CHAPTER 1 AIMS, STRUCTURE AND METHODS INTRODUCTION This thesis is a study of FRETILIN, the political party which led the independence struggle in Timor-Leste. The primary aim of my research has been to discover how FRETILIN’s theory and practice of ‘popular education’ in the period from 1973 until 1978, and, in particular, in the Resistance Bases known as the Bases de Apoio, contributed to the capacity of FRETILIN and its supporters to sustain that struggle over two and a half decades of brutal military invasion and occupation by the Indonesian Military. My secondary aim has been, through undertaking this research, to contribute to a process of ‘re-conscientisation’, by helping the participants in my research to rediscover the relevance of popular education now in independent Timor-Leste. While Portuguese colonialism had come in different social and political forms and with different ideologies (Gunn 1999), it had completely negated the education of the people or mass education, keeping the majority of the indigenous Timorese illiterate and excluded from politics until early 1974. When the April 1974 Carnation Revolution in Portugal overthrew the fascist regime which had ruled there since 1926, and political parties became legal in Timor, FRETILIN was the only political party able to read this persistent social dimension of colonialism, and initiate change. Two leaders, António Carvarinho ‘Mau Lear1’ and Roque Rodrigues2 were central figures in the first FRETILIN Education Committee. In early 1975, Roque Rodrigues explained FRETILIN’s education policy to an Australian journalist, Bill Nicol, saying that “colonialism used many guns, one of which was illiteracy.” Nicol quoted Rodrigues directly: A struggle against illiteracy means also a struggle against mindlessness.3 The colonial state used the education system to polarize the people’s creativity and suffocate the Timorese culture. A struggle against the colonial education is to promote an education that is to serve the mass of the Timorese people and to stimulate the indigenous culture (Nicol 2002, p.162) 1 António Carvarinho ‘Mau Lear’ was a member of the Casa dos Timores group of Timorese university student activists based in Lisbon in 1974. See Chapter 3. 2 Roque Rodrigues, a psychologist and a Portuguese Army official was dismissed because of his alliance with FRETILIN and later became a member of the Central Committee of FRETILIN. He is now adviser to the President of the Republic and lives in Dili. 3 This may be Nicol’s tranlation of ‘obscurantismo’, the term usually used to describe the state of a lack of political consciousness 1 He told Nicol, further, that FRETILIN teachers and FRETILIN schools were vital, to spread a popular ideology and to revolutionise the education system, creating a new mentality, a new citizen, anti-colonial, anti-fascist, popular and democratic (Nicol 2002, p.163). FRETILIN’s army of the pens,4 the Pedagogy of the Maubere Revolution, had begun. PREVIOUS STUDIES ON FRETILIN AND POPULAR EDUCATION Among the many studies of Timor-Leste, the most significant and relevant to this study are two written in the 1970s, Jill Jolliffe’s East Timor: Nationalism and Colonialism published in 1978 (Jolliffe 1978), and Helen Hill’s Stirings of Nationalism in East Timor: FRETILIN 1974-1978, based on a Masters thesis from that time, published in English in 2002 (Hill 2002). Both books give some account of the history examined in this thesis, including of Nicolau Lobato’s clandestine group in Dili, the Casa dos Timores students in Lisbon, the student organisation UNETIM, and FRETILIN’s ‘base work’ and literacy campaign prior to the invasion. Both Jolliffe and Hill were post-graduate students in Australia at the time, and both visited in 1974-1975 to collect first-hand stories of FRETILIN. Hill’s book remains the only book written specifically about FRETILIN. Another contemporary account was from Bill Nicol, an independent Australian journalist who visited Portuguese Timor in 1974-1975 to cover the political events of that time, and later wrote Timor: The Stillborn Nation, first published in 1978 (Nicol 1978), and republished in 2002 under a new title, Timor: A Nation Reborn (Nicol 2002). Despite many problems with his analysis, his clear stories about the leaders and programs in 1974-1975 became a useful source for this study. Although useful, these three publications do not include any acount of the FRETILIN alternative government that operated in the Resistance Bases after the Indonesian invasion on December 7th, 1975, but some material on this was discovered in books by Andrew McMillan (1992), John Taylor (1999), António Barbedo Magalhães (2007) and José Mattoso (2007). Another major source is the report of the Timor-Leste Commission for Truth and Reconciliation (CAVR 2006). The original FRETILIN leaders and a younger generation of FRETILIN members, 4 The phrase ‘army of the pens’ is inspired by a speech by the Chinese Leader Mao Tse-tung in Yenan province in 1942. See Chapter 4, below. 