Challenges of pursuing schooling for former street and working children The vocies of adolescent girls in Bangalore, India Hilde Aspenes Sjøbø   Master  of  Philosophy  in  Gender  and  Development   Spring 2013 Faculty of Psychology Department of Health Promotion and Development 2   Acknowledgements First, and foremost, I would like to thank all of the informants who took the time to participate in my study, sharing their stories and points of view. Thank you so much to the APSA organisation for all of your help during the fieldwork. It was an insightful journey from the beginning to the end, and I learned a lot from your community work. I am very proud that I have been able to conduct my fieldwork within your organisation. I also have to thank my ‘Indian family’ for taking good care of me, cooking wonderful Indian meals and teaching me about Indian culture and traditions. I would also like to express my appreciation towards the Norwegian organisation FORUT for establishing contact with the APSA organisation as well as towards the Meltzer fund for believing in my project by giving me financial support. Thank you to my co-workers at FN-sambandet Vest (UN Association Western Branch) for nice lunches together and use of their office facilities for my thesis writing. I also acknowledge the contributions of Padmaja Barua. I thank her for making my thesis year worthwhile, and for challenging me to develop my skills as a researcher, and giving me useful insights into the Indian culture. I would also like to express my gratitude towards Professor Marit Tjomsland who dedicated both time and effort in providing general advice in relation to this thesis. You are both truly an inspiration. Also, thank you to my classmates for commenting on my project and for teaching me about your countries and cultures. I will miss you all. I would like to thank my fiancé for always being there for me by giving me support, advice and insights. Even though we have spent two years apart, being very busy with our own studies, I am very grateful that you have stood by my side and taken the time to listen to me, especially during my frustrating moments. I thank my family for the support throughout my course. Thank you to my friends who always believe in me. I would not have been able to complete my fieldwork, let alone this thesis, without their support, and for that, I am grateful. May 2013 Hilde Aspenes Sjøbø 3   This thesis is dedicated to the girls interviewed in India Thank you for sharing your stories - they do matter There was language in the world that everyone understood. It was the language of enthusiasm, of things accomplished with love and purpose, and as part of a search for something believed in and desired The Alchemist/ Paulo Coelho 4   TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ..................................................................................................................... 2 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .................................................................................................................. 6 1. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................... 7 1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT ......................................................................................................... 10 1.3 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES ....................................................................................................... 12 1.4 RATIONALE OF THE STUDY ................................................................................................. 13 1.5 ORGANISATION OF THE THESIS .................................................................................. 13 2. LITERATURE REVIEW PREVIOUS RESEARCH ON STREET AND WORKING CHILDREN: EMPHASIS ON EDUCATION .......................................................................................... 15 2.1 INTERNATIONAL POLICIES AND CONCEPTUAL RECOGNITION .............................. 15 2.1.1 Development Reports and Frameworks about Street Children ............................... 15 2.1.2 Shift in Perspectives? .............................................................................................. 16 2.1.3 Convention on the Rights of the Child and Child-Centred Approaches ................. 17 2.1.4 Issues Concerning Girls and their Vulnerabilities ................................................... 18 2.2 ACADEMIC RESEARCH ON STREET CHILDREN AND EDUCATION: LITERATURE OF RELEVANCE ON INDIA ............................................................................................ 19 2.2.1 Shape of Issues ........................................................................................................ 19 2.2.2 Concerns and Interventions – Informative versus Effective? ................................. 20 2.3 BRIDGING THE GAP ...................................................................................................... 22 3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ............................................................................................... 24 3.1 CRITICAL POVERTY THEORY: A SPECIFIC FOCUS ON CHRONIC POVERTY ........... 25 3.1.1 Production and Reproduction of Chronic Poverty Relational Approach and Adverse Incorporation and Social Exclusion Research . 26 3.1.2 Production and Reproduction of Chronic Poverty - An Issue of Power ................. 27 3.1.3 Poverty Reduction ................................................................................................... 28 3.2 EMPOWERMENT THEORY ............................................................................................ 29 3.2.1 Historic Background of Empowerment Theory ...................................................... 29 3.2.2 Agency, Choices and Relations of Power ............................................................... 30 3.2.3 From Individual to Collective – From Local to Global ........................................... 