CHRISTIAN DIALOGUE AS APOLOGETIC: THE CASE OF JUSTIN MARTYR SEEN IN HISTORICAL CONTEXT By SARA DENNING-BOLLE, Ph.D. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES Introduction "What art is there, what method or practice, which will take us up ... there where we must go? What sort of person should the man be who is to be led on this upward path?" "Surely one who has seen all or, as Plato says, 'who has seen most things, and in the first birth enters into a human child who is going to be a philosopher, a musician or a lover.' The philosopher goes the upward way by nature, the musician and the lover must be led by it." "What then is the method of guidance? Is it one and the same for all these, or is there a different one for each?" "There are two stages of the journey for all, one when they are going up and one when they have arrived above."' These words, written by Plotinus in the third century, introduce his treatise On Dialectic. Plotinus did not consciously compose a dialogue here; as we know from Porphyry, his method of writing was far different.* Though the above lines were written con- tinuously, with no breaks, I have set them into the form of a dialogue to illustrate how Plotinus thought. "His lectures were like conversations," reports P~rphyry.In~d eed, "dialectic" itself means "conversational method." When Plotinus discussed philo- sophical truths, he turned to the art of conversation. Dialogue guided a person to truth, to union with the One. Since Plato's time, dialogue has been used in divers ways for the purpose of arriving at eternal truths. In fact, however, Plato did not invent the form of the dialogue. Ancient Near Eastern Plotinus, Enneads, 1.3.1, 5-13 (tr. A. H. Armstrong, Cambridge: Haward, 1978, 2nd edn.). "He worked out his train of thought from beginning to end in his own mind, and then, when he wrote it down, since he had set it all in order in his mind, he wrote continuously as if he were copying from a book" (Porphyry, Life of Plotinus, 8, in Plotinus, vol. I). ' Life of Plotinus, 18. THE CASE OF JUSTIN MARTYR 493 literature, composed hundreds of years before Plato, attests to a rich variety of dialogues. What Plato contributed was a clearly defined discipline of dialectic and his influence in this area stretched deep into the Middle Ages. Why does man seem instinctively to turn to a conversational method when examining matters of utmost importance? And how does he use this method for the particular purpose he has in mind? When I began research on this essay, I was intrigued by the second century A.D. writer Justin Martyr and his composition Dialogue with Trypho the Jew. Since Justin himself professed a deep interest in various Greek schools of thought before his conversion to Christianity, I was interested in studying how his Dialogue would compare to a Platonic dialogue. But I soon discovered that Justin's work, rather than being an isolated text, is an early manifestation of a phenomenon, which, like Plato's influence, extended well into the medieval period. Justin's early adherence to Platonic doctrine did not prevent him from fitting a Platonic literary form to specifically Christian purposes : to defend the faith and, in so doing, refute the claims of Judaism. In this essay, I shall take a bird's eye view of this dialogic phenomenon. Justin's Dialogue with Tyrpho will remain the centre of this study, not only as an illustration of early Christian methods to defend Christianity but also as an important continuation of a path that stretches deep into man's history for millennia. Dialogues Before Plato Among man's oldest literary creations in Mesopotamia and Egypt are a number of purely dialogic texts. In Egypt there dates from the Middle Kingdom (specifically the Twelfth Dynasty) "The Dispute Between a Man and His ba" (often rendered "soul" by modem translator^).^ One of the few pure dialogues in Egyptian literature, this text records a discussion between a man who wants to commit suicide and his soul (ba) who threatens to abandon him. Most dialogue texts in Egypt centre around narratives, such as the "Eloquent Peasant" or sets of instructions handed down from father to son.6 Mesopotamia also knew of the See M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, i (University of California Press, 1973), 163-69. ' Ibid., i. 169-82. Ibid., i. 58-80, 134-92. 