2 have also made significant contributions in autobiographies, political analysis and academic writing, including Abílio Araújo (1977), Jose Ramos Horta (1987), Constâncio Pinto (Pinto and Jardine 1996), Filomena de Almeida (1997), Xanana Gusmão (2000), and Laura Abrantes and Filomena Sequeira (2008). Of particular note is the work by Estêvão Cabral, a younger member of UNETIM and FRETILIN who joined the guerrilla fighters and was captured, and eventually managed to obtain higher degrees in Great Britain. His doctoral thesis, FRETILIN and the Struggle for Independence in East Timor 1974-2002 (Cabral 2002) provides a solid structural analysis of FRETILIN and its armed wing, FALINTIL. Still, the focus of these works is not education, nor specifically the popular education of Timor- Leste and of FRETILIN. The only book specifically about education in Timor-Leste was written for UNESCO by Susan Nicolai, published under the title Learning Independence: Education in Emergency and Transition in Timor-Leste (Nicolai 2004). Though her focus was on education during the emergency situation after 1999, she nevertheless used the term ‘popular education’ to describe FRETILIN’s alternative education program between 1974 and 1999. A Masters thesis by an Australian solidarity activist, Deborah Durnan, on Popular Education and Peacebuilding in Timor-Leste (Durnan 2005) also gave some account of FRETILIN’s early popular education work, though its main focus is on the work of the popular education network, Dai Popular, in the period after 1999, a topic covered in this thesis in Chapter 13. More recently, a Master’s thesis on education by a Timorese, João Pereira, briefly acknowledges the education program of FRETILIN from 1974-1975 (Pereira 2010, p.34). Finally, while this thesis was in progress, a number of papers were presented by myself and others to the adult and popular education stream of two Timor-Leste Studies Association Conferences, which I helped to organize in 2009 and 2011 (Leach et al 2010). This work has contributed to a growing awareness of the role of popular education in our country. The numerous other publications about Timor-Leste to which I have referred are not listed here, but are mentioned in the introductions to the chapters in which they are discussed. Finally, to establish a proper understanding about the main popular educators whose ideas had influenced the popular education work of FRETILIN, as I discovered in my study of early 3 clandestine groups of 1973-1974, I consulted some of the original writings of Paulo Freire, Amílcar Cabral, Julius Nyerere, Mao Tse-Tung, Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and V.I. Lenin. Those original works, and some secondary sources analyzing their ideas and work, are also referenced in the relevant chapters, particularly in Chapter 4. THE ORGANIZATION OF THIS STUDY This study covers four distinct periods of recent Timorese history. The first is the period from the early 1970s to the Carnation Revolution in Portugal on 25 April 1974, during which time two active clandestine groups of young Timorese intellectuals opposed to Portuguese colonialism formed, one in Timor and the other in Portugal. The second period, the period of decolonization, runs from May 1974 until August 1975, and its main features were the formation of political parties, the Portuguese-sponsored decolonization, the continuing instability of Portuguese politics in Lisbon, and the grass roots education campaign of FRETILIN. This period ended in August 1975, with the attempted coup d’état by FRETILIN’s coalition partner, UDT, and FRETILIN’s successful counter-coup. The third period, from September 1975 until December 1978, covers the Indonesian armed incursions followed by the full-scale invasion in December 1975, until the fall of the last of the Resistance Bases in December 1978. The fourth period, from 1979-2002, was the period of re-organization of the FRETILIN-led state, RDTL, into a nationalist movement, the work of the clandestine front, the UN-supervised referendum, the period of UN rule after Indonesian withdrawal, and the final realization of self-determination, in May 2002. In my analysis, I have also sometimes written of two separate eras, the first being the era of the first independent state, the Democratic Republic of Timor Leste, which I call RDTL 