i Concepts of Prydeindod (Britishness) in 18th century Anglo- Welsh writing; with special reference to the works of Lewis Morris, Evan Evans, and Edward Williams. Bethan Mair Jenkins Trinity College University of Oxford ii Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of English at the University of Oxford Trinity Term 2009 Abstract Bethan Mair Jenkins. Trinity College Submitted for the degree of D.Phil. Trinity Term 2009 This thesis presents an analysis of the English-language work of three Welsh writers during the eighteenth century, spanning the period of the 1750s to 1794. During this period, the British state consolidated its power following the last of the significant internal uprisings in 1745, and attempted to create a British nation with internal unity. Such a unity entailed a renegotiation of older national identities as subjects attempted to partake of multiple identities simultaneously. In Wales, the manifestation of multiple identities was especially clear, as the language of the state did not accord with the mother tongue of the majority of Welshmen. Though Welsh literati had written in English since before the Act of Union (1536), choosing to write in English becomes more interesting for the critic during such a time of change. Previously, these works have been treated as aberrations, or literary curiosities less worthy of note than the Welsh-language productions of the same authors. This thesis argues that, instead, they should be analysed as offering an insight into these authors’ conception of Britain, and their place within the state and the new nation, both in the choice of language and the topics considered. As a theoretical basis for these analyses, I consider the concept of Prydeindod from the work of philosopher J.R. Jones, as distinct from the idea of Britishness, and as a way of complicating Anglocentric or iii binary discussions of Britishness. This in turn informs readings of the English- language productions of Welsh writers in the eighteenth century, and shows that their negotiations of new identities are not as forthright as has previously been assumed. Acknowledgements In a work such as this, so many debts of gratitude are incurred that it is impossible to thank everyone adequately; I hope that I may be forgiven if any are forgotten. Firstly, I should like to acknowledge the generous funding of the AHRC for the initial period of research for this thesis, as well as the help and support of Trinity College, and in particular Annabel Ownsworth, Isobel Lough, and Trudy Watts. Enormous thanks are due to my two supervisors, Mr. Nicolas Jacobs and Dr. Freya Johnston, without whom this thesis would neither have been begun nor completed; their unwavering support and friendliness have helped me through many difficult times, and I have always left each of their offices strengthened in mind and determination. I would also like to thank Jan Martin, former Librarian at Trinity College, for her unstinting support and belief in me; the staff, past and present, of the History Faculty Library, Oxford, for friendship and employment, and in particular Miss Valerie Lawrence, Miss Susan Burdell, and Miss Isabel Holowaty, for encouraging me and providing invaluable role models, and to Mr. Ian Chilvers for his assistance with the bibliography software; to the staff of the Iolo Morganwg project at the Centre for Advanced Welsh and Celtic Studies, Aberystwyth, most especially Dr. Mary-Ann Constantine and Dr. Cathryn Charnell-White, for the opportunity of working with them, and their help and kindness long after the end of the project; to the members of the C.P.a.A group, for their generous emergency funding towards replacing the iv computer on which this thesis was finished; to my proof-readers, Marion A. Beet and Peredur Davies; to all my friends who have suffered my endless discussion of the themes of this thesis, and in particular to Dr. Gesine Bruss and Dr. Milo Thurston, my two closest friends who have endured more than most during this research. Finally, I would like to thank my family, and especially my parents, for their support, both financial and moral; and it is to my mother, and in memory of my father, that this thesis is dedicated. v Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter 1 – Lewis Morris 52 i – Introduction 52 ii – The Dialogue of a Highland Welshman 55 Chapter 2 – Evan Evans 90 i – Introduction 90 ii – Lewis Morris and Evan Evans – Patronage 96 iii – Evans’ Wales 104 iv – Evans’ Britain – the love of whose country? 