494 THE JOHN RYLANDS UNIVERSITY LIBRARY tradition of wise instructions and counsels but developed the genre of "disputations" or "contest literature" as well. In this genre, two parties (two animals, two implements, two seasons of the year) engage in a dialogic contest to prove the superiority of one over the other. A deity, normally the sun god who is the god of just decisions and righteousness, pronounces a judgment as to the winner. In addition, we have two literary masterpieces composed as dialogues, the "Babylonian Theodicy" and the "Dialogue of Pessimism."' The latter takes place between a servant and his master; so far from being a pessimistic text, the dialogue employs a high level of satire and serious humour to indicate how all choices in life are double-edged. The wise man is he who observes all the possibilities and accordingly makes his choices, fully aware that a sense of profound humour is necessary to make the proper choices. The "Babylonian Theodicy," a sophisticated acrostic composi- tion, is a lengthy discussion between a righteous sufferer and a friend. The friend echoes the traditional religious values of his time and encourages the sufferer to recognize his guilt and make atonement. The sufferer protests that, on the contrary, he has done no wrong but has loved God and man and performed his religious and social obligations with great joy. The text ends on an uneasy but harmonious note: the sufferer asserts that one must trust in God's love and justice and the friend appears to agree with him.* This Akkadian composition invites comparison with the later book of Job in the biblical tradition. Job differs externally in the number of participants; there are four "friends" while in the "Theodicy" there is one. It is evident, however, that all four friends do not substantially differ in their views; basically, their one traditional view, like the friend in the "Theodicy," is opposed to the radical ideas of Job. Both Job and our Akkadian text concern themselves with "theodicy"; neither Job nor the These are the modem titles given to these two works. The ancients referred to literary texts by the first line which was their "title". Translations of both texts and of the Akkadian contest literature may be found in W.G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature (Oxford, 1960). I should add that my opinion in this interpretation is not shared by all Assyriologists, many of whom view the outcome of the dialogue in rather dismal terms. THE CASE OF JUSTIN MARTYR 495 Akkadian sufferer seek so much to condemn God's actions in creation as to come to some sort of understanding for the apparent contradictions which have affected both of them so acutely. And, like the "Theodicy," Job arrives at a "solution" that leaves the modern reader a little uneasy. The author of Job finds his solution in a natural revelation of God's glory which eradicates Job's presumption: "Indeed, I spoke without under- ... standing of things beyond me, which I did not know I had heard You with my ears, but now I see You with my eyes" (42: 3, 5, Jewish Publication Society). It is interesting that the theme of man's difficulty in understanding is expressed in the Babylonian "Theodicy," not by the recalcitrant sufferer, but by the friend: "The divine mind, like the centre of the heavens, is remote; knowledge of it is difficult; people at large do not know it" (256-257).' In the ancient Near East we find clear evidence of dialogues used for the purpose of arriving at certain truths. The modern reader often finds himself at a loss when reading these pre- Platonic dialogues: many times the "logic" escapes him or he is ill at ease with the concreteness of ancient Near Eastern illustrations. The ancient Mesopotamian, Egyptian or Hebrew had little practical appreciation for the pure abstractions that we often hide behind, fancying ourselves somehow more "real" or sophisticated. The ancient Near Eastern scribe provided concrete examples, drawn from daily experiences, to illustrate the deepest philosophical and religious insights. We shall find that Plato also used metaphors and similes continuously to drive home his ideas. In the ancient Near East, man wrote dialogues to probe the gravest matters he encountered and it was through the dialogue form that he discovered solutions he could live with. Platonic Dialogues As W.K.C. Guthrie has pointed out, the verbal debate in Greece grew out of a literary tradition where the works of Homer, the lyric poets, the historians, the playwrights and the orators were primarily oral in nature. Their written form was intended to We should note here that the friend does not say that such knowledge is impossible, but difficult; it is not something everyone can acquire. He implies that some people can, indeed, attain it. In fact, his position would be much closer to Plato's views on this than those of Job. 496 THE JOHN RYLANDS UNIVERSITY LIBRARY facilitate their memorization or their being sung.1° Already by Plato's day, a rift had arisen between those who wrote things down and those who championed the spoken word. For Plato himself, the dialogue form presented the best means in which to enframe the lively exchange of Socrates. The written form of the dialogue was meant