GENDER CONTESTATIONS IN THE MIGRATION SITE: THE CASE OF NIGERIAN MIGRANTS IN DURBAN, SOUTH AFRICA CLAUDINE ANITA CASSANDRA HINGSTON COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES, SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a PhD in Gender Studies at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. SUPERVISOR: Prof. V.B. OJONG 2014 DECLARATION I, Claudine Anita Cassandra Hingston, hereby declare that this thesis is my own unaided work and has not been submitted previously for any degree or examination in any other university. All references, citations, and borrowed ideas have been duly acknowledged. CLAUDINE ANITA CASSANDRA HINGSTON (211559455) Date i DEDICATION This work is dedicated to my mother, the late Mrs NAOMI MODUPEH DINAH BECKLEY. You made me who I am today. Your legacy lives on. Rest in peace Mum. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My immense gratitude and appreciation goes to everyone who walked this PhD journey with me. Although I have ownership and mastery of my work, without certain people, it would have been almost impossible to be where I am. Thanks first of all to the Almighty God for giving me the strength and determination to embark on and finish this research. My profound appreciation and thanks to my husband, Dr Egerton Hingston for supporting me in diverse ways throughout my research. He gave me the courage and determination to endure and finish my PhD journey. My thanks and appreciation also to my children, Danita and Egerton for their unwavering faith in me. I also want to extend my thanks to the rest of my family in Sierra Leone, the United Kingdom and Germany, especially my dad, Mr Claudius Beckley, my sister, Ms Victoria Beckley, my sister in law, Mrs Victoria Coomber and my aunts, Mrs Caroline Kanu and Mrs Elizabeth Luke for believing in me and supporting me in diverse ways. Special thanks to my supervisor, Prof. Vivian Ojong for her input and advice on my work. Under her guidance, I have really grown academically. Special thanks also to my research participants for accepting to be part of my research. Without them, this research will not have been possible. I am forever grateful to them all. My appreciation also to Prof. Mandy Goedhals for encouraging me to undertake this research. To my dear friends, Dr Fawzia Hardy, Miatta Bona Boss, Caroline Kawa and Lovette Henry, I want to say thanks for always checking on me and inquiring about my work. I came to know special friends within the academic circle and my engagement with them has helped me to engage critically with my work. My sincere thanks therefore to Rosaline Kanjo, Kilimani Lambo, Monica Otu, Winnie Ogana, Juanita Rwanbangira, Nokwanda Nzuza, Soomaya Khan, Ida Munsense, Janet Muthuki, Nicoline Fomunyam, Nokwanda Mqadi and Delarise Mulqueeny. To the University of KwaZulu-Natal, the Sierra Leone Association in Durban, the clergy and congregation of St Pauls Anglican Church in Durban and my neighbours, Lorraine and Daniel, I say thanks as my interaction and engagement with you have helped me morally, academically and spiritually during my research. God bless you all. iii ABSTRACT At the end of the apartheid era in 1994, South Africa attracted a large number of migrants from other parts of Africa such as West Africa. The declining political and economic situation in the West African country Nigeria after the early eighties, led to increased migration of Nigerians to post-apartheid South Africa, where they either pursued higher education or sought employment in both formal and informal sectors. However, like any other migrants, they found themselves positioned in a new gender regime as gender regimes differ across countries. As such, they were faced with gender specific problems and challenges and their prior gender roles, relations and identities underwent some transformation. It became even more complicated as men and women are affected differently by these challenges and they respond differently as well. They therefore had to frequently contend with gender issues and they struggled to either adapt to or resist their new gender regime. Very little research however had been done in this regard and there was a need to provide knowledge on this subject. To this end, a qualitative methodology was employed in this research to explore the gendered lives of Nigerian migrants in Durban, South Africa. The research explored the ways the migrants adjust in their new gender regime and the gender issues they had to grapple with. It also examined the gender challenges they encountered and their responses to them. Significant findings from the research are that Nigerian male migrants in Durban use religion to keep their women subordinated and that even though the migration site generated new gender perspectives for some of the migrants, the realities involved were complex. Further findings showed that migration impacted greatly on the gender power relations in the households of the migrants and that Nigerian migrants were more prone to xenophobic attacks than other African migrants and there were gender dimensions to it. This research advance that gender cannot be separated from the migration process. It further advances that the migration site is one of struggle and contradictions in which the migrants gender identities are constantly being challenged, negotiated and reinforced. Keywords: Nigerians, Migration, Gender, South