31 3.3 THEORY OF STIGMA AND SHAME: EMPHASIS ON STATUS LOSS, DISCRIMINATION AND POWER ................................................................................... 32 3.3.1 Status Loss and Discrimination ............................................................................... 32 3.3.2 Power ....................................................................................................................... 33 3.3.3 Challenging Stigma ................................................................................................. 34 3.4 INTERLINK OF THE THEORIES ..................................................................................... 34 4. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................. 35 4.1 SITE OF STUDY AND SELECTION OF INFORMANTS ...................................................... 35 4.2 THE PREPARATION PHASE – GAINING ACCESS TO THE FIELD ............................... 36 4.2.1 Being an Outsider and the Importance of Gatekeepers ........................................... 36 4.2.2 The Interpreter and the Researcher ......................................................................... 36 4.3 BEING IN THE FIELD – THE DATE COLLECTION PHASE ........................................... 37 4.3.1 Recruitment of Informants ...................................................................................... 37 4.3.2 Informed Consent .................................................................................................... 38 4.3.3 Methods ................................................................................................................... 40 5   4.4 LEAVING THE FIELD – CONSIDERATIONS, REFLECTIONS AND DATA PROCESSING ........................................................................................................................................ 44 4.4.1 Ethical Considerations and Dilemmas .................................................................... 44 4.4.2 Methods of Data Analysis ....................................................................................... 45 5. PAST PREVIOUS SOCIAL AND SCHOOL SITUATIONS ........................................................ 46 5.1 FAMILY RELATIONS AND MULTIDIMENSIONAL NOTIONS OF POVERTY .............. 47 5.1.1 Adverse Incorporation and Social Exclusion – In the Girls’ Past Lives ................. 47 5.1.2 “The Nowhere Girls” ............................................................................................... 49 5.1.3 Structural Discrimination – Policies concerning Street and Working Children ..... 53 5.1.4 Disempowerment through Structural Discrimination ............................................. 55 5.2 SOCIAL SITUATION AND SCHOOLING ........................................................................ 56 5.2.1 Structural Discrimination and Stigma: .................................................................... 57 Reflected in the Girls’ Schooling Experiences ................................................................. 57 ‘Dropping out’ versus Exclusion ...................................................................................... 57 No schooling – Total Exclusion ....................................................................................... 59 Access to Schooling on Discriminatory Terms ................................................................ 60 5.3 CHAPTER CONCLUSION. INTERRELATIONSHIPS AND IMPLICATIONS .................. 62 6. PRESENT THE ISSUES OF INCLUSIVENESS, BELONGINGNESS AND EDUCATION FOR ALL ........................................................................................................................................ 64 6.1 ROLE OF THE NGO IN THE PROCESS OF EMPOWERMENT ....................................... 65 6.1.1Reaching Out ............................................................................................................ 65 Informing and Providing Programs as Means in the Empowerment Process .................. 65 6.1.2 Working towards Education for All - Mainstreaming and Bridging the Gap ......... 67 6.2 THE ADOLESCENTS’ SCHOOL AND LIVING SITUATIONS ......................................... 71 6.2.1 Girls at the Dream School ....................................................................................... 71 6.2.2 Girls at the Vocational Training Centre .................................................................. 74 6.2.3 Living at Navajeevana ............................................................................................. 77 6.2.4 Girls at the Private School ....................................................................................... 79 6.2.5 Independent Girl ...................................................................................................... 81 6.3 CHAPTER CONCLUSION ............................................................................................... 81 7. FUTURE ROLE OF SELF-IDENTITY AND EMPOWERMENT ..................................................... 85 7.1 THE ADOLESCENT GIRLS’ FUTURE ASPIRATIONS .................................................... 85 7.1.1 Girls at the Private Hostel ....................................................................................... 86 7.1.2 Girls from the Dream School .................................................................................. 87 7.1.3 Girls at Navajeevana ............................................................................................... 89 7.2 NATURE OF EMPOWERMENT ...................................................................................... 91 7.2.1 Distinction between Effective and Transformative Agency ................................... 91 7.3 CHAPTER CONCLUSION ............................................................................................... 94 8. CONCLUDING REMARKS ........................................................................................................ 95 REFERENCES ..................................................................................................................................... 