to aid the memory, reminding the wise man of what he knows already." The essence of the Platonic dialogue is definition. Once you have answered the question "what is x?" claims Socrates, then you will know the nature of x. He chides Meno for the latter's insistent enquiry into whether or not virtue can be taught.12 How can we decide that, Socrates retorts, when we haven't even asked ourselves "What is virtue?' and, so are not yet sure what the essence of virtue is. Hence, many (though by no means all) Platonic dialogues consist of a lengthy question-and-answer format to draw out the truth of the matter (the definition of the topic under discussion). "I have this in common with the mid- wives," explains Socrates. "I am sterile in point of wisdom, and the reproach which has often been brought against me, that I question others but make no reply myself about anything, because I have no wisdom in me, is a true reproach; and the reason of it is this: the god compels me to act as a midwife, but has never allowed me to bring forth."13 Socrates envisions himself as a midwife of words. By continual interrogation of a person he brings to the light two things: first, a necessary recognition by the other that he does not know what he thought he did (admitting his ignorance); and second, arriving at the essence of something by a careful definition. Indeed, some dialogues never get beyond the first stage (e.g. Meno), but one cannot proceed to definition unless one sheds the garment of presumption. I have said earlier that "dialectic" literally means the "conver- sational method." Several points need to be made here. For one thing, the notion of a conversation implies a certain informality, lo A History of Greek Philosophy, iv (Cambridge. 1975), 58. '' See, for example, Phuedrus, 276d: "The gardens of letters he will, it seems, plant for amusement. and will write when he writes, to treasure up reminders for himself, when he comes to the forgetfulness of old age, and for others who follow the same path", tr. H. N. Fowler (Cambridge: Haward, 1960). l2 Meno. 100b. l3 Thc>(~etetus1,5 0c. tr. H. N. Fowler (Cambridge: Haward, 1977). THE CASE OF JUSTIN MARTYR 497 people simply conversing with one another. In many Platonic dialogues, the conversation arises out of seemingly ordinary circumstances: afterdinner relaxation and entertainment (Sympo- sium); a chance encounter outside the courthouse (Euthyphro); Socrates meeting a friend and accompanying him on a stroll (Phaedrus). From the chance meeting an ordinary conversation arises from which the dialogue proceeds to a specific issue. Philosophy here is not concealed in special terminology or a particular jargon, to which only a few individuals are privy. The serious discussion centring on eternal verities is open to any individual willing to exercise his reason and join in the search. And we should note how it is the servant in the Mesopotamian "Dialogue of Pessimism" and the peasant in the Egyptian "Eloquent Peasant" who play the most important rbles in their respective dialogues. The supposedly uncultured and unlettered of society are here a significant part of grave discussion^.^^ A second point to be made with regard to "dialectic" as "conversational method" is that a great many illustrations are used. People do not normally engage in abstractions in their converstions. When an idea is to be explained, analogies, meta- phors, and similes are used. Observations are drawn from the experiences of normal day-to-day encounters. We find this in all ancient Near Eastern and Greek dialogues. In Mesopotamia, for instance, a sage will give advice about speaking truth at all times but this is never given in isolation. He will perhaps quote a proverb that brings the "abstraction" to life by relating it to what his listener experiences everyday. Many times an "abstract" idea is presented side by side with some subject of pure practicality whether or not the two are specifically related. The modern reader may feel rather puzzled to read Requite with kindness your evildoer. Maintain justice to your enemy. Smile on your adversary. in the same text as Do not marry a prostitute, whose husbands are legion ... A courtesan whose favours are many.15 l4 Of course, there is also an element of the trickster figure here; it is part of the very real humour present in both texts. l5 Counsels of Wisdom, 11.42-44, 72, 74 (Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature, 10 1, 103). 