who are dragged off by deceit to destruction (di' a)pa&thj), who it is you have set over your souls as instructor? — he debases the holy scriptures (ta_j a(gi/aj grafa&j), he changes the divine words (ta_j qei/aj fwna&j)… he not only barbs his own tongue (th_n e9autou~ glw~ssan) against us, but also tries to make alterations in the holy words themselves (ta_j a(gi/aj fwna&j)…. Do you not yet perceive that he lifts himself up against the name we adore (tw|~ o)no&mati), so that in time the name (to_ o1noma) of the Lord will not be heard, but there will be brought into the churches, instead of Christ, Eunomius? 64. Do you not yet consider that this godless proclamation (to_ a1qeon tou~to… kh&rugma) has been published in advance by the Devil as a contemplation, preparation, preface (prooi/mion), for the coming of the Antichrist? One who strives to prove that his own words (ta_j i0di/aj fwna_j) are more authoritative than the sayings of Christ (tw~n… lo&gwn) and to alter the faith away from the divine names (tw~n qei/wn o)noma&twn) and the sacramental ceremonies and symbols towards his own deceit (ei0j th_n i0di/an a)pa&thn), what else will he be rightly called, if not Antichrist? Gregory develops other variations on this theme of verbal deception, including using the imagery of the theatre and masks: hence in CE III 9,1-2 he ironically commends Eunomius for having finally ‘removed every mask of disguise from the lie’36 and at the end of the work he chides Eunomius for being like an actor, not speaking in his own voice but Basil’s (and not doing that very well): ‘I would like to ask him who acts our part (to_n tw~n h(mete/rwn u(pokrith_n) either to use our words, or to present his imitation (th_n mi/mhsin) of our speech as closely as possible, or else as he has learnt and is able, to use his book to argue for himself (e0k tou~ i0di/ou prosw&pou) and not for us.37 35 CE III 10 16,8-12 36 CE III 9,2 e0pei\ de\ panto_j a)pathlou~ proswpeio/ u to_ yeu~doj a)pogumnw&saj. 37 CE III 10,51 (a play on prosw&pon – person, character, mask – surely being intended here).