Africa. iv LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE ONE: Stages in the Research Process FIGURE TWO: Map of Nigeria FIGURE THREE: Map of South Africa ACRONYMS FAO: Food and Agricultural Organisation IFAD: International Fund for Agriculture Development IOM: International Organisation of Migration NDHS: Nigerian Demographic and Health Survey NELM: New Economics of Labour Migration PRB: Population Reference Bureau SADC: Southern Africa Development Communities UNDESA: United Nations Department of Economics and Social Affairs UNDP: United Nations Development Programme UN: United Nations v TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION i DEDICATION ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii ABSTRACT iv LIST OF FIGURES AND ACRONYMS v CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Background and outline of research 3 1.3 Personal Reasons for choosing the topic 5 1.4 Thesis Hypothesis 6 1.5 Significance of study 6 1.6 Objectives of the study 7 1.7 Research questions 8 1.8 Limitations 8 1.9 Structure of thesis 9 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 12 2.1 Introduction 12 2.2Migration 12 2.2.1 Conceptualising migration 12 2.2.2 Dynamics of migration 14 2.2.3 International migration 16 2.2.4 Theories of international migration 17 2.2.5 Migration in Africa 21 2.2.6 African migration to South Africa 24 2.3 An Overview of Nigeria and its people 26 2.3.1 An Overview of Nigeria and its people 26 2.3.2 Brief History and Culture of the Igbo and Yoruba People 29 2.3.3 International migration from Nigeria 32 2.4 Gender 34 2.4.1 The Construction of gender 34 2.4.2 Gender and culture 36 2.4.3 Engendering migration 37 2.4.4 Transnational migration and its engendering 39 2.4.5 Insights into gender and migration in South Africa 41 vi 2.4.6 Case studies of gender challenges and changes in the migration site 42 2.5 Conclusion 44 CHAPTER THREE: RESERCH METHODS, METHODOLOGIES AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 46 3.1 Introduction 46 3.2 Research methodology 46 3.3 Ethnography as a research method 48 3.4 Methods of data collection 49 3.5Selection of sample population 51 3.6 Theoretical framework 52 3.6a Gendered geographies of power 53 3.6b Feminist post structuralism 54 3.6c Social construction of masculinity 55 3.6d Christian egalitarianism 55 3.6e Patriarchy theory 55 3.6f Social identity theory 56 3.6g Goffman front stage and backstage theory 56 3.7 Ethical issues 56 3.8 Data analysis 57 3.9 Profileof the participants 57 3.9a Women 57 3.9b Men 61 3.10 Gender Dynamics in the research 64 3.11 Reflections on the research process 72 3.12 Conclusion 75 CHAPTER FOUR: GENDER POLITICS IN NIGERIAN MIGRATION SETTLEMENT IN DURBAN, SOUTH AFRICA 76 4.1 Introduction 76 4.2 Gender dynamics in migration decisions 78 4.3 The gendered nature of immigration and the migration process 83 4.4 Gender dynamics in the settlement process 85 4.5 The role of social networks and voluntary associations in the settlement process 87 4.6 Gender and political, social and economic transnational activities 91 4.7 Food and the recreation of home through a gender lens 94 4.8Xenophilia: A gendered survival strategy 97 4.9 The psychological function of religion as a coping mechanism 99 4.10 Hustling in the streets of Durban: A male prerogative 100 vii 4.11 Family Formations: From home to host land 101 4.12 Conclusion 103 CHAPTER FIVE: GENDER AND POWER RELATIONS IN THE HOUSEHOLD 105 5.1 Introduction 105 5.2 Power and gender 106 5.3 Gender power relations and the household 108 5.4 Gender power relations in the homeland 111 5.5 Migration expectations of gender power relations 113 5.6 Challenging gender power relations in the household 116 5.7 Adhering to the power structure 121 5.8 Reinforcement of gender power relations in the household 124 5.9 Renegotiating gender power: Male perspective 126 5.10 Conclusion 128 CHAPTER SIX: RELIGION AS A VEHICLE FOR MALE DOMINANCE AND CONTROL IN THE MIGRATION SITE 130 6.1 Introduction 130 6.2 The gendered nature of religion 132 6.3 The politics of migration 133 6.4 New gender constructions in the migration site 135 6.5 Christianity: A weapon for female control 142 6.6 Patriarchal gains and dividends 148 6.7 The women’s perspective on religion and the submission of women 151 6.8 The researcher’s voice 155 6.9 Conclusion 157 CHAPTER SEVEN: THE MIGRATION SITE AS A PLATFORM FOR GENERATING NEW GENDER PERSPECTIVES; COMPLEX REALITIES 159 7.1 Introduction 159 7.2 Homeland gender perspectives 159 7.3 Towards new gender perspectives 162 7.4 Female Empowerment: The reality 164 7.5 Shades of empowerment 167 7.6 Negotiating identities in the transnational migration space 170 7.7 Complexities in gender household relations 175 7.8 Conclusion 180 viii CHAPTER EIGHT: INTERSECTIONS OF GENDER, NATIONALITY AND XENOPHOBIA 182 8.1 Introductions 182 8.2 Claims of Nigeria phobia 185 8.3 Masculinizing Nigeria phobia 187 8.3a Relationship with South African women 187 8.3b Illegal activities and con men 190 8.3c Police harassment 191 8.4 Sexual and physical violence against women 193 8.5 Dynamics of love and marriage 196 8.6 Reproductive health care 198 8.7 Conclusion 200 CHAPTER NINE: CONCLUSION 201 9.1 Overview of the study 201 9.2 Findings of the study 204 9.3 Contributions of the study 205 9.4 Suggestions for further research 206 9.5 Recommendations 207 REFERECNCES 208 APPENDICES 242 ix