498 THE JOHN RYLANDS UNIVERSITY LIBRARY The abstract is not separated from the concrete. Instruction is not carried on in a vacuum but is infused with life only when adapted to the experiences of the listener. Plato, too, used many examples to illustrate his ideas. One of his central themes, the vision of the intelligible world by one who has completed the journey, is explained by the analogy of coming out of a cave to the overpowering light of the sun. But although he l6 uses metaphors and images for the purpose of instruction, he insists that such images only be used to illustrate. An image belongs to an inferior grade of reality (Republic, 595-602), he says; it is never meant to be taken for essence itself. The abstract and the concrete must serve each other. We see, then, that man has discovered a valuable helpmate in the dialogue. Through dialogue, one arrives at the truth; through conversation, carefully structured, one finds solutions. The ways cultures have used the vehicle of dialogue are, most assuredly, not identical. In the ancient Near East one rarely finds more than two participants in a dialogue, or more than two points of view contrasted. There is not readily to be found a round-table discussion.17 Even Plato does not always engage in a full-fledged, many-voiced debate, although he certainly comes closer to it in such dialogues as the Symposi~m.W'~ hat becomes of the dialogue when we turn to the early Christian writers? How do these writers use the dialogue form and to what purposes is the form fitted? Justin Martyr In his First Apology, Justin identifies himself as "son of Priscus and grandson of Bacchius, of Flavia Neapolis in Syria l6 For the cave metaphor see Republic, 532a-e; see also the important "line" metaphor. Republic, 510-511e. Sight is very commonly used by mystics for the beatific vision. Plotinus, in one of the few references to his personal experiences of the matter, exclaims in On Beauty: "Anyone who has seen it knows what I mean when I say that it is beautiful" (1.6.7). Note also the famous image of the icon used by Nicolas of Cusa with his stress on the eyes in De visione dei. It is interesting that, while Plato uses the exit from the Cave as the metaphor for the vision, Cusanus uses the image of a wall that must be scaled before attaining the vision. l7 I have pointed out earlier that in spite of multiple participants in Job's discussion, there are still only two distinct points of view presented. Some dialogues give evidence of the practice of interested people coming together to hear an informal debate such as in Proragoras. THE CASE OF JUSTIN MARTYR 499 Palestina." As E. R. Goodenough points out, these indicate that lg his forefathers were Greek or Roman colonists in Samaria; and that from the 28th chapter of the Dialogue, is the information that Justin was uncircumcised, and hence, he was no Jew.20 The first chapter in Justin's Dialogue2' introduces us to Trypho and provides the setting for the discussion, while chapters 2 to 8 describe Justin's early philosophical endeavours and his conver- sion to Christianity. Let us look for a moment at how he sets up his dialogue. In good Platonic fashion, Justin is out walking one morning and, by chance, runs into a group of men. He is addressed by one member of the group, "Hail, 0 philosopher!" because he is wearing the philosopher's cloak. The man tells Justin how he has been instructed by "Corinthus the Socratic" to take advantage of encounters with people who wear the philosopher's dress and learn something from them. He identifies himself as Trypho, a "Hebrew of the circumcision" who has recently fled from the Bar-Cochba war and is living mainly in Corinth. He and Justin engage in a discussion. Trypho asks if it is not true that philosophers "turn every discourse on God? and do not questions continually arise to them about His unity and providence? Is not this truly the duty of philosophy, to investigate the Deity?" Further on, he asks Justin what ideas he has about God and what his philosophy is. Thus, the scene and tone are set. First, Justin describes his efforts at discovering the true philosophy : he engaged the services of a Stoic (who had no knowledge of God), a Peripatetic (who appeared more concerned about his fees), a Pythagorean (who insisted Justin could not get anywhere unless he was first ac- quainted with music, astronomy, and geometry), and finally a Platonist who excited him greatly : And the perception of immaterial things quite overwhelmed me, and the contemplation of ideas furnished my mind with wings, so that in a little while I supposed I had become wise; and such was my stupidity, I expected forthwith to look upon God, for this is the end of Plato's philosophy. (2) l9 1.1, tr. Cyril Richardson, Early Christian Writers (Philadelphia, 1953). The Theology of Justin Martyr (Amsterdam, 1968; first pubd., Jena, 1923). 20 p. 57. I use the translation of the Dialogue found in Ante-Nicene Fathers, i (Michigan, 198 1). 