1, from December 1975 until May 2002; and the second, the era of RDTL II, from end of the occupation until today. This second era is characterized by the United Nations intervention, and a new political pluralism. The thesis is divided into three main parts. Part One, consisting of four chapters, deals with the foundations of the thesis. Chapter 1, explains the aims, the overall thesis structure, the specific research questions, the research approach and methods, and the principle sources. Chapter 2 4 presents personal testimony of my experience of the popular education of FRETILIN, as a child in the Resistance Bases and immediately afterwards. Chapter 3 gives an account of the early Popular Education Groups, the Anti-Colonial Informal Discussion Group (AIDG) in Dili and the Casa dos Timores in Lisbon Portugal, from 1973 until September 1974. Chapter 4, the last in Part One, is about the leaders and theorists who inspired FRETILIN Popular Education. This chapter discusses three sources of inspiration for the early FRETILIN leaders: the Pedagogy of the Liberation Struggle of Amílcar Cabral, the Pedagogy of the Oppressed of Paulo Freire, and the mass line education work of Mao Tse-tung and the Communist Party of China. While it is acknowledged, in Chapter 3, that some of FRETILIN’s early popular educators and leaders also drew their inspiration and learned from the social teaching of the Catholic Church, particularly from Rerum Novarum5 and from liberation theology, these are beyond the scope of this thesis. Part Two explores the theme of The Pedagogy of Maubere Liberation Struggle . In the first three chapters, I deal with FRETILIN’s, ideas, structure and programs. Chapter 5 explains the FRETILIN structures, including its political education mechanisms. Chapter 6, concerning UNETIM and FRETILIN’s base work, describes the mobilization of students to undertake grass roots work, and includes a detailed analysis of the literacy manual they used, inspired by the work of Paulo Freire. Chapter 7 deals with FRETILIN’s women’s organization, OPMT, and the contribution of women to the resistance. The next four chapters, Chapters 8 to 11 then explore the popular form of government which operated in the resistance bases, the relationship of the nascent state with its people, and the development and strengthening of popular democracy in warfare education, health care, and food production, and through international solidarity and diplomacy. Finally in this part, Chapter 12 covers the period after the fall of the Resistance Bases, tracing the re-organization of the state into a broad clandestine movement. Part Three consists of Chapter 13, which presents three case studies of popular education ideas and practices in the period after the Indonesian occupation and the final chapter, which summarises the conclusions from this study, and identifies areas for future work. 5 Rerum Novarum (Latin for ‘Of New Things’) is an encyclical issued by Pope Leo XIII on May 15, 1891. It was an open letter, sent to all Catholic bishops in the world, that addressed the condition of the working classes. The encyclical is entitled: “Rights and Duties of Capital and Labour”. Wilhelm Emmanuel von Ketteler and Cardinal Henry Edward Manning were influential in its composition. 5 METHODOLOGY Hypotheses and Research Questions The basic hypotheses of this research were, first, that popular education had been a driving force in the persistence of the Timorese Resistance and the bravery of its supporters, in the way in which the people came to understand the justice of their cause and their right to freedom and independence; and secondly, that the original leaders of FRETILIN, the students from the Casa dos Timores group in Lisbon and from Nicolau Lobato’s informal group in Dili, were the key leaders and educators behind this popular education campaign. The first and primary task was to identify who was part of these early popular education groups and the theories influencing them; and to describe and analyse the FRETILIN popular education actions which became a source of FRETILIN’s persistence, both in the Resistance Bases, the Bases de Apoio, and in the international arena. While the principal focus is the early years of popular education and the armed struggle from 1973 up until 1978, the second and secondary research objective was to understand the relevance of the popular education theories and practices for FRETILIN to the current political reality. Specifically, the research questions included: 1. What were the early popular education groups? Who were the leaders and other activists who were part of the groups? 