101 APPENDIX 1 ....................................................................................................................................... 107 APPENDIX 2 ....................................................................................................................................... 109 APPENDIX 3 ....................................................................................................................................... 111 APPENDIX 4 ....................................................................................................................................... 113 6   List of Abbreviations AISE Adverse Incorporation and Social Exclusion APSA Association for Promoting Social Action CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child CREATE Consortium for Research on Education, Access, Transitions and Equity CSC Consortium for Street Children CWC Child Welfare Committee FORUT Campaign for Development and Solidarity ILO International Labour Organisation MDG Millennium Development Goals NCLP National Child Labour Project NGO Non-Government Organisation NORAD Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation NSD Norwegian Social Science Data Services RTE Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act UN United Nations UNCCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation UNFPA United Nations Population Fund UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund WB World Bank 7   1. INTRODUCTION India is the second most populous country in the world and is also the world’s largest democracy (World Bank, 2013). The country has a growing economy and is considered on the global arena to be a leading economic and political power (Norad, 2012). More than half of India’s workforce is in agriculture, but the major source of income is provided through services (Country Watch, 2013). However, the services only account for less than one third of India’s labour force. Despite being a leading international actor and experiencing significant economic growth over the last two decades, India is still facing continuous long-term challenges of poverty, corruption, rural-to-urban migration, discrimination against women and girls, inadequate availability of quality basic and higher education among others (ibid). The occurrence of poverty in India tends to be persistent, and tens of millions experience chronic poverty that is transmitted from generation to generation (Metha & Shah, 2003). Marginalised groups, elderly, women and disabled people are highly represented among the groups of chronically poor (ibid). Thus, the economic relations alone cannot explain why some people are not able to get out of persisting poverty (Mosse, 2007). It is evident that many of the chronic poor work as casual labourers, and experience disadvantages such as living in slum areas and minimal access to social security (ibid). For the chronically poor, the opportunities to improve their social and economic condition prove to be small because of interlocking circumstances in the society that perpetuate inequality and exploitation on many levels (ibid). The issue of poverty is evident in the increase in rural-to-urban migration as well as the demand for informal work containing cheap labour (Zutshi, 2001). These factors are intensifying the problem of child labours and street children (ibid). Child labours also tend to be hidden in houses and factories, in order to make them ‘invisible’ for the public sphere (Dorman, 2008). The ‘street children’ labels have various meanings, but the description of street children as being ‘on’ and ‘of’ the street has been widely used in defining street children as those children living on the street by themselves and those returning home to their families at night (Joshi, et al., 2006). Street children are thus categorised as both children working on the street as well as children living on or nearby the street with their families. Working children, on the other hand, tend to work in casual labour in the informal economy 8   or in people’s homes (Zuthsi, 2001). For the present study, when using the term “working children”, the focus will be on children in domestic work. The usage of domestic work in the present study is referred to children who are working and living in other people’s houses as well as children who work away from home, but live with their own families. Furthermore, it is important to note that more research has concentrated on defining street children along social constructivist lines in the recent years, arguing that “street children do not in reality form a clearly defined, homogeneous population” (de Benítez, 2011, pp. 9-10). The lives of many children do not only revolve around the street, and it is thus important for the present study to acknowledge street and working children as heterogeneous groups in order to show the multidimensionality of their lives. In many cases, street and working children are often taken advantage of, working long hours under harsh conditions (Mosse, 2007). Moreover, inconsistency and absence in schooling is common, making the children vulnerable to illiteracy and continuation of working in the informal sector (de Benítez, 2011). In the case of India, there is a particularly high dropout rate among girls in primary school (Create, 2008). The adolescent girls in India are a vulnerable group within the Indian society on social, economic and rights-based levels (Bahwan, 2007). Girls in India face discrimination in terms of life opportunities and choices, as gender discrimination is still being reinforced in the cultural ideologies within families and social structure. The stereotyping of girls in social norms as either mothers, wives or sisters needs to be challenged to a greater extent on the local and national levels, and there is a need to see them as equal actors in the society (Bandyopadhyay & Subrahmanian, 2008). The Indian government and civil society in India are putting efforts into increasing the number of school enrolments, especially