500 THE JOHN RY LANDS UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Justin goes on to describe his conversion. Continuing in the Platonic vein, he meets by chance an old man while he is searching for a spot in which to meditate. The two strike up a conversation and it quickly turns to serious matters. The old man assumes a Socratic-like stance, asking questions that demand definition, e.g., "What, then, is philosophy?", "But what do you call God?', "Is not knowledge a term common to different matters?" (3rd chapter). This discussion continues through chapter 7, in which the two discuss the soul and its inability to see God, the soul and the problem of immortality, and the truth of the prophets. Carefully using Socratic question-and-answer and the Socratic stress on definition, the old man demonstrates to Justin the inadequacy of the philosophers' insights and the real philosophy of Christianity. Justin is overwhelmed. Tlle old man disappears as mysteriously as he had first made his presence known. And Justin experiences conversion : But straightaway a flame was kindled in my soul; and a love of the prophets, and of those men who are friends of Christ, possessed me; and whilst revolving his words in my mind, I found this philosophy alone to be safe and profitable. Thus, and for this reason I am a philosopher. (8) Several points may be made so far. We get the impression that Justin's eagerness for the true philosophy is a little superficial, from his treatment of the Pythagorean. Expressed frankly, the philosophical rigour required by the Pythagorean was too much for Justin: he was not prepared to study the prerequisites in his search. He wanted truth now, or, if it would take some time, by the shortest route possible. One wonders how it is that Platonic philosophy, on which he finally alighted, would offer this less strenuous route. At least, that is how Justin perceived it. One of the criticisms levelled at early Christianity was that it was a religion that attracted the less learned of society. This, of course, was a strong point as well as a weak one. Still, Justin might rightly be accused of not wanting to follow the most stringent of intel- lectual paths. Curiously enough, Eusebius describes Justin as "truly the most philosophical of men" (History of the Church, IV, 16, 2). We also see most clearly in these first chapters, the influence of Plato: the chance encounter setting the stage for the dialogue; an old man A la Socrates, engaging in serious discussion; the question-and-answer format; the realization on the part of Justin THE CASE OF JUSTIN MARTYR 50 1 that he did not really know all that he thought he did. Hence, Justin uses a Platonic form and Platonic methods to discredit, eventually, Platonic truths. And he caps off this introductory section by describing his conversion to Christianity with reference to the same image of a flame used by Plato to describe a sort of philosophical conversion experience : For it [the subject about which Plato is in earnest] does not at all admit of verbal expression like other studies, but, as a result of continued application to the subject itself and communion therewith, it is brought to birth in the soul on a sudden, as light that is kindled by a leaping spark, and thereafter it nourishes itself.22 The dialogue now returns to Trypho and his friends and seems to have taken two days. There are 142 chapters in the dialogue and almost all of the chapters from 8 on form lengthy monologues by Justin. Due to the great length of the dialogue, I will simply bring out some major areas of interest to us. The Influences on Justin Since Justin claims he made the rounds of the philosophical schools, it is natural to enquire into the influences exerted on him. L. W. Barnard has pointed out that the Platonism of Justin's day was not the pure Platonism of its founder but that of Middle Platonism, exemplified by the second century A.D. contemporary of Justin, Albin~sO.~ne~ o f the most significant features of this Middle Platonism, according to Barnard, was its eclecticism. Elements of Platonic thought were combined with Aristotelian ideas, resulting in such things as accepting the Aristotelian notion of God. Albinus also took some Stoic thoughts and fused them with certain Platonic features. He is described as being more mystical than Plato but not attaining Plotinus' mysticism. "His philosophical theology represents a transition stage between Platonism proper and the Neoplatonism of Plotinus It is ..."24 this eclectic form of Platonism which exerted such influence on Justin. This eclecticism, continues Barnard, explains Justin's 22 Letter VII, 341d. " Justin Martyr: His Life and Thought (Cambridge, 1967), Chapter 111. See also R. E. Witt, Albinus and the History of Middle Plaronism (Amsterdam, 197 l), and Robert M. Berchman, From Philo to Origen. Middle Platonism in Transition. Brown Judaic Studies 69 (Chico, Scholars Pess, 1984). 24 Barnard, Justin Martyr, p. 31.