2. What ideas and theories influenced them? 3. What activities did FRETILIN undertake a. prior to the Indonesian invasion; b. in the Resistance Bases after the invasion; c. after the collapse of the Bases; and d. in international work? 4. What is the relevance of the theory and practice of popular education of that period to the current political reality? 6 Political Objectives of the Research My experience as an activist in the indpendence movement, and, prior to that, as a child growing up in the Resistance Bases behind FALINTIL lines, had led me to believe in popular education, as a means for mobilisation for self-defence, a ‘non-antagonistic’ aspect of the Timorese Resistance. So, my research was intended to bring about a new awareness of the importance of popular education in an independent Timor-Leste in the new political conjuncture, as a means for the active prevention of social injustices, especially new forms of colonization, both internal and external. In particular, I wanted to capture both the imagination and memories of FRETILIN members, to help them and others reflect on the relevance of FRETILIN’s popular education ideas and programs to the current political conjuncture. So, beyond collecting stories, and understanding theories and practices of popular education at the theoretical level, this study had practical objetives as well, namely: • to promote popular education as a non-violent movement within FRETILIN in the conjuncture of political pluralism and social and popular democracy; • to promote popular education as a method for community economic self-sufficiency beyond FRETILIN; • to raise awareness of the importance of the history of resistance as means to educate the next generation of FRETILIN activists and to link them with the older generation of FRETILIN; • to support formação politica6 for young political activists and FRETILIN cadres; and • to provide reference for future studies on popular education and history of Timor- Leste. The methods chosen reflected these practical objectives, as well as meeting the requirements of academic research. 6 In 1976, FRETILIN formed a political education and leadership training centre known as Centro Formação Política (CEFORPOL) in the Bases de Apoio. Formação refers to a process of exposure of political cadres to political theories and of involvement in the political program of FRETILIN. 7 Methods of Data Collection and Analysis To develop a methodology, my first task was to explore the relevance of oral history to this project and its commonality with the practices of popular education.7 This showed me that oral history was a viable contributing method for this study. My other methods included archival research, group discussions, and public seminars. The action-oriented discussions formed part of the action-research aspect of this study, and the notes from these sessions contributed substantially to this research. Oral History Staughton Lynd argued that oral history was history itself, “in the form of an articulating consciousness” (cited in Grele 1998, p.42). In the context of this study, oral history aims to ‘re- conscientize’ the Timorese people, recovering and re-articulating the consciousness which they developed between 1974 and 1978, through the original ‘conscientisation’ work of FRETILIN.8 Oral history is therefore an important tool of popular education research, because, as Oxford historian Paul Thompson wrote: . . . oral history certainly can be a means for transforming both the content and the purpose of history. It can be used to change the focus of history itself, and open up new areas of inquiry; it can break down barriers between teachers and students, between generations, between educational institutions and the world outside; and in the writing of history— whether in books, or museums, or radio and film—it can give back to the people who made and experienced history, through their own words, a central place (Thompson 1998, p.22). A similar claim is made by Robertson (2006, p.3). who sees oral history not just as a process of documenting information provided by participants through interviews, but also about documenting and recognising the important roles played by ordinary people in history. The Australian oral historian Janis Wilton, from the University of New England, expressed this to me as “giving back the history to the people” (Pers.com, 20/04/2008). Moreover, “through oral 7 I consulted with Dr Janis Wilton, an experienced oral historian (Wilton 2004), and the studies she recommended on oral history methods. 