for girls and marginalised children. In 2002, an article in the Constitution of India was inserted in order to provide free and compulsory education for all children in the group of 6-14 years as a fundamental right. The Right of the Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act (RTE) passed through the Indian government in 2002 and came into effect in 2009 (Government of India, 2012). This meant that every child has a right to full-time elementary education, and no one should be liable for paying any kind of fee in order to send their children to school. The act also puts a legal obligation on the Central and State governments in India to implement this act (ibid). The policy of promoting RTE within the Indian government is a step in the right direction, but has been debated among scholars for containing restrictions (Taneja et al., 2011). The debate is 9   particularly concerning the more marginalised children in Indian societies as well as the right perspective of the Act being promoted on limiting terms. The policy has certain limitations because it does not include children under and over the age of 6-14, where access to upper primary education has been relatively neglected (ibid). Moreover, the education available to children from wealthier families has remained of a higher standard than that offered to the children of the poorest and most marginalised communities (ibid). Discrimination in the education system in India still exists with the occurrence of different types of schooling with ranging learning levels. During the time after Independence in India (i.e. after 1947) there was much focus on producing a ‘modern sector’ (Majumdar & Mooji, 2011). Historically, in many parts of India, education was restricted and dominated by elite and middle classes. In more recent times, education has recently been part of a globalised market and education has been conceptualised mainly within a utilitarian framework (ibid). There is, however, an increase of elites and middle class children exiting the free-of-cost government schools and entering the private schools where fees apply (Majumdar & Mooji, 2011). Although many children from wealthier families attend private schools, there is a tendency for children from poorer backgrounds to also move from government school to private schools (ibid). The increase of enrolment into low fee private schools is due to private schools being viewed as a better alternative compared to government schools (ibid). In this regard, a debate is taking place about whether private schools are a desirable development or not. A particular concern is voiced about the privatisation, seeing a developing pattern that perpetuates social inequalities (Kumar & Rustagi, 2010). When rapid privatisation is taking place, the government efforts and commitments are unremitting, considering a tendency of budgetary constraints and lack of willingness to provide quality schools (Majumdar & Mooji, 2011). Thus, despite efforts to enrol more children into school, many government schools are of poor quality and marked by a tendency for dropping out. Since the school system in India provides both private and government schools, it establishes a division between the poor and wealthier citizens. 10   1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT There are many implications attached to the circumstances of street and working children in India. Work might be their only option in order to survive, and many children face exploitation on many levels (Zuthsi, 2001). Public harassment is also taking place on a large scale (ibid). For example, begging is the only option for an income for many children, but begging is prohibited in many public areas in India (ibid). Harassment from the police is occurring and street children are frequently looked at as criminals (ibid). As argued by Mosse (2010), the harassment of street children is an example of how certain forms of poverty become criminalised by the state. This causes a perception of street children as a problem for the society rather than seeing it as a problem caused by larger social norms and structures. Given these statements, there is a clear need to find out what the different practices entail that are leading to a life of being a street and/or working child, facing disadvantages on many levels. Education can have a strong impact on promoting gender equality and empowerment (United Nations Population Fund for UN Systems in India, 2003). The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the related policies on education and empowerment have been applied to the policy agenda in India, and the Indian government took action by implementing Right to Free and Compulsory Education in 2009 (Unicef India, 2011). This has contributed to an overall increase in school enrolment. However, the proportion of girls who attend school in India continues to remain low in comparison to that of boys of their age. At the upper primary school level, only 40% of girls attend school (Create, 2009). The main factors influencing this disparity include poverty and the continuing hold of social and cultural beliefs such as low valuation of women in the workforce, and the belief of women as being the ones with domestic responsibilities, a symbol of women as the tradition of marriage and family (ibid). There are also concerns about whether girls have the ability to gain an education in reality, considering that a right does not always translate into action on the grassroots (Unterhalter, 2007). There is a need to put a focus on difference among moral rights and legal rights within societies. Even if girls have the legal right to go to school, family commitment and social norms might hinder them in attaining their legal right of completing schooling (ibid). In addition, caution should be taken when assuming that education contributes towards empowerment (Kabeer, 2005), because this may not always be the case if norms related to restricting gender equality remain within societies. Thus, there is a need to explore how