117 v – Thomas Percy and Evan Evans – Correspondence 127 vi – “Names enough to choak you” 135 Chapter 3 – Edward Williams 144 i – Introduction 144 ii – Two literary traditions 147 iii – Inventing traditions 165 iv – Patronage 170 v – Language and nationality 178 vi – Bard of the Island of Britain 183 Conclusion 190 Bibliography 200 1 Introduction i Few terms in the history of the literature of Wales have caused such debate and controversy as the term “Anglo-Welsh.” It is first seen in print in the preface to Evan Evans’ (1731-1788) poem of 1772, On the Love of Our Country, referring “not to poets, but to prelates.”1 Evans is concerned, as we shall see, with eliminating the “Anglo-Welsh Prelates” from the land because of the linguistic and spiritual harm they do in Wales, due to their inability to communicate with a monoglot Welsh flock: [The love of my country] shall likewise be my plea for the disagreeable truths I have advanced in the close of my Poem, concerning Anglo-Welsh Prelates, which otherwise might appear too bold and presuming. It is certainly their business to see how well it suits with their character as Protestant Bishops, as well as honest men, to confer Welsh benefices on persons that do not understand the Welsh language.2 By the twentieth century, the term Anglo-Welsh had come to be used in relation to poetry from Wales written in English. The pejorative nature of the original coinage, intended to indicate a complete ignorance of the Welsh language and a lack of any natural connection to Wales, has lingered, and this has led to considerable resistance to the term from modern Welsh writers in English. In the eighteenth-century context, however, the term is of a piece with other expressions of British hybridity – Cambro- Briton, North Briton, Hiberno-Briton, Scoto-Briton, and so on. These hyphenated designations reflect the complexity of negotiating personal and national identities in an era where the new state of Britain was struggling to form a coherent whole from 1 R. Garlick, An Introduction to Anglo-Welsh Literature (Cardiff, 1972), p. 9. 2 E. Evans, Gwaith y Parchedig Evan Evans, Ieuan Brydydd Hir (Caernarfon, 1876), p. 132. 2 disparate parts. The drive towards unification in the eighteenth century was the culmination of a long process stretching back to the thirteenth century. The most distinctive of the disparate parts of the new Britain were its two furthest reaches, northern Scotland, and Wales. With regard to Wales, this difference was largely despite rather than because of the actions of the state after the Acts of Union (1536, 1542). As the language of the conqueror, and subsequently of the dominant political elite, English gradually gained ground as the prestige tongue in Wales. This was reinforced by the punitive laws of Henry IV, passed following the revolt of Owain Glyndŵr, which relegated the status of the Welsh to that of “a subjugated and disenfranchised people [...] the hated statutes [...] restricting the rights of the native Welsh to acquire property or office, to congregate or to bear arms”.3 The language accordingly held the same subordinate status. Henry IV’s stick was eventually replaced with Henry VIII’s carrot, in the form of the Act of Union of 1536, sometimes termed the Act of Incorporation. Conceived by Thomas Cromwell, the Act brought parity with the English people in the eyes of the law. Rather than raise the status of the language, it effectively encouraged its abandonment, as that parity was conditional upon subjects adopting the state language, English. The now-infamous ‘language clause’ laid out the reasons for the desirability of unity in language: [T]he people of the same dominion [Wales] have and do daily use a speche nothing like ne consonaunt to the naturall mother tonge used within this Realme [...] his highnes therefore of a singuler love and favour that he beareth towardes his subiectes of his said dominion of Wales munding and entending to reduce them to the perfecte order notice and knowlege of the lawes of this his Realme and utterly to extirpe alle and singuler the sinister usages and 3 P. Schwyzer, Literature, Nationalism, and Memory in Early Modern England and Wales (Cambridge, 2004), p. 27. 3 customes differinge frome the same and to bring his said subiectes of this his Realme and of his said dominion of Wales to an amiable concorde[...]4 In this clause lies the root of many of the problems of Welsh identity up to the present day. Branding the language unnatural whilst offering the gentry classes an opportunity to participate fully in the English-language machinery of the state accelerated the pace of linguistic change, as well as creating the conditions for a psychological rift. Though Welsh was not banned, the provision that no-one could hold state office “unless he or they use and exercise the English speech or language” had the result of raising the status of English at the expense of Welsh. These Acts did away with the distinction between England and Wales, incorporating Wales as “part of an expanded England or Greater Britain.”5 The attempt at “extirping” the language that was the one distinction left between the two countries was a deliberate act of colonial imposition, the actions of a state seeking to make efficient its rule and guard against sedition. They resulted in English gradually becoming the means of polite, educated and Ecclesiastical communication, and proficiency in that language was required for social acceptability in court and gentry society. One need only look at the stock Welsh caricatures in English drama to see the derision heaped upon Welsh English.6 Enshrining the relative status of each language in law brings the process of denigrating Welsh to the fore, and perhaps begins the 4 W. Rees, The Union of England and Wales (Cardiff, 1939), p. 81. 5 C. Williams, 'Problematizing Wales', in J. Aaron and C. Williams (ed.), Postcolonial Wales (Cardiff, 2005), p. 5. 6 M. Dearnley, Distant Fields : Eighteenth-Century Fictions of Wales (Cardiff, 2001), J.O. Bartley, Teague, Shenkin and Sawney : Being an Historical Study of the Earliest Irish, Welsh and Scottish Characters in English Plays (Cork, Eire, 1954). 4 tendency, often noted by Welsh-language authors, of the Welsh to debase their own language: [P]an fo dyn yn dweud rhywbeth o bwys, neu’n datgan barn ystyriol neu’n mynnu tynnu haen o swyngyfaredd dros ffeithiau digon syml, rhaid wrth iaith ddwysach a mwy anghyffredin na Chymraeg er i hynny olygu trychu’r frawddeg Gymraeg yn gwbl anystyriol [...] Effaith hyn yn y man [...] oedd peri i Gymry feddwl nad mewn Cymraeg y lleferid pethau gwir bwysig mewn gwirionedd; y pethau tyngedfennol sy’n llywio bywyd ac yn arbennig bywyd dinesig. Cam bychan sydd o’r arddull hanner-a-hanner hon i drafod pob pwnc ond Cymraeg ei hun [...] yn gyfangwbl yn Saesneg. [When a man says something important, or declares a considered opinion, or wishes to pull a veil of sorcery over fairly simple facts, he needs must have a denser and more unusual language than Welsh, even though this cuts the Welsh sentence completely recklessly. The effect of this […] was to cause the Welsh to believe that the truly important things were not spoken in Welsh; those fatal things which steer life, and civic life in particular. It is a small step from this half-and-half style to discussing every subject except Welsh itself […] completely in English.]7 Below gentry level, Anglicisation was a far slower process, although increasingly trade links with England (mainly through the movements of the drovers) ensured that it was likely that at least one English speaker could be found in any village – but the greater part of Wales remained monoglot Welsh-speaking. Fig 1 shows the general linguistic distribution by c. 1750, with the bilingual pockets mainly in the urban centres, around ports and along the marches. These are pockets of bilingualism, rather than a wholesale monoglot abandonment of the language. Whilst the history of the language is generally represented as one of steady and continual decline, this was by no means rapid until the twentieth century. Geraint H. Jenkins writes that “Possibly as many as 70 per cent of the inhabitants were still monoglot 7 D.T. Lloyd, 'Tu Ôl i Ddrych Rhai Amseroedd', Barn, Vol. 1 (1963), p. 148. 5 Welsh by 1800”.8 Linda Colley notes, in the surprised tones appropriate to her Anglocentric viewpoint, that Welsh was a language that three out of four of them [the Welsh people] spoke out of choice as late as the 1880s [...] amongst themselves, most Welshmen and women below gentry level spoke only their own language. And for much of the time – though not for all of the time – they seem to have regarded the English as a different people.9 The full impact of the language clause was only truly realised in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century. Lewis Morris, who, as we shall see, supported the Union, wrote in 1754: Our Chief Men here have forgot their Native Tongue, to their Shame and Dishonour be it spoken.10 Other Welsh writers also recognised the importance of the language in the fields of identity and autonomy. Jeremy Owen writes in 1717 that ’Tis hardly known but that the Language of a People is lost with their Liberty; the Conquest of a Land has generally issu’d (in process of Time) in the Conquest of the Language: The Conquerors have given Law to Words as well as Actions, and to the Tongue as well as to the Customs and Manners of the Nation conquer’d.11 Such statements abound in Welsh prefaces and sermons of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries;12 the inclusion of such a sentiment in an English-language 8 G.H. Jenkins, The Welsh and their Language in a British Context (St. Petersburg, 1997), pp 48. 9 L. Colley, Britons : Forging the Nation, 1707-1837, 2nd edition edn (London, 2003), p. 13. 10 L. Morris, R. Morris, et al., Additional Letters of the Morrises of Anglesey (1735-1786) (London, 1947), pp. 254, 440. 11 J. Owen, The Goodness and Severity of God in His Dispensations, with Respect Unto the Ancient Britains, Display'd: In a Sermon ... Wherein is Contain'd a Brief Historical Account of that Ancient People and the several Revolutions they Underwent from their Origin Down to these Present Times (London, 1717), p. 9. 12 Rhagymadroddion : 1547-1659, ed. G. H. Hughes (Caerdydd, 1951), p. 166.