8 The term ‘conscientisation’, derived from Paulo Freire, was used by FRETILIN to describe its ‘base work’ and literacy campaign. See Chapter 6 8 history the community can, and should, be given the confidence to write their own history” and “for the historian who wishes to work and write as a socialist, the task must be not simply to celebrate the working class as it is, but to raise its consicousness. A history is required which leads to action: ‘not to confirm, but to change the world” (Thompson 1998, pp. 22, 24). The objective of this research was not just to look at the popular education practices of FRETILIN prior to the invasion, but also at popular education ideas and practices during the Indonesian occupation. During this study, I have interviewed, and held informal discussions and conversations with seventy-five informants. They included leaders, activists and ordinary members of FRETILIN, and soldiers and lower commanders who fought in the front line against Indonesian occupying forces but were also actively involved in popular education prior to occupation and in the Resistance Bases between 1974 and 1978. In some cases, the stories were recorded and in other cases detailed notes were taken. At the conclusion of this study, the stories and pictures collected will be given back to each of the participants and their families. Appendix 1 lists all the interviewees and informants, including their nom de guerres or aliases where they had one, and the positions they held or organisations they belonged to. While almost all were from Timor-Leste, a small number were activists in the solidarity movement in Australia and Portugal. Approval to conduct the interviews was sought and obtained from the University of New England Human Research Ethics Committee. Archival Research In the course of the research, documents were discovered in five archival collections in Portugal, as follows: 1. The Torre do Tombo (Files of the King), based in the Universidade Classica Lisboa, which holds the files of the Portuguese Security Police (PIDE-DGS); 2. The archives of CDPM-CIDAC (Centro da Defesa do Direito do Povo Maubere- Centro Informação e Desenvolvimento Amilcra Cabral), a solidarity organisation in Lisbon; 3. The Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Relations of Portugal; 4. The Library of Sociedade Geográfica de Lisboa (SGL); and 5. The Library of Espaço por Timor. 9 I visited each of these during the period of the study, to collect and copy original documents of and about FRETILIN. The first visit to Portugal occurred in June 2008, to make preliminary contacts and gain a basic understanding about the information available in the respective collections. The second visit was for three weeks in March 2009, during which I collected and copied original documents of FRETILIN available particularly in Centre for Information and Development of Amílcar Cabral (CIDAC) based in Lisbon. In Australia, I visited three archives: the private collection of Kevin Sherlock9 in Darwin; the National Library of Australia in Canberra, which held papers of Australian solidarity activist Denis Freney,10 and of the journalist Jill Jolliffe; and the archives of the Australia East Timor Association (AETA) in Melbourne. The Biblioteka Maubere In keeping with the philosophy of participatory action-research, one of the aims of this thesis has been to improve contemporary political education, as it is practised within FRETILIN and the wider independence movement. My hypothesis was that the recovery of the stories of the popular education and the pedagogy of the Maubere revolution from the rural villages and districts would help to ‘re-conscientise’ the militants of FRETILIN, but for this to happen, the products of the research had to become more widely available. For this reason, I established, in 2009, the Biblioteka Maubere (Maubere Library), a centre for political and historical study and self-education which I and my comrades have built in my compound in the suburb of Bebonuk in Dili. Over the last few years, I have deposited in this library copies of all the documents collected for this research and the records of interviews, along with many of the books and other publications which appear in the bibliography. 9 Kevin Philip Sherlock born on March 08, 1934 in Adelaide, South Australia. He studied only up to second year of secondary school, and is a working class Australian. On July 25 1974, he visited Portuguese Timor as a tourist and started his collection of material relating to Timor-Leste. Today Kevin’s archive is one of the best on Timor in Australia. Kevin was awarded a medal for his work by the President of Republic of Timor-Leste in 2009. 10 Denis Freney was a journalist for Tribune and a member of Communist Party of Australia (CPA). His role in the solidarity movment is